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Eat & Stay
Mullichain Café
Café
Mullichain Café
“Great coffee, fantastic atmosphere and chat to beat the band” are the promises at Martin and Emer O’Brien's café in this fine restored grain house - all this and a good riverside walk in a beautiful and tranquil setting. What more could anyone ask for?
“Great coffee, fantastic atmosphere and chat to beat the band” are the promise at the café in this fine restored grain house at the pretty and historic riverside village of St Mullins, where owners Martin and Emer O’Brien also offer “fresh scones with the morning coffee and a read of the paper, smoked salmon and a glass wine for the lunch”
All this and a good riverside walk in a beautiful and tranquil setting. What more could anyone ask for? Well, a cosy cottage perhaps. Luckily Martin and Emer also have some self-catering available in the restored courtyard – complete with scones and a bottle of wine awaiting guests on arrival.
Upstairs, in the Loft, you’ll find paintings by local artists and books on mythology and Irish history. St Mullins is an important archaeological site, dating back to a monastery built by St Molig in the 7th century and both the holy well and graveyard are still in use.
And the old grain store itself is living history; having formerly been used by the Grand Canal Company and then Odlums millers, it is great to see it in everyday use once more.
Might also like
Campile, Co. Wexford
Café / Country House
Mark and Emma Hewlett’s peaceful and relaxing late Georgian country house is set in seven acres of Heritage Gardens, including formal walled gardens. The house is elegantly and comfortably furnished, with a drawing room overlooking the Italian Loggia, an honesty ...
Leighlinbridge, Co. Carlow
Bar / Hotel / Restaurant
The Lord Bagenal is beautifully situated on the River Barrow, with a fine harbour and marina right beside the inn and a pleasant riverside walk nearby.
Although now a large hotel rather than the pub that is fondly remembered by many regular patrons, proprietor James Keh ...
Waterford, Co. Waterford
Hotel / Restaurant
One of the country’s oldest hotels, this much-loved quayside establishment in the centre of Waterford has many historical connections - with Bianconi, for example, who established Ireland’s earliest transport system, and also Charles Stuart Parnell, who made ...
Kilkenny, Co. Kilkenny
Hotel / Restaurant
Formerly the Hibernian Bank, this handsome Georgian building has been restored to its former glory to become The Kilkenny Hibernian Hotel.
The nine older rooms at the front are particularly spacious and furnished to a very high standard in keeping with the character of ...
Duncannon, Co. Wexford
Restaurant with Rooms
Overlooking the picturesque fishing village of Duncannon, Aldridge Lodge is a modern stone-fronted dormer house with lovely views of the beach and mountains. It was our Newcomer of the Year in 2006 and, since then, Euro-Toques chef Billy Whitty and his partner Joanne Har ...
Tullow, Co. Carlow
Hotel / Restaurant
In a lovely area of green and gently rolling hills and river valleys, the immaculate exterior of this modern hotel attached to the Christy O'Connor-designed championship course creates a good impression on arrival, a feeling quickly reinforced by friendly, helpful staff ...
IRELAND GUIDE IPHONE APP V2.0
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BlackBerry App
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Samsung App
Quickly and easily find all the very best places to eat, drink & stay across the island of Ireland with the cool new Georgina Campbell's Ireland Guide Samsung Bada Application - have access to the most highly respected, trusted & critically acclaimed independent guide to Irish hospitality whenever you want, wherever you are! | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Monday, May 11, 2015
Genomics journal is about to embarrass itself with a special issue on junk DNA
The journal Genomics is a journal devoted to the study of genomes. It describes itself like this ...
Genomics is a forum for describing the development of genome-scale technologies and their application to all areas of biological investigation.
As a journal that has evolved with the field that carries its name, Genomics focuses on the development and application of cutting-edge methods, addressing fundamental questions with potential interest to a wide audience. Our aim is to publish the highest quality research and to provide authors with rapid, fair and accurate review and publication of manuscripts falling within our scope.
They claim that all submissiosn are subjected to rigorous peer review and only 25-30% of submissions are accepted for publication.
The composition of genomes is important so it's no surprise that the journal is interested in publishing articles that address the junk DNA debate. In fact, it is so interested that it is going to devote a special issue to the subject for publication in February 2016.
Prof James Shapiro
Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology
University of Chicago
[email protected]
The field of genome evolution and population genetics has for the past half of a century assumed that genomic DNA can be divided into functional and non-functional (“junk”) regions. Experimental molecular science has found little evidence for this assumption. A majority of the noncoding parts of the human genome are transcribed, and numerous experimental researchers have now recognized an important functional role in the so called junk DNA regions, such as syn sites, lncRNA, psudogene transcripts, antisense transcripts, microRNA, and mobile elements. In fact, evidence for functional constraints on noncoding genome regions has long been recognized. New theoretical frameworks based on less arbitrary foundations have also appeared in recent years that can coherently account for the reality of far more functional DNAs, as well as all other major known facts of evolution and population genetics. Nonetheless, there still remains a large gap in opinions between bench scientists in experimental biology and those on the theory side in bioinformatics and population genetics. This special issue will aim to close that gap and provide a view of evidence from a perspective that all genome regions have (or can easily acquire) functionality.
The special issue on the functionality of genome will focus on the following tentative topics:
Theoretical foundation for all genome regions to be functional. It will cover both the theory and all major features of genome evolution.
Functionalities associated with genome spatial organization in the nucleus
Isocores and compositional constraints on genomes
Genetic basis of complex traits and diseases focusing on the collective effects of normal genetic variations
Cancer genomics
Roles of repetitive DNA elements in major evolutionary transitions
Correlations of genome composition and organismal complexity
Epigenetics
Evo Devo and extended synthesis
Important dates:
First submission date: July 1, 2015
Deadline for paper submissions: October 1, 2015
Deadline for final revised version: December 1, 2015
Expected publication: February 2016
Some of you will recognize the names of the guest editors. Jim Shapiro is one of the poster boys of Intelligent Design Creationism because he attacks evolutionary theory. He's one of the founders of the "The Third Way."
Those guest editors will publish papers that "... provide a view of evidence from a perspective that all genome regions have (or can easily acquire) functionality." In other words, skeptics need not apply.
The controversy is over the amount of junk DNA in genomes. There are two sides in this controversy. Many scientists think there is abundant and convincing evidence that most of our genome is junk. Other scientists think that most of our genome is functional. It looks like Genomics is only interested in hearing from the second group of scientists. That's why they appointed guest editors with an obvious bias. Those guest editors also happen to be skating very close to the edge of kookdom.
John beats me to it. James Shapiro and Shi Huang are not skating close to the edge of kookdom. They're kooks, and this "special edition" has to exclude contrary evidence and pass off kooky speculations as "evidence" because these particular kooks have zero tolerance for criticism of their psychotic ravings.
I had never heard of this journal before, which is surprising given that I am a genomicist. I looked it up, and its impact factor is 2.9. By comparison, the two major genomics journals (Genome Research and Genome Biology) have impact factors over 10. If nothing else, one can take solace that the papers in the issue are unlikely to be read or cited much.
Elsevier is notorious for publishing many dubious or outright pseudoscientific journals. The titles speak for themselves: Journal of Homeopathy, EXPLORE: The Journal of Science and Healing, Chaos, Fractals, and Solitons, etc.
I fail to see it as a problem for evolutionary theory. The " Third Way Scientists" still believe in evolution and none of them to my knowledge claim to believe in the first way. Where is the problem if any?
Yeah, something along the lines of a certain BYU physics professor named Steven E. Jones who claimed that the 911 WTC was a Vatican/Zionist/Islamist/al Queda/Mossad/CIA inside job accomplished with demolition bombs.
I understand he too was able to publish his peer-reviewed ravings in a not dissimilar "special educational" journal.
Jibbers Crabst, you're going to publish a special issue on Junk DNA and the two editors you pick are Shi Huang and James Shapiro? It's like publishing a special issue on all the evidence proving Obama is a Muslim with guest editors Ted Cruz and the gun nut that lives at the end of the road.
And Huang and Shapiro get to reject those who present evidence that Junk DNA exists? Yes, science in the past has always progressed by excluding evidence against a hypothesis. Look at all the great success stories where that worked so well before, like Inquisition v. Galileo, or Lysenko v. Darwin. Smashing strategy that.
To be fair, I first show you my single best piece of evidence for the no junk side. It is the genetic equidistance result first found by Margoliash in 1963, which also happens to be the most remarkable result in molecular evolution since it directly triggered the now defunct concept of a universal molecular clock which in turn directly inspired Kimura to invent the Neutral theory (on Junk DNA theory).
Kimura's (1968) primary argument was genetic load, even if he gave a lot of weight to the molecular clock argument after. The molecular clock is not even strictly a requirement of neutral theory - read what Nei has to say about that, for example. Plus King and Jukes (1969) laid out an intense array of biochemical evidence for the neutral theory that stands independently from the popgen arguments.
Yes, this molecular equidistance stuff is very Michael Denton. There are a lot of old entries at TalkOrigins about Denton's misunderstandings of basic genetics. It's rather out of date, even among crackpots, so I haven't debated "molecular equidistance" in years.
I have never once seen "molecular equidistance" presented as evidence for junk DNA nor for neutral theory. The neutrality of most mutations is an observational fact, at least in microbes and flies.
Creationists say they don't disagree with observational science, they just disagree with origin science. That was never true; they always wind up trashing what they call observational science.
I don't know if Shi Huang is a creationist, but he has a major problem with observational science.
Still I'd like to ask him two questions.
1. The average human baby has ~130 novel mutations that its parents did not have. Do you think all of those 130 new imitations are NOT neutral? If they're all not neutral, do you think all 130 mutations are what, catastrophic? Intelligent Design creationists like William Dembski, Phillip Johnson etc. say all mutations are catastrophic. Do you think IDers are full of BS on that? Or do you agree with the IDers' "130 new catastrophes per baby born" hypothesis?
2. The African lungfish has 50x more DNA than we do and, while its mutation rate per generation may be lower, it still must have dozens of times more mutations than humans per baby fish. Do you think the African lungfish has dozens of times more catastrophes per baby than humans do? Or dozens of times more adaptive mutations per baby fish? If the latter, they're on their way to becoming a super race.
Question 2 can be repeated for many other species with huge genomes.
If Shi Huang is an opponent of Junk DNA, I expect him not to answer. They never do.
I don't think gnomon's problem bears any resemblance to Denton's. His essential contention, as I understand it, is that most pairwise comparisons of protein sequences are saturated, i.e. randomized by multiple hits. And that differences in protein-sequence distances among species arise because more "complex" organisms have reduced numbers of residues free to vary. Thus humans are closer to chimps than orangutans not because a longer time has elapsed since their common ancestor but because chimps and humans are more complex than orangutans and have more invariant residues, thus reducing the maximum possible sequence difference at saturation. Which is crazy, but a different crazy from what you think.
Ugh, more stupid Panglossian idealism! So cytochtome C oxidase and dozens of metabolic enzymes have far more constraints in humans and chimps than in... an orangutan?
There goes ALL of molecular biology. Mol. biologists have mutated many proteins to death. We know how tolerant they are to mutation. Huang then has to throw out all the experimental observations ever made in molecular biology. For molecular biologists it's like: woke up, drank coffee, made a mutant, assayed its function. We know how tolerant proteins are to mutation and that's just talking about CODING regions!
Then there's the megabase deletion mouse.
This Panglossian idealism gets more and more bizarre the more you think about it. What about other species that are similar to each other? Is the Japanese tanuki genetically similar to the Chinese tanuki because tanukis are so complex, so they have a lot of evolutionary constraints and HAVE to be similar?
Endless problems can be totted up. Within certain genera of frogs, one species has less DNA than humans and another species has far more, and the difference between the genome sizes within the genus is larger than the human genome. Doesn't Huang's hypothesis mean that huge variations in genomes is proof of ultra-simplicity? If you think frogs are super-ultra-simple, well then what about mammoths?
What Huang is doing, if John's description is accurate, is called "the displacement problem." You say that your hypothesis is the only answer to a question... but in fact your hypothesis just *displaces* the question to another realm where it is inaccessible and cannot be investigated. Why do living things do what they do? "Their 'vital force' causes it." Why does water act the way it does? "Its' 'aquosity' causes it."
Why are humans so similar to chimps? "Functional constraints cause it " Panglossian $%&*ing crackpots.
Panglossian? I believe Molière rather than Voltaire owns the copyright. In Le malade imaginaire an MD candidate explains -- in awful Latin, during his doctoral examination -- that the cause of the sleep-inducing effect of opium lies in its "vertus dormitiva" (dormitive virtue), and that the laxative action of senna and rhubarb is accounted for by their "vertus purgativa". Needless to say, the examination committee are happy with the answers.
Diogenes: It's a bit more complicated than that. First, I'm unclear on what he thinks about genome size. He talks almost entirely about protein sequence distances. Second, not all sequences are saturated in all pairwise comparisons. So some low distances actually do result from close relationship. Just not the ones that for various reasons he doesn't like.
Feel free to read some of his papers. It's hard to understand because of the poor writing, but you can struggle through it and occasionally figure out what he's trying to say. As a student of pseudoscience, you might find it interesting.
I really had problems understanding his arguments while skimming his papers. It looked on the surface like pure gibberish. I did not get why he played the "complexity gambit", now it makes sense in making no sense.
I think, when I have nothing better to do I will indeed use his papers to test my bullshit-detection-capabilities.
P.S.Funny that somewhere in an earlier thread Peter Borger claimed to understand Gnomons "argumentation" and rated it brilliant.
Your questions are irrational. You ask why? Well, for obvious starters, you mistake neutral theory with junk DNA, selectively neutral with random, and random with uniform. Just to name a few obvious problems with your requests. Your problems are much deeper than that, but if you pay close attention, you might start unweaving the mess you're entangled into.
Learn a bit better. Actually work hard at understanding and maybe you'll grow out of your own misunderstandings and misguided efforts.
Larry:Thank you for answering my request. A few preludes before I get to the main act. First, I asked only one and you give me five. Why don’t you just pick one so that I could use more words on? Not that I have trouble with any one of the five, but if you have to rely on all five to make your case, you are weak because none of them alone stands a chance. A scientific law should explain all things equally well within its relevant domain.
Second, to use the famous outburst of my favorite tennis legend John McEnroe, “you cannot be serious!!” You call these five things evidence??? We all know evolutionary biology is very soft but you could be accused of making it a non-science!! If a theory doesn’t predict a phenomenon and exclude all other possibilities, it cannot claim credit for the phenomenon or claim it as the theory’s evidence. If your theory let you predict precisely the weather conditions of all of the next 7 days, and can do that repeatedly for any week of the year, then you can rightly claim what is actually observed as evidence of your theory. If your theory predicts that both rain and no rain are possible, then you don’t have a theory. Here, the neutral theory doesn’t predict any of the 5 things. Kimura, Nei, Ayala, Felsenstein, etc, none of them did, at least to my knowledge.
Finally, let’s us be clear that the Neutral theory does predict precisely a few things, some of which when examined for short term popgen or microevo events have been positively verified, e.g., drosophila diversifications in the last few million years in the Hawaii islands.
(BTW, my MGD theory fully absorbs ALL of the proven virtues of the Neutral theory for the linear phase of the diversification in a gene sequence.)
Here are two things predicted by the neutral theory according not to me by leading experts of the theory. 1. the substitution rate predicted by the neutral theory is measured in generations. 2. the theory predicts that the clock will be a Poisson process, with equal mean and variance of mutation rate (1, 2).
So there is some truth to the statement by Kimura and Ohta: “Probably the strongest evidence for the theory is the remarkable uniformity for each protein molecule in the rate of mutant substitutions in the course of evolution.” (3). What they did correctly here is to use the test results of their theory’s prediction as their theory’s evidence. But it is nonetheless a far stretch, because 1. The actually observed substitution rate is measured in years but not in generations as predicted; 2. Experimental data have shown that the variance is typically larger than the mean, rather than equal mean and variance as predicted (1, 2).
But regardless, a universal molecular clock (approximate or not) is simply a fairytale as verified by bench biology and so in turn is the neutral theory. Here our verdict on the neutral theory (when applied beyond its verified limited domain of relevance) is in strict compliance with standard rules in science: if the prediction of a theory is not met by test results (assuming the test is properly done), the theory is falsified, nothing more and nothing less.
Lastly, I came across the equidistance result on my own when examining my favorite gene RIZ1. To give equidistance credit to Denton is unjust. It is Margolish’s work in 1963. Denton has no clues as what it means except that he is right to point out that it is one of the few most astonishing facts of modern science and is a challenge to modern evolution theory. To use the equidistance result to mock any scientist who tries to seek its explanation is to have no real interest in what the reality is. A few of the ID people know of my work such as Cornelius Hunter as I have left a few comments on his blog. (and Denton too who recently wrote a congratulating note to me on my MGD interpretation of the equidistance, and so he is not your typical ID guys) The fact that the ID camp has yet to make a fuss of the MGD theory makes me wonder that the ID movement may not be motivated by a search for a law to explain the past life history in a contradiction free manner. But unfortunately, some extreme enthusiasts on the other side seem to be motivated by protecting Darwinism based-atheism at all cost. I am sort of in a no man’s land in the middle but hopefully things will change perhaps even very fast.
Now let’s get to your five things just for the fun of it.
1. Genetic load. If there is no negative selection for random errors, yes, those new mutations would destroy a lot of the functional sequences. But our recent papers show a new way for negative selection. Random errors collectively over a MGD threshold can cause diseases and cancer. By inference, may even cause very early spontaneous abortions that people may not even notice. A mutation may be neutral when the total aggregate of all mutations is far below the threshold. This is just like computers eventually crash due to long term use and the accumulation of all kinds of small random hits to its parts.(4,5,6)2. C-value paradox. No, neutral theory is not the only reasonable explanation (speculation to be more precise). Houses can be small or large and so the number of parts involved can also vary from small to large. If you grant some genome sequences can function as structural elements in addition to information carriers, then the paradox actually makes sense. Also, genome as whole is a building part, and this part can vary in size is just like any parts should have an allowable stdev. Along this line, it fully explains why complex mammals have much less variation in genome size relative to lower species such as fish or plants, according to the first axiom of biology.
3. Modern evolutionary theory. Well, here we go again, the genetic equidistance result. It falsifies both Darwinism and the Neutral theory, since it is the exact opposite of what is being predicted by these theories. 4. Pseudogenes and broken genes are junk. It is no longer even exciting any more to hear a story that these junks have functions. Sure, not all such junks have been shown to be functional but neither are most proteins. And no one doubts all proteins have functions.5. Most of the genome is not conserved. To use conservation as an index of function is only measuring one of two kinds of sequences, the essential ones for a species physiology that have little to do with adaption to the outside environments. To maintain the long term integrity of the system, such sequences cannot change. For living fossils to be possible, these sequences should be highly stable. On the other hand, sequences involved in adaption to environments must be fast changing because environmental changes are usually fast. Flu viruses escape neutralizing antibodies every few years, and the fast changing sites in these viruses are absolutely critical for their survival but not essential for their physiology. And the essential sites for physiology of the virus do not change much for say 100 year period.
I am sorry if this reply is too long but, Larry, it may be all your fault as you give me 5 things for me to respond to. Cheers,Shi Huang
From Larry, five things you need to know:1. Genetic LoadEvery newborn human baby has about 100 mutations not found in either parent. If most of our genome contained functional sequence information, then this would be an intolerable genetic load. Only a small percentage of our genome can contain important sequence information suggesting strongly that most of our genome is junk.2. C-Value ParadoxA comparison of genomes from closely related species shows that genome size can vary by a factor of ten or more. The only reasonable explanation is that most of the DNA in the larger genomes is junk.3. Modern Evolutionary TheoryNothing in biology makes sense except in the light of population genetics. The modern understanding of evolution is perfectly consistent with the presence of large amounts of junk DNA in a genome.4. Pseudogenes and broken genes are junkMore than half of our genomes consists of pseudogenes, including broken transposons and bits and pieces of transposons. A few may have secondarily acquired a function but, to a first approximation, broken genes are junk.5. Most of the genome is not conservedMost of the DNA sequences in large genomes is not conserved. These sequences diverge at a rate consistent with fixation of neutral alleles by random genetic drift. This strongly suggests that it does not have a function although one can't rule out some unknown function that doesn't depend on sequence.
Second, to use the famous outburst of my favorite tennis legend John McEnroe, “you cannot be serious!!” You call these five things evidence??? We all know evolutionary biology is very soft but you could be accused of making it a non-science!!
Gnomon writes a lot but it all boils down to this bit of text:"some extreme enthusiasts on the other side seem to be motivated by protecting Darwinism based-atheism at all cost."
In Russia these days you're called a neo-fascist if you dare to say you're an atheist.In Turkey (and most muslim states) religious fanatics threaten and are known to assault teachers who teach evolution. This has gone to such extremes nobody dares to teach evolution any more.In the US (and many xtian countries) religious fanatics believe you sprout horns and walk on goats hooves if you dare to say you don't believe in literal genesis.
And gnomon expects people to take him serious when he writes "some extreme enthusiasts on the other side seem to be motivated by protecting Darwinism based-atheism at all cost."
Ye right. Gnomon is another one of those people, like peer terborg, who have a pet hypothesis with which they want to overthrow Darwin's theory. But under scientific scrutiny, their pet hypothesis fails epically.
37 years since publicationCited 7 times according Google Scholar (self-cite 0)
Zero self-cite most often means that the author himself could not even manage to do any follow up work. But nonetheless, Felsenstein thought that this macro-evolutionary model paper of his is one of his most important work. He went on so far as to say that if any of his work will still be read by someone 50 years from now, it will be this paper.
see the Felsenstein interview here starting at 1:05:50 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3wO39cm0a2M
Joe Felsenstein, That is inspiring to me or to any scientist for that matter with a taste for creative theory work. Thank you for sharing that thought.
In comparison, it seems that my macro-evolutionary theory paper is doing not too shabby after all.
Wait, you consider self-cites to be more important than other people taking up your ideas, and you consider self-cites outnumbering cites by others to be good? In my area there are quite a few people who constantly go "as [their own name] (year) demonstrated, what I believe is obviously correct", but I never thought it demonstrated more than that they couldn't find many other people to cite who agreed with them.
Also, what is Nature Precedings? The name would imply a journal that existed before Nature...
Here are two things predicted by the neutral theory according not to me by leading experts of the theory. 1. the substitution rate predicted by the neutral theory is measured in generations. 2. the theory predicts that the clock will be a Poisson process, with equal mean and variance of mutation rate (1, 2).
1) You can measure substitution rates with any unit of time you want. You can use generations, but you can just as well use years.2) You mess this up somewhat. Subsitiution is a poison process, i.e. the time between substitutions is exponentially distributed with a parameter lambda, and the mean of this exponential distribution is 1/lambda while the SD is 1/lambda. This assumes a constant substitution rate. If the substitution rate is not fixed, but for instance follows a log-normal distribution, then the SD of the distribution of times between substitutions will be larger than the mean.
Your reference (2) mentions BEAST, which does implement this idea. So do the alternatives used these days (dpp-DIV, fdpp-DIV, multidivtime, MCMCtree).
Alex, Nature precedingsIn particular this bit is interesting:"It was a place for researchers to share documents, including presentations, posters, white papers, technical papers, supplementary findings, and non-peer-reviewed manuscripts".
OK. So Shi Huang took five swings and five misses, he considered Larry's 5 bits of evidence for junk DNA and Gnomon could not refute ANY of the five. He did make some factually false assertions, e.g. when we say there's too much variation in genomes for it to be all functional, we're only considering 1 of 2 kinds of sequences, says he. Total BS argument, an attempt to evade by excluding observed variations because they vary.
"Well there's two kinds of evidence, the vast amount that proves me wrong and the tiny bit that doesn't. Your mistake was in considering evidence of the first type." Ya got us, Einstein!
Shi Huang does best at issuing constant ad hominem fallacies, appeals to motive, and appeals to authority. All fallacies, but the comical one is where he tries to denigrate Joe Felsenstein by insinuating Joe has a low citation rate. Joe Felsenstein, one of the 50 top-cited scientists of all time, is dismissed by appealing to the superior authority of one who publishes in Science China Life Sciences.
Here's my favorite Shi Huang appeal to motive: "some extreme enthusiasts on the other side seem to be motivated by protecting Darwinism based-atheism at all cost."
Pure appeal to motive because his evidence is shit. Above, Shi was accusing us of defending neutral theory; here he accuses of defending Darwinism. What an idiot! He doesn't know they're different. He probably thinks the junk DNA hypothesis was based on Darwinism, like Casey $%&*ing Luskin!
Can someone please explain to him how neutral theory and Darwinism are NOT the same? I wish he would pick one ad hominem and stick to it.
Documents on Nature Precedings have not been peer-reviewed and, as such, should not be considered "published" works.
...
Since documents on Nature Precedings are not peer-reviewed, they should not be represented in citations or elsewhere as being peer-reviewed. It is a violation of our terms of service to represent non-peer-reviewed documents on Nature Precedings as peer-reviewed for personal gain.
Shi Huang, you got some 'splainin to do! It seems you violated the terms of service of Nature Preceding by falesly presenting your "paper" as "published", when Nature Precedings themselves say it wasn't!
Here again is what Shi Huang wrote:
"In comparison [to Joe Felsenstein, one of the 50 top-cited scientists in the world-- Diog], it seems that my macro-evolutionary theory paper is doing not too shabby after all.
"Funny that somewhere in an earlier thread Peter Borger claimed to understand Gnomons "argumentation" and rated it brilliant."
Of course. Borger is a proud contributor to Creation Minitries International's fantastic book and DVD "Evolution's Achilles Heels". I'm betting he went on at length about how mutations are so random that they are non-random, and how his "work" on one exon of one zinc finger gene outweighs whole-genome comparisons. He is just that full of himself and his religion.
If bias is a factor affecting researchers work then this can be a option for complaint by anyone unhappy with results of the work. So creationism can say bias is going and affecting research into origins./ As a option.
Its the conclusions that are determining peoples confidence, and aggressive rejection of confidence, in science research these days and not a common rulebook.Creationists face this a lot.If we question evolutionists they say we are questioning scientists and science and very bad.Then the moment there is a contention amongst them its okay to question and thjat very aggressively.Hmmm.We need rules of criticism.
Just out of curiosity: Are 18 of the 1014 amino acids formimg the triple helical part of Type I alpha 2 collagen chains which consist of repeats of the sequnece GXY even suitable for phylogenetic comparisons like those alignments gnomon did to disprove the molecular clock hypothesis?
Steve, what is your evidence that Shi Huang has made a scientific argument? You claim he has made a scientific argument, but you present no evidence he did so. Please *prove* that Shi Huang made a scientific argument. I don't think you really understood what Shi Huang wrote, because no one does. So you're bluffing by pretending you understand the science. I call BS.
Since you claim to understand Shi Huang's argument against neutral theory, or junk DNA, why don't YOU explain it coherently? Shi Huang certainly can't explain anything coherently, rationally or scientifically. So YOU prove he made a coherent point by putting it in your own words.
The only part of Huang's argument I understood is his claim that neutral theory requires a *universal, constant* molecular clock, and there is no *universal, constant* molecular clock. At least I understand that claim enough to explain why it's wrong: neutral theory never required a *universal, constant* molecular clock. It only required neutral mutations to dominate selected mutations, so I dismiss Shi Huang's otherwise incoherent blather.
But prove me wrong. Prove that Shi Huang made a scientific argument by putting it in your own words.
I don't think you really understood what Shi Huang wrote, because no one does.
I think that, by great effort, I may have come to understand some of it, at least more than you do. Yes, it's nonsense. There is some that's new and some that's true, but the new parts aren't true and the true parts aren't new. The true part is that the protein clock, such as it is, can't be due to neutral evolution. (Even though most substitutions that occur are neutral, most mutations are not.)
It only required neutral mutations to dominate selected mutations
Not even that. Neutral theory says little about what proportion of mutations are neutral. That would be the genetic load argument. Neutral theory just says that, of those portions of the genome evolving neutrally, fixation rate equals mutation rate.
Sorry, Larry you're wrong here. There's a difference between the percentage of novel mutations that are neutral and the percentage of substitutions that are neutral. Neutral theory holds that most substitutions are neutral, while you claim that most mutations are neutral and that's not quite right. The majority of novel mutations is detrimental, but the majority of substitutions is neutral. Hence King and Jukes talking about "[m]ost evolutionary change", rather than "most novel mutations".
But yes, the equality of substitution and mutation rates was a result that had been known for quite some time, and when Kimura introduced the diffusion approximation it was one of the classic results he recovered, which shows that it was a viable approximation when Ns~0, which is not true for the 2s approximation (which given decent values for s and N you can also recover from the diffusion model).
I'd also add that the amount of polymorphism expected under neutrality differs from that under alternative hypotheses, because given significant selection the variation disappears faster then under neutrality. That's an important observation in line with neutral theory, which is hard to explain otherwise.
Substitution rate here is the rate at which novel mutations arise and subsequently get fixed. So you calculate it as µ*N*p, where µ is the rate at which the mutation occurs, N the number of haploid copies of the locus in the population and p the probability of fixation. For a neutral allele p=1/N and therefore you obtain µ.It doesn't matter whether the mutation in question is an indel or a base change (though µ differs on the type of mutation).
The majority of novel mutations is detrimental, but the majority of substitutions is neutral.
Most novel mutations are neutral (excepting possibly indels) in both protein coding and non-coding regions. In protein-coding regions the fraction of deleterious mutations is higher than in non-coding regions, but in both, neutral mutations are the rule, not the exception.
Nielsen & Yang (2003) found best fit distributions of S=2Ns using phylogenetic approaches that had a lot of weight in the range between -2.5 and -.5. That would mean that most novel mutations are detrimental. Now, this is precisely what Kimuras model of effectively neutral mutations predicts.
I would not expect mutations in regions of junk to always be neutral. We know that there are responses to TEs in the form of RNAs that stop the TEs from inserting additional copies for instance. This also means that a variant TE that doesn't interact with the RNA would be an issue. In the same way, reactivating ERVs might be bad. Or even just a pseudogene that doesn't get translated being translated again having an energetic cost.Junk is defined by not having a function. That doesn't mean that there are no mutations in junk regions that could transform them to "actively bad" status.Now, the N&Y paper only did this for viruses and mtDNA, which have somewhat more streamlined genomes than eukaryotes. But it's worth noting that even that is in line with neutral theory.
Simon, you're citing a paper on protein-coding DNA. If that's all you're talking about, I agree, and I don't know where Diogenes is getting his claim from.
Certainly it's possible to have a deleterious mutation in junk DNA. But most of them? That's quite a stretch. "I would not expect mutations in regions of junk to always be neutral" is quite a long way away from "The majority of novel mutations is detrimental". Are you backpedaling?
Sorry, Larry you're wrong here. There's a difference between the percentage of novel mutations that are neutral and the percentage of substitutions that are neutral
I'm pretty sure Simon meant fixation when he said substitution. The rest of us think of substitutions as mutations where one base pair is replaced by another.
Let's just consider the functional part of the genome. In some species that's mostly coding region but in more complex species, like humans, the majority is noncoding (but still functional).
If 8% of the genome is conserved then that's 2% as exons and 6% as something else such as genes for functional RNAs, regulatory sites, origins, parts of introns, centromeres, telomeres etc. Does anyone know what percentage of mutations in that 6% of functional regions is neutral? I suspect it's a significant percentage and maybe more that 50%.
With respect to coding regions, that depends on the gene. About 25% of all mutations in coding regions are synonymous and almost all of them are going to be neutral. (There are exceptions.) So, at least 25% of mutations are neutral in coding regions.
In some genes the number of amino acid substitutions in different species is enormous suggesting that many of the mutations causing amino acid substitutions are neutral. In other protein-coding genes as much as 30% of the residues in the amino acid sequence are conserved in all species. I suspect that even in those genes a significant number of mutations that change codons are neutral.
When you take all of the possible mutations in the functional part of the humans genome it's possible that King, Jukes, and Kimura were right and Simon was wrong. Most mutations are neutral. :-)
AFAIK no one has tried to do a phylogeny based estimation of selection coefficients for whole genomes. There's a more recent study doing coding regions on mitogenomes (Tamuri et al 2012. ~30% of all mutations and ~10% of non-synonymous mutations neutral, but >90% of all and >70% of non-synonymous substitutions neutral). I'd actually like to do this, but so far the reception by potential collaborators has been lukewarm (I'm pretty sure we do have the raw data to produce solid numbers, it's just a bit out of my comfort zone to do by myself. I'm still a paleo guy with a toe dangling in genomics).
I might well be wrong, because as noted, the estimates that exist are mainly dealing with functional regions.
I would like to point out, that I did not flat out state that you were wrong about that, but that you defined neutral theory incorrectly. Neutral theory is about those mutations that do eventually get fixed. If most mutations are neutral then that is consistent with neutral theory, but it is a stronger claim (i.e. there are scenarios where only a minority of mutations are neutral, yet neutral theory is valid).
I would also like to submit that I'm not the only person to use substitution rate in this way:http://www.nature.com/nrg/journal/v14/n12/box/nrg3564_BX1.html
I haven't seen Larry's meaning of "substitution"; I don't know why it would exist, as it's just a synonym for "mutation". (It's an odd mutation that doesn't change the base.) On the other hand, when I see the word used, it's generally in Simon's meaning. Though sometimes it's used to mean "non-synonymous mutation".
Anyone who claims that most mutations in protein-coding DNA are neutral will have to explain why 1st and (especially) 2nd position substitutions (fixations) are so rare compared to 3rd position ones.
Pretty funny watching ID creationists fall all over themselves to get behind papers on how *easy* it is to obtain functionality in the genome. Thus evolution must be successful a high percentage of the time, meaning no outside design is needed...oh, wait.
Been done (junk removal). And the animals to which it was done got along perfectly well without it.
That won't wash forever, though. If every deleterious mutation occurred in a critical system, over time the population would never be able to support the mutational load, and would go extinct. The fact that millions of species have survived over many generations in spite of mutational load is one good reason we know there *is* junk.
Unknown, by what mechanism would "we' remove junk? Do you think mutations that randomly *delete* 10,000 or a million bps are often neutral or beneficial? Do you think we (humans or primates, or who's "we"?) should evolve a mechanism that deletes randomly selected stretches of 10,000 or a million bps at once, because a million generations later, such a mechanism might yield an increase in the efficiency of cellular replication by 0.2%? How would that work in primates? Ya think?
Laurence A. Moran
Larry Moran is a Professor in the Department of Biochemistry at the University of Toronto. You can contact him by looking up his email address on the University of Toronto website.
Sandwalk
The Sandwalk is the path behind the home of Charles Darwin where he used to walk every day, thinking about science. You can see the path in the woods in the upper left-hand corner of this image.
Disclaimer
Some readers of this blog may be under the impression that my personal opinions represent the official position of Canada, the Province of Ontario, the City of Toronto, the University of Toronto, the Faculty of Medicine, or the Department of Biochemistry. All of these institutions, plus every single one of my colleagues, students, friends, and relatives, want you to know that I do not speak for them. You should also know that they don't speak for me.
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Quotations
The old argument of design in nature, as given by Paley, which formerly seemed to me to be so conclusive, fails, now that the law of natural selection has been discovered. We can no longer argue that, for instance, the beautiful hinge of a bivalve shell must have been made by an intelligent being, like the hinge of a door by man. There seems to be no more design in the variability of organic beings and in the action of natural selection, than in the course which the wind blows.Charles Darwin (c1880)Although I am fully convinced of the truth of the views given in this volume, I by no means expect to convince experienced naturalists whose minds are stocked with a multitude of facts all viewed, during a long course of years, from a point of view directly opposite to mine. It is so easy to hide our ignorance under such expressions as "plan of creation," "unity of design," etc., and to think that we give an explanation when we only restate a fact. Any one whose disposition leads him to attach more weight to unexplained difficulties than to the explanation of a certain number of facts will certainly reject the theory.
Charles Darwin (1859)Science reveals where religion conceals. Where religion purports to explain, it actually resorts to tautology. To assert that "God did it" is no more than an admission of ignorance dressed deceitfully as an explanation...
Quotations
The world is not inhabited exclusively by fools, and when a subject arouses intense interest, as this one has, something other than semantics is usually at stake.
Stephen Jay Gould (1982)
I have championed contingency, and will continue to do so, because its large realm and legitimate claims have been so poorly attended by evolutionary scientists who cannot discern the beat of this different drummer while their brains and ears remain tuned to only the sounds of general theory.
Stephen Jay Gould (2002) p.1339
The essence of Darwinism lies in its claim that natural selection creates the fit. Variation is ubiquitous and random in direction. It supplies raw material only. Natural selection directs the course of evolutionary change.
Stephen Jay Gould (1977)
Rudyard Kipling asked how the leopard got its spots, the rhino its wrinkled skin. He called his answers "just-so stories." When evolutionists try to explain form and behavior, they also tell just-so stories—and the agent is natural selection. Virtuosity in invention replaces testability as the criterion for acceptance.
Stephen Jay Gould (1980)
Since 'change of gene frequencies in populations' is the 'official' definition of evolution, randomness has transgressed Darwin's border and asserted itself as an agent of evolutionary change.
Stephen Jay Gould (1983) p.335
The first commandment for all versions of NOMA might be summarized by stating: "Thou shalt not mix the magisteria by claiming that God directly ordains important events in the history of nature by special interference knowable only through revelation and not accessible to science." In common parlance, we refer to such special interference as "miracle"—operationally defined as a unique and temporary suspension of natural law to reorder the facts of nature by divine fiat.
Stephen Jay Gould (1999) p.84
Quotations
My own view is that conclusions about the evolution of human behavior should be based on research at least as rigorous as that used in studying nonhuman animals. And if you read the animal behavior journals, you'll see that this requirement sets the bar pretty high, so that many assertions about evolutionary psychology sink without a trace.
Jerry Coyne
Why Evolution Is TrueI once made the remark that two things disappeared in 1990: one was communism, the other was biochemistry and that only one of them should be allowed to come back.
Sydney Brenner
TIBS Dec. 2000
It is naïve to think that if a species' environment changes the species must adapt or else become extinct.... Just as a changed environment need not set in motion selection for new adaptations, new adaptations may evolve in an unchanging environment if new mutations arise that are superior to any pre-existing variations
Douglas Futuyma
One of the most frightening things in the Western world, and in this country in particular, is the number of people who believe in things that are scientifically false. If someone tells me that the earth is less than 10,000 years old, in my opinion he should see a psychiatrist.
Francis Crick
There will be no difficulty in computers being adapted to biology. There will be luddites. But they will be buried.
Sydney Brenner
An atheist before Darwin could have said, following Hume: 'I have no explanation for complex biological design. All I know is that God isn't a good explanation, so we must wait and hope that somebody comes up with a better one.' I can't help feeling that such a position, though logically sound, would have left one feeling pretty unsatisfied, and that although atheism might have been logically tenable before Darwin, Darwin made it possible to be an intellectually fulfilled atheist
Richard Dawkins
Another curious aspect of the theory of evolution is that everybody thinks he understand it. I mean philosophers, social scientists, and so on. While in fact very few people understand it, actually as it stands, even as it stood when Darwin expressed it, and even less as we now may be able to understand it in biology.
Jacques Monod
The false view of evolution as a process of global optimizing has been applied literally by engineers who, taken in by a mistaken metaphor, have attempted to find globally optimal solutions to design problems by writing programs that model evolution by natural selection. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Sexy, but Scratchy!
While I am disappointed that this scratchy robe is not the comfortable-but-sexy set I was looking for, I still love that it looks sexy paired with another piece of lingerie underneath, and will continue to wear it that way.
Okay, so as a mom and a wife I love to look sexy, but there are times I wish I could just have both- sexy and comfortable. I want something that I can wear to bed, look sexy in while we play, and then fall asleep in afterwards and sleep in all night long. When I saw this robe on Eden, it looked like the perfect solution. With the satiny looking sleeves and the loose fitting appearance, it really looked like something for me, so I decided to give it a shot!
CONTENTS
The package arrived in a plain brown box, as usual from Eden. Upon opening, I found the robe wrapped in plastic wrap and armed with a coat hanger.
This set includes a black robe with beautiful back lacing, a simple black G-String thong, and a cute matching coat hanger. Upon first opening, the robe material felt great! Soft and silky in my hands, and the lacing on the back really stood out to me as very pretty.
MATERIALS/DESIGN
This gorgeous robe set by DreamGirl comes with a robe and a thong, both in black.
The robe is made out of 75% polyester and 25% nylon. It has beautiful lacing all across the back, and what I couldn't tell from the stock picture, it also comes towards the front, and a little under the arms. It closes in the front with a tie. The sleeves are very flowing and comfortable, and hit right under the elbow.
Close- up of the lacing:
The thong is the simplest thong you can get; very basic and made out of 100% polyester... not too much to say about this plain thong, except the quality of the material and make seems to be good.
SIZING/FIT
I am currently in-between sizes on most things, so I chose to order the smaller size, because I want to be able to wear this one for a long time.
Thinking that this was just a robe and robes are typically a little billowy, I ordered down. If you are on the border, or want a longer or looser fitting robe, I would order up. Being only 5'2, this is VERY short on me, the bottom of the robe hitting right under my butt, and riding up while I walk or move around to show more than I would have liked to show. I just can't imagine a taller person fitting in this correctly unless at least ordering one size up. If you have a few more inches on me, I would definitely order a size up, unless you want the bottom of the robe to expose half your butt.
Due to the length of the robe, mixed in with where the ties on the robe sit, it accentuated my hips and love handles in a way that I just cannot appreciate while wearing it tied up.
When first putting the robe on, it felt great! The long, loose, silky sleeves felt soft and luxurious on my skin, and it was very easy to tie up. Unfortunately, after wearing for only about 10 minutes and moving a bit, the lace in the back started to get very irritating. It is VERY scratchy, and not only is it only on the back-piece; it also comes around towards the front, and under the arms. The soft and silkiness of the sleeves mixed in with the harsh scratchiness of the back piece is just not a good combo at all!
Beautiful, but oh so irritating and scratchy! Definitely not the idea I was going for!
The thong fit perfect, the sides didn't dig in at all, and there was a good amount of coverage in front.
Experience
After my initial trying on process alone in the bedroom, I was disappointed that this was not the sexy AND comfortable robe I was looking for. I didn't really like how it looked tied very much, and the back definitely made it not comfortable enough to sleep in or have my morning coffee in. So, I ditched the idea of comfortable and decided to aim for sexy instead. I really wanted to find a way to love this robe, having loved the lacing so much, and found a way I did!
I found that this piece looks really great over a white corset or form fitting piece of lingerie underneath. Tied, it adds a really nice touch of mystery and sexiness, and untied, it really adds a nice touch with the contrasting black and white and the pretty black lacing in the back.
I just love the edge of mystery it gives to the piece underneath. Alone, the lingerie underneath leaves little to the imagination, but paired with the robe over it, it adds some mystery, not to mention beautiful lacing to the mix.
When looking for a new piece to add to our collection, my husband felt "eh" about my choice to pick this robe. He seemed to have written it off as a comfy piece that I will sleep in that won't be anything special. I felt the same way after my initial trying on, but after pairing it with something else, we both agreed that it was great for playtime! He loved the look of it covering another piece, and he even liked the simple thong. I typically wear thicker laced thongs, so the look of the G-String thong really turned him on, too! We now both agree to add this to one of "the regulars" for our nighttime playtimes.
This product was provided free of charge to the reviewer. This review is in compliance with the
FTC guidelines.
Thanks! I think if it were like at least 3-4 inches longer and a different material in the back on the lacing it would be perfect! lol
03/13/2012
Ms. N
The back is gorgeous. I tend to find DG products to be a bit small in my usual size large, so I have to get an XL if it is available. For this one, I guess I would have to go 1X/2X, but if it is scratchy, I think I will pass.
Thanks for the great review.
03/13/2012
Rossie
Thank you for the review. I'm always wary of lacy garments, they're scratchy 98% of the time.
03/13/2012
married with children
great review, thanks for sharing.
03/13/2012
JessCee
I have the same problem with my DG robe being scratchy! It's horrible!!!
03/13/2012
mpfm
I love the back of this. Too bad it is scratchy. Thanks for the review.
03/14/2012
LoveTies
Ms. N: thanks for the tip, I will keep that in mind next time I order something from DG. It's hard to know what size to get when they are all so different usually!
Rossie: I know, I am so bummed! I really wanted this one to be different!
married with children: you're welcome
JessCee: It sucks, huh! It would be so great without that annoying scratching!!
mpfm: you're welcome!
03/14/2012
Kitka
Sorry this was disappointing but wow, what a great review! Thanks for including all the pictures. This robe does look pretty fabulous over the white ensemble you've got on
04/11/2012
Pink Lily
Thanks for the great review! The pictures were a wonderful touch! I agree with you, the white corset underneath makes a great look.
12/21/2012
tami
this is a beautiful robe...love the lace...I would try it if it came in my size...thanks for the review | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Sexual Violence involves a range of acts including attempted or completed forced or alcohol/drug facilitated penetration (i.e., rape), being made to penetrate someone else, verbal (non-physical) pressure that results in unwanted penetration (i.e., sexual coercion), unwanted sexual contact (e.g., fondling), and non-contact unwanted sexual experiences (e.g., verbal harassment, voyeurism). The consequences of sexual violence burden victims with physical and psychological injuries that can last throughout the lifespan—a burden that also results in significant economic and societal costs.
Sexual assault is preventable, not inevitable. Evidence supports comprehensive approaches with interventions at multiple levels (individual, relationship, community) are critical to having a population level impact on sexual violence.
Preventing Sexual Violence
CDC recently released STOP SV: A Technical Package to Prevent Sexual Violence to help states and communities prioritize efforts to prevent sexual violence. A technical package is a collection of strategies that represent the best available evidence to prevent or reduce public health problems like violence. The technical package highlights 5 main strategies to prevent sexual violence:
S – Promote social norms that protect against violence
T – Teach skills to prevent sexual violence
O – Provide opportunities to empower and support girls and women
P – Create protective environments
SV – Support victims/survivors to lessen harms
This technical package is intended as a resource to guide prevention decision-making in communities and states and help focus their efforts on not only lessening the immediate and long-term harms of sexual violence, but also on preventing sexual violence from happening in the first place. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
As a minority, you tend to look everywhere to see yourself represented. Whether it be in movies, books, TV shows, music, or life, there’s something comforting in knowing that you can see parts of yourself in others. It does get discouraging though, when all the people you look at are dying or unhappy. This is the struggle that queer girls and women face every time that we try to find a character that we can see ourselves in. Finding LGBTQ+ characters in today’s media is hard enough–in their most recent report on TV, GLAAD has reported that LGBTQ+ characters make up only 4.8% of the characters on broadcast TV–but finding ones that stay alive is becoming close to impossible.
Killing queer women has become so common that it has its own trope: Bury Your Gays. The trope Bury Your Gays goes back centuries, and is unfortunately still in full use today. TV Tropes (tvtropes.org) describes the trope as one where “gay characters just aren’t allowed happy endings.” While it makes sense that in older works this might have been more prevalent–especially with lesbian pulp fiction where one author was told that the gay characters were not allowed happy endings–it seems like there is no need for it in 2016. Yet, turn on a TV and you will see lesbians dying left and right. When we look at our favorite queer women characters, they’re either getting shot by a stray bullet (Lexa, The 100), getting killed by guards (Poussey Washington, Orange is the New Black) or dying in car explosions (Nora and Mary Louise, The Vampire Diaries). And these deaths are just within the last year. It’s obvious that some queer characters will die, but the rate at which writers have been killing them off compared to straight characters is appalling. From the 1970s until now, there have been 162 deaths of queer female characters on TV, out of around 380 queer female characters altogether. That’s approximately 42%.
Many say that these characters were killed off for so-calledshock value, but the thing is, it’s not so shocking anymore. It’s normal. It’s common practice. A shocking thing would be to have a queer female character be alive, happy, and in a healthy relationship, but that doesn’t seem to be happening in TV at all. According to an article in Autostraddle, which studied queer women in fiction, 35% of shows have dead lesbian/bi female characters, and 84% of shows don’t give lesbian/bi female characters happy endings. We constantly see ourselves dying, being written off, or being heartbroken. While TV networks might pat themselves on the back for being progressive enough to include queer characters, all that progressiveness goes out the window when the writers and showrunners decide that they’ve had enough. It’s not progressive to show a lesbian character, hype her, bring in a huge LGBTQ+ audience, and then simply kill her off. It’s not progressive when we are only included to be killed. Some might say that at least we’re getting representation, but this representation does not befit us. It is time wewere given hope.
When first accepting that they are queer, a lot of queer youth will look to anything to see themselves represented, and it’s disheartening to know that queer youth will see their representations die. We see too much of white, cisgender, and straight characters on TV, when what we need to see are characters of color, transgender and nonbinary characters, and queer characters. It just might help those struggling to come to terms with their sexuality. As Larry Wilmore said on the Nightly Show after the Orlando shooting, “unlike other minority groups in America, LGBT people aren’t born into a home or a family that shares their minority experience.” A majority of LGBTQ+ people can’t simply turn to their family for support, so they turn to fictional characters, but it’s a real kick in the face when we see all of these characters become neglected.
The message that TV show runners are giving queer women who are desperate to see themselves represented is that we can be gay in the sense of being queer but we cannot be gay in the sense of being happy.
Diana Holiner is 20 years old and is part of the Dynamy Internship Year program. She is originally from Dover, Massachusetts and is now living in Worcester. She interns at Worcester Magazine and the Worcester Journal. In her free time she enjoys reading, writing, singing, and eating ice cream. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
MORGANTOWN--For a guy whom some believe either is mad about his playing time or wants to go elsewhere, Noel Devine is certainly putting on a good front.
The 2006 YouTube blur came to West Virginia in July amid projections of All-American fortune and a role in the fastest ground game on cleats. He has held up his end to the bargain.
As BCS-6th-ranked West Virginia's season rolls merrily along to an unprecedented fifth straight January bowl--provided it keeps its end of the bargain in these last three regular season games--Devine has been a bonanza--albeit a quiet one.
He has returned more kickoffs (13) for more yardage (289) on a 8-1 team that already had two excellent return men (Darius Reynaud and Vaughn Rivers). His long has been 41. He says now he hopes to break one before this season ends.
Everyone, including head coach Rich Rodriguez, wants him to touch the ball more. Devine currently is third on a team that averages almost 290 rushing yards per game in rushing. He happens to have a returning All-American and a Heisman Trophy candidate who have received 288 of the Mountaineers' total 435 carries.
Yet his numbers--46 touches from the line of scrimmage for 410 yards and 3 TDs--are provocative. This amounts to almost 9 yards every time he gets his hands on the ball; not counting his returns. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
The weekend violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, has left the alt-right with a serious branding problem, and not everyone aligned with the movement seems eager to take on the baggage of being associated with the frenzy of unabashed bigotry that took place at Saturday’s “Unite the Right” rally.
Out of the fray came images of brawling neo-Nazis, marching Klansmen in full regalia and torch-bearing white men chanting anti-Semitic and fascist slogans, all capped by an alleged terrorist attack on counterprotesters that left one woman dead and at least 19 more injured.
The event was the work of Richard Spencer, the self-proclaimed father of the alt-right, who is widely credited with coining the phrase. His version of the “alternative right” is based around white nationalism and white supremacy, and openly touts anti-Semitism, anti-feminism, homophobia and the belief that the U.S. should be established as a white ethno-state.
Spencer summoned the various far-right factions to Charlottesville, calling for a show of strength and unity against the city’s slated removal of a Confederate General Robert E. Lee statue. While the groups may have differed somewhat in tone and style, they gathered around shared values openly grounded in white nationalism and white supremacy.
On Tuesday, President Donald Trump defended the rally, saying that some of the attendees were “very fine people.” But as Trump continues to face backlash over his refusal to unequivocally denounce the ideology of hatred and supremacy that the alt-right organized around, some prominent figures associated with the movement have quickly scrambled to distance themselves from the label entirely.
This week, prominent pro-Trump bloggers retweeted a Facebook post by Paul Joseph Watson, editor-at-large of the far-right conspiracy site Infowars, in an effort to draw a distinction between their views and the ones on display in Charlottesville.
Jack Posobiec and Mike Cernovich are perhaps best known for pushing anti-Hillary Clinton conspiracy theories, including PizzaGate, among the alt-right.
After Charlottesville, the two bloggers have been quick to distance themselves from the alt-right instead throwing their support behind Watson, who has regularly criticized Spencer as a firebrand who’s undeservingly been given a platform as a supposed leader of the far-right.
The New Right pic.twitter.com/BJIv0Js8fL — Jack Posobiec 🇺🇸 (@JackPosobiec) August 15, 2017
In other tweets, Posobiec called the alt-right a “cancer” while referring to Spencer, the movement’s self-proclaimed leader, as “scum.” Posobiec identifies instead as “New Right,” he said. Which apparently means he likes to “wear MAGA hats, create memes & have fun.”
On Tuesday, Watson said he, Posobiec and Cernovich, all of whom have also been referred to as members of the so-called “alt-lite,” no longer wanted to be lumped into the alt-right.
How many times do myself, @JackPosobiec & @Cernovich have to be attacked by the alt-right before the media stops calling us alt-right? — Paul Joseph Watson (@PrisonPlanet) August 15, 2017
Although Posobiec appears intent on dissociating himself from Spencer and the alt-right, he hasn’t always been such an outspoken critic. Spencer tweeted out an image of the two together in June.
Here's a photo of @JackPosobiec and me in Cleveland, at a bar during the RNC. pic.twitter.com/PbVv0fkag7 — Richard ☝🏻Spencer (@RichardBSpencer) June 18, 2017
In a message to HuffPost, Posobiec maintained that he’d “never taken a photo” with Spencer, whom he called a “scumbag Nazi.” He said the image was “probably photoshop.” Asked if there was a place for white nationalism in the “New Right,” Watson said he had “zero interest in any movement based around identity politics or race.” Cernovich did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Charlottesville is the latest flashpoint in a larger war over the definition of the alt-right movement and its identity.
During the 2016 campaign, the alt-right achieved more mainstream acceptance when Trump campaign manager Steve Bannon, formerly the chairman of Breitbart Media, proudly professed to Mother Jones that he viewed his former website as the homepage for the “alt-right.”
At the time, the movement had already begun to take on a more nebulous identity, sweeping up a broad range of anti-establishment conservatives, tech-savvy libertarians, racial provocateurs, anti-politically correct internet trolls and pro-Trump meme-lords, slipping effortlessly between themes of racism, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, toxic masculinity and offensive hyperbole.
As the movement grew, prominent bloggers like Cernovich and Posobiec emerged seemingly out of the internet ether, attracting hundreds of thousands of followers to promote a media narrative to counter the so-called “Clinton News Network” ― a name used to refer to CNN by its detractors. While they were happy to capitalize on the newfound attention given to a relatively unknown movement with ties to the Trump campaign, they’ve since slid in and out of the alt-right in an apparent effort to keep its darker, more overtly racist undertones at arm’s length.
“I believe in strong borders, including keeping out Islamic terrorists. If people think that’s inherently racist, fine—but I’m an American nationalist, not a white nationalist,” Cernovich told The New Yorker last year.
The rifts within the alt-right intensified after the election, with some members perhaps growing wary of their inability to have it both ways. Spencer and other white nationalists drew nationwide condemnation in November, when they were filmed “hailing” Trump’s victory with a Nazi salute.
The tone against Spencer has grown harsher in recent months ― at least publicly.
“[Spencer] fancies himself an outlaw intellectual when he’s a soft-faced fame whore who’d be performing in off-Broadway shows if he had the musical talent,” Cernovich told The New Yorker in July.
While Spencer’s Nazi gesture may have been the beginning of the end for the alt-right as a viable political movement, some far-right bloggers now say that Charlottesville will make it impossible to identify as alt-right without being seen as an open racist.
“As a ‘brand,’ the alt-right was irreparably damaged by HeilGate, but now it is dead and Spencer killed it, deliberately killed it, with malice of forethought,” wrote Katie McHugh, a blogger for the fringe conservative site GotNews who was fired from Breitbart earlier this year over a series of anti-Muslim tweets.
The alt-right brand may now be dead in some people’s minds, but the views behind it clearly are not. Posobiec has tweeted about “white genocide,” a white nationalist conspiracy theory and recruitment tool that claims governments are trying to cull white people into extinction through policies of mass immigration, integration, racial diversity and abortion. Cernovich has also declared that “white genocide is real.”
Posobiec, Cernovich and Watson regularly tweet about the Black Lives Matter movement, which they accuse of inciting hatred against whites and of not giving sufficient attention to black-on black-crime. And all three appear to share Trump’s belief that Middle Eastern refugees, and Muslims generally, are incompatible with Western culture and an existential threat to the U.S.
Kevin Lamarque / Reuters White House strategist Steve Bannon, formerly the chairman of Breitbart Media, has helped bring the alt-right movement into mainstream.
Whether or not there’s a substantive difference between the “new” and “alt” right, the movement’s fracturing was somewhat foreseeable, said Brian Levin, director for the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California State University, San Bernardino. Loosely defined hate groups are not well-oiled machines, and high levels of disorganization often lead to fissures when they begin to garner national attention or support, he said.
“It’s a lot easier to be a bigot in the abstract than to actually try to organize around hatred and anger, because not everyone wants to sign up to the same level or the same operation efforts,” Levin said. “The saying about herding cats also applies to white nationalists.”
White nationalists, like other hate movements, also thrive on the image of being insurgents defending against a broken system. When they go on the offensive ― and especially when they succeed ― the foundation can begin to falter.
“Part of the alt-right’s problem is they achieved their initial goals to promote white nationalism into the mainstream and dismantle the traditional barriers and structures that existed in the Republican Party, but now they’re ascendent,” said Levin. “It’s very difficult to organize a group that is anti-establishment once they become partially establishment.”
Whichever version of the right these figures claim to identify with, it’s clear that they still have a friend in Trump.
On Monday, still facing criticism for his soft, “many sides” response to the violence in Charlottesville, Trump retweeted a racially coded critique from Posobiec asking why the national media had dedicated so much coverage to the “Unite the Right” rally, but hadn’t expressed “outrage” over violence in Chicago.
A day later, Trump held a contentious press conference, in which he parroted the far-right argument that anti-fascist and anti-racist protesters were equal aggressors in Charlottesville, and therefore equally as worthy of condemnation as their white supremacist counterparts.
“What about the alt-left that came charging at the, as you say, ‘alt-right’? Do they have any semblance of guilt?” asked Trump. “I think they do.”
Trump also defended Bannon amid rumors that his job is in peril, saying that he was “not racist” and “a good man.”
White nationalists like Spencer and members of the so-called “New Right,” now supposedly in divergent camps, agreed that Trump had totally nailed it.
Sign up for the HuffPost Must Reads newsletter. Each Sunday, we will bring you the best original reporting, long form writing and breaking news from The Huffington Post and around the web, plus behind-the-scenes looks at how it’s all made. Click here to sign up! | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
Still unemployed — an unfortunate sign of times, it appears
This particular column isn’t really about the joys of being an older father with a younger child. It’s still closely linked to that theme, but it’s more about the serious implications that can occur and cast a shadow over that relationship.
One day last summer, I was on my way to a job interview in downtown Philadelphia, feeling rather pleased with myself. I’d defied the odds normally faced by an unemployed liberal arts professional in his mid 50s. I was only a few months out of work, still stretching my severance pay and collecting unemployment, and here I was with another dynamite interview with a high-octane company.
This wasn’t so hard, I thought to myself. I didn’t grasp the hardships faced by people in my position, and the grim statistics of finding a new job in the same profession. I was getting interviews, which meant I was already out-performing the bulk of my peers.
That day, I coughed up $28 for parking (not to mention the cost of driving into Philadelphia). I reconciled the expenses to a running log I’d kept cataloguing the efforts and costs of my job search. Handy for income tax time, I figured.
I can’t tell you where I went to interview that day. It wasn’t the only time I’d end up in downtown Philly for a promising appointment. We’d even come up with a homefront strategy for handling the daily trip — driving to a nearby train station and commuting to Center City like so many other people.
There is one thing that has stood out in my memory, starting as an insignificant bit of oddness, but growing in my memory as each day passed.
Standing on a corner in the middle of Philly’s professional district one day was a man in spiffy suit, with two white signs, each about 2 feet by 3 feet, leaning up against the Walk/Don’t Walk light pole. The signs were oversized JOB NEEDED notices.
Bland office drones hustled by with their heads down, many of them drawing hard on cigarettes forbidden not only inside their building, but now outside the doors as well. It was a moving smoking court.
I was intrigued and stopped to chat with the man. He’d been out of work for two years, and run out of options (and optimism). This was his next best idea — hitting the streets, literally. Turns out he had a regular rotation of locations. His tactic had initiated a few conversations, but nothing that led to employment.
I couldn’t imagine myself ever being in those shoes, and congratulated myself on the success I’d soon find on the job market.
Fast forward to today.
I now understand that man’s frustration and desperation. I understand the thinking that led him to these tactics.
“Did you get a job?” my daughter optimistically asks when I’d come home from what I thought was a good interview.
“Did you get a job?”
It occurred to me this week that she is moving into the time when her memories stick with her.
Right now, she has no memory of her father working, save a few short-term placements.
I understand what can lead someone to extreme measures.
This week, I began pounding the pavement — walking into businesses and asking to apply for non-existent jobs. It’s an incredibly humbling experience.
Kind of like standing on a street corner with signs.
Well so it goes again our government has screwed the American people only thinking of themselves as usual FORGETTING THEY WORK FOR THE PEOPLE and our wonderful president OBAMA WHO I VOTED FOR HAS THE POWERFUL TIME MAKE THIS HAPPEN WITH OR WITH OUT BOEHNER
Tis life… my folks went through several periods of unemployment and I have too. My mom never kept anything from us. She’d tell us she didn’t have a job or didn’t have money for food, gifts or outings. We heard it and kept on being kids. There was no welfare, AFDC or other assistance either as she didnt believe in that. We often had beans and cornbread for lunch and dinner and didn’t starve. We kept right on living. . . It does make you sad but … each day is a new one and a new beginning. Your child picks up the vibe you put out. If your demeanor is one of fear and dread, often it will be the child’s as well. Stay strong. Project an attitude of determination and grit… that attitude will help both you and your family.
I shake my head in disbelief, that this government…my government, has left us, failed to help its unemployed.SO many like me employed for 20 something years. A nation that has no problem giving to others….just not their own
I to was laid of from my job a year ago I’m looking daily for employment so far nothing I now have three different job counselor helping me to look for work I attended technical school but everyone wants 1 to 3 years experience which I don’t have I can’t get experience if no one hires me so what’s the use in getting training the hospital want you to volunteer but how can I when I got bills to pay food to buy I need to keep on looking for work
Well… then… all the people waiting on the UEC to be approved and get there bills in order will now file bankruptcy…thanks Congress…. u can still change this and make it right there are a lot of people that trusted u and now will vote u out | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Sacramento police: Former Exeter cop is Visalia Ransacker
A man believed to be the notorious Visalia Ransacker — also known as the East Area Rapist, Golden State Killer or the Original Night Stalker — has been arrested after allegedly killing 12 people and raping another 45 victims between 1975 to 1986.
The Sacramento County District Attorney’s Office announced Wednesday.
Detectives say the man served as an Exeter police officer before leaving the Tulare County area.
Law enforcement identified the suspect as 72-year-old Joseph DeAngelo. DeAngelo was recently booked in Sacramento on two counts of homicide stemming from a Ventura County death case.
But his crimes span across the state and may have started in Tulare County.
RELATED: Golden State Killer suspect arrested in 1980 Ventura cold case; DNA key
DeAngelo's crime spree began in 1975, while employed as a police officer with the Exeter Police Department, said Sacramento Sheriff Scott Jones.
Exeter Police Chief John Hall has been trying to link DeAngelo to Exeter since news broke, but police officer records from the 70s don't exist, he said.
The Exeter Sun newspaper, however, profiled DeAngelo in 1973. They said the officer started with the force in May of that year.
DeAngelo is a native New Yorker but attended high school in Folsom before joining the Navy, according to the Foothills Sun-Gazette, which pulled the 1973 Sun article. The suspected killer served nearly two years in Vietnam before leaving the service and joining the Exeter Police Department, the newspaper reported.
MORE: Who is Joseph James DeAngelo, the accused Golden State Killer?
Although there is no DNA linking DeAngleo to roughly 100 burglaries and a murder in Visalia, he is believed to be the Visalia Ransacker.
Visalia detectives will continue to try and link DeAngleo to the Visalia cases using DNA and witness statements collected at the time.
Visalia Chief Jason Salazar is optimistic the arrest will bring comfort to those still seeking closure.
"There has long been a belief that the Golden State Killer and Visalia Ransacker are one in the same and we are working with those investigators in hopes of bringing resolution to a case that has long been of interest here in Visalia," Salazar said.
Visalia detectives haven't closed the case, though.
“There is still a lot of work to do on this case on our part, by no means have we concluded this investigation,” Salazar said. “Although, the news out of Sacramento today and the arrest of Mr. DeAngelo certainly provides a great new lead for us to continue to work with.”
DeAngelo’s name never came up during the department’s investigation, Salazar said.
FBI and California officials last year renewed their search for the suspect dubbed the East Area Rapist and announced a $50,000 reward for his arrest and conviction. He’s linked to more than 175 crimes in all between 1975 and 1986.
Sacramento District Attorney Anne Marie Schubert, formed the task force that included district attorney's offices and law enforcement in 10 counties, as well as federal agents.
"We knew we were looking for a needle in a haystack," Schubert said. "We found the needle and it was right here in Sacramento."
Research and DNA from more than 80 rapes and 13 killings helped link the East Area Rapist and Original Night Stalker cases.
DeAngelo was arrested at his Citrus Heights home on Tuesday. Jones said law enforcement had been tracking the man for several days, learning his habits.
"He was very surprised," Jones said.
A man by many names
A further look into the modus operandi of those crimes led detectives to the Visalia Ransacker, who has been credited with more than 85 burglaries in Visalia and the Sept. 11, 1975, slaying of College of the Sequoias journalism professor Claude Snelling.
Snelling’s family was contacted following DeAngelo's arrest, Salazar said.
“Obviously they were pleased to hear the development,” he added.
Russ Whitmeyer, a private detective, noticed that all of the crimes up and down the state shared several identifying characteristics. Whitmeyer investigated the cases for more than 10 years.
The investigator said the notorious killer and rapist started in Tulare County.
These characteristics include:
In all cases, the perpetrator was described as having medium-length brown hair, standing about 5 feet, 10 inches, weighing about 180 pounds and wearing a size 9 shoe.
In at least four counties, the criminal rode a stolen bicycle.
He liked to steal jewelry, guns, piggy banks and Blue Chip stamp books.
He often wore a ski mask.
He used a special diamond knot to tie his victims. That could indicate a military background.
Visalia police also indicate that the Visalia Ransacker would place dishes and objects in doorways so he could hear if someone was coming (a characteristic shared by the Original Night Stalker and East Area Rapist).
Police say the criminal left Tulare County in late 1976 and continued his crime spree.
He is believed to have burglarized dozens of homes in Sacramento County, beginning in 1976, along with raping 50 women and killing a young couple.
RELATED: Golden State Killer: Ex-cop Joseph James DeAngelo arrested as suspect in serial murder-rapes
There's a remote possibility that Terri Lynn Ray, the 15-year-old Anderson High School student from Redding found stabbed to death in a creek near her mother's south Redding home in 1976, may have been the second victim claimed by the Visalia Ransacker. Investigators in Redding, however, have said there's no evidence of that, although they've reached out to prosecutors in the wake of D'Angelo's arrest.
Early in 1978, he began raping women in Contra Costa County and continued his crime spree through 1979, when he began killing and raping in Santa Barbara County. He moved back and forth between Goleta, Ventura County and Orange County between 1979 and 1986 when his crimes stopped.
"[Deangleo] has been called a lot of things," said Orange County District Attorney Tony Rackaucaks. "Today, it's our pleasure to call him a defendant."
Charges are expected to be filed against DeAngelo by numerous district attorneys across the state.
Visalia
Nearly 100 burglaries in the city caught the attention of police in 1975, who conducted several efforts in an attempt to apprehend the thief. It wasn't until the thief turned murderous that authorities knew the problem was getting out of hand.
The death of Snelling in 1975 led to a ballistics test that confirmed the gun used was the same as a firearm stolen by the Visalia Ransacker during a previous burglary.
Beth Snelling was there when her father was killed and has talked to police repeatedly, but the identity of the killer remained a mystery.
MORE: Sacramento District Attorney holds Golden State Killer press conference
The statute of limitations has expired on the rapes and burglaries, but under the law, the killer can still be charged with Snelling's homicide.
A few months after Snelling's death, an effort to catch the suspect led to Visalia Officer Bill McGowen being shot at. The bullet shattered the lens of McGowen's flashlight and injured the officer. Until McGowen's death a couple of years ago, he had carried the investigation, often working out of his garage after retirement.
He left the files to Whitmeyer.
The department has worked with the Golden State Killer task force for years to help identify the suspect behind the seemingly-related crimes, Salazar said.
“As I stand here today, I’m confident the Visalia Ransacker has been captured,” he said.
AP contributed to this report | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
The United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) first ever Afghanistan Human Development Report found that while the country has made progress since the fall of the Taliban in 2001, Afghanistan could easily fall back into chaos. According to the UNDP, the basic human needs of the Afghan people, including access to jobs, health, education, dignity, income, and opportunities for participation must be met or else the country will once again collapse into an “insecure state, a threat to its own people as well as to the international community.”
According to the UNDP, “years of discrimination and poverty have relegated Afghan women to some of the worst social indicators in the world,” citing poverty, violence, inadequate health care, exclusion from public life, rape, illiteracy and forced marriage. The Gender Development Index places Afghanistan above only two countries: Niger and Burkina Faso.
The report also found that reconstruction projects sponsored by the US military, known as Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs), are inadequate and dangerous, citing that they blur the lines between civilians and soldiers, making aid workers targets for militants, reports the Associated Press. Afghanistan ranked 173 out of 178 countries in the United Nations 2004 Human Development Index. The average life expectancy for Afghans is only 44.5 years, 20 years lower than the life expectancy for people in neighboring countries.
In addition, recent reports from on the ground reflect that Afghanistan’s severe winter has claimed the lives of hundreds of people in villages in the country. The snow and lack of roads makes many areas inaccessible to assistance. Even in Kabul, where there is little electricity to provide heat and there is much homelessness, people are dying from the cold and from starvation. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
560 F.Supp. 275 (1983)
Willard H. FORD, et al., Plaintiffs,
v.
GREEN GIANT COMPANY, a foreign corporation, Defendant.
No. C81-369V.
United States District Court, W.D. Washington.
February 28, 1983.
*276 Michael J. Fox, of Houghton, Cluck, Coughlin & Riley, Seattle, Wash., for plaintiffs.
Clemens H. Barnes, of Graham & Dunn, Seattle, Wash., for defendant.
ORDER
VOORHEES, District Judge.
Having considered the plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment, defendant's motion for summary judgment and plaintiffs' motion to compel discovery, together with the affidavits and memoranda submitted by counsel, the Court now finds and rules as follows:
1. This is an action brought by former seasonal agricultural workers of the defendant Green Giant Company, and the class members defined below, seeking damages and injunctive relief against the defendant for an alleged conspiracy to interfere with the plaintiffs' organizational rights guaranteed by R.C.W. 49.32.020, in violation of federal civil rights law. 42 U.S.C. Section 1985(3).
2. This Court certified on January 25, 1982 as the plaintiff class:
all Washington agricultural employees of defendant or persons who have sought, are seeking, or will seek Washington agricultural employment from defendant and have or will have, done any of the following: (a) authorized the United Farm Workers of America, AFL-CIO (UFW) to represent them as their collective bargaining agent; (b) met with UFW organizers or representatives; (c) expressed support or sympathy for the UFW or discussed the UFW with other workers; or (d) engaged in any activities in exercise of their right of freedom of association, self-organization, and designation of representatives of their own choosing to negotiate the terms and conditions of their employment.
3. Section 1985(3) under which plaintiffs seek relief provides in pertinent part:
If two or more persons ... conspire ... for the purpose of depriving ... any person or class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immunities under the laws ... the party injured or deprived may have an action for the recovery of damages occasioned by such injury or deprivation, against any one or more of the conspirators.
42 U.S.C. Section 1985(3).
4. The seminal case construing the cause of action under this provision is Griffin v. Breckenridge, 403 U.S. 88, 91 S.Ct. 1790, 29 L.Ed.2d 338 (1971). In that case the Supreme Court held that in order to state a claim under Section 1985(3) the complaining party must allege that:
defendants did (1) conspire ... (2) for the purposes of depriving, either directly or indirectly, any person or class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immunities under the laws. It must then assert that one or more of the conspirators (3) did, or caused to be done, any act in furtherance of the object of [the] conspiracy whereby another was (4a) injured in his person or property or (4b) deprived of having and exercising any right or privilege of a citizen of the United States.
403 U.S. at 102-03, 91 S.Ct. at 1798. The Court in addition held that intent to deprive any person of equal protection or equal privileges and immunities required that there be "some racial, or perhaps otherwise class-based, invidiously discriminatory animus behind the conspirators' actions." 403 U.S. at 102, 91 S.Ct. at 1798.
5. In their original complaint plaintiffs asserted that, because of plaintiffs' membership in the United Farm Workers of America, the defendant conspired with others to interfere with, restrain, and coerce plaintiffs in the right guaranteed to them by R.C.W. 49.32.020 to organize and choose representatives for purposes of collective bargaining. In their second amended complaint, however, plaintiffs assert two claims *277 under Section 1985(3): the first seeking relief for the alleged conspiracy to deny plaintiffs and members of the class equal protection of the laws or equal privileges and immunities under the laws "because of their status as applicants for union membership or as union supporters"; the second seeking relief for the alleged conspiracy to deny plaintiffs and members of the class equal protection of the laws or equal privileges and immunities under the laws "because of their status as residents of Massachusetts or residents of states other than Washington, Oregon or Idaho."
6. The Court ruled in its order of December 2, 1981, that the plaintiffs had in their original complaint stated a claim upon which relief could be granted under 42 U.S.C. Section 1985(3). The Court's decision was premised, however, upon the allegation that the plaintiffs and class members were members of the United Farm Workers of America. Noting that the Ninth Circuit had yet to decide the question as to whether a class of union members could state a cause of action under Section 1985(3), the Court nonetheless ruled that the pleadings were sufficient to state a claim.
7. It now appears that no named plaintiff and no member of the class was ever a member of the United Farm Workers. Thus, plaintiffs now seek relief not as union members but as (1) union applicants or supporters; or (2) as residents of Massachusetts or non-residents of Washington, Oregon, or Idaho. The Court must determine whether either classification constitutes a protected class for the assertion of a claim for relief under 42 U.S.C. Section 1985(3).
8. In Griffin v. Breckenridge, 403 U.S. 88, 91 S.Ct. 1790, 29 L.Ed.2d 338 (1971), the Supreme Court held that Section 1985(3) applied to an alleged private conspiracy to deprive the black plaintiffs of their civil rights. Concerned, however, that the statute might be construed to have application to all tortious, conspiratorial interferences with the rights of others, the Court expressly limited Section 1985(3) to those instances in which the conspirators' actions were motivated by "some racial, or perhaps otherwise class-based invidiously discriminatory animus." 403 U.S. at 102, 91 S.Ct. at 1798. The Court declined to decide whether a conspiracy motivated by invidiously discriminatory animus other than racial bias would be actionable under the statute. 403 U.S. at 102 n. 9, 91 S.Ct. at 1798 n. 9. Following Griffin, no circuit has limited the statute exclusively to racial situations. The courts have not been in agreement, however, as to which conspiracies, motivated by a discriminatory animus other than racial, fall within Section 1985(3). Canlis v. San Joaquin Sheriff's Comitatus, 641 F.2d 711, 719 (9th Cir.1981).
9. The Ninth Circuit has applied the statute in a case in which female plaintiffs alleged a conspiracy to deprive a class of women purchasers of their equal rights. Life Insurance Co. of North America v. Reichardt, 591 F.2d 499 (9th Cir.1979). Although the statute has been expanded beyond its historical purpose of protecting helpless Southern blacks from the violence of the Ku Klux Klan, the boundary is not unlimited. Canlis v. San Joaquin Sheriff's Comitatus, 641 F.2d at 719-20. Thus, in DeSantis v. Pacific Telephone & Telegraph Co., Inc., 608 F.2d 327 (9th Cir.1979), the Ninth Circuit refused to find that a class of homosexuals constituted a protected class within the meaning of the statute. The Court rejected the claim on the ground that neither Congress nor the federal courts had at any time determined that the rights of homosexuals required special protection. 608 F.2d at 333.
10. The determination of whether a class composed of union applicants or supporters or a class composed of Massachusetts residents or non-residents of Washington, Oregon, or Idaho, constitutes a protected class under Section 1985(3) is controlled by the Ninth Circuit's requirement that the class must be one warranting special protection by virtue of Congressional action or federal court decision. No showing has been made that Congress or the federal courts have recognized a need to protect the civil rights of residents of particular states. With respect to applicants to *278 or supporters of the United Farm Workers, the Court notes that agricultural workers are expressly excluded from the National Labor Relations Act. 29 U.S.C. Section 152(3). Other federal labor laws are inapplicable either because nonunion workers are excluded from the acts or because agricultural workers are not within the scope of the acts. See, e.g. the Labor-Management Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. Section 141 et seq., which amends the NLRA and by definition excludes agricultural workers; the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act, 29 U.S.C. Section 401 et seq., which seeks to protect the purposes of the LMRA, and applies to organized labor unions, not organizing workers. The sole statutory provision cited to this Court which protects agricultural workers is subsection 2045(b)(7) of the Farm Labor Contractor Registration Act. 7 U.S.C. Section 2045(b)(7). This statute's stated purpose is to protect migrant agricultural laborers as well as producers and the public from the exploitative practices of farm labor contractors. 7 U.S.C. Section 2041. The Court finds that Subsection 2045(b)(7) does not manifest a congressional intent to accord special federal protection to plaintiffs' civil rights.
11. The plaintiffs described in the second amended complaint may well constitute distinct, identifiable classes, but absent an indication that either class is protected by an Act of Congress or court decision, this Court is compelled to find the protections of Section 1985(3) inapplicable. DeSantis v. Pacific Telephone & Telegraph Co., Inc., 608 F.2d 327, 334 (9th Cir.1979). Those classes most appropriately claiming the protection of Section 1985(3) are those allegedly suffering from an invidiously discriminatory animus akin to racial, sexual or religious bias, or a bias based upon national origin or political preference. See, e.g. Canlis v. San Joaquin Sheriff's Posse Comitatus, 641 F.2d 711, 719-20 n. 15 (9th Cir.1981) (cases cited); DeSantis v. Pacific Telephone & Telegraph Co., Inc., 608 F.2d 327, 334 n. 1 (9th Cir. 1979) (Sneed, J., concurring and dissenting, cases cited). Defendant's motion for partial summary judgment must therefore be granted.
12. Plaintiffs have moved for partial summary judgment as to the class claim under R.C.W. 49.32.020. The Court finds that there is a genuine issue of material fact as to defendant's motivation relative to its 1978 hiring conduct. Summary judgment at this time would therefore be improper. Plaintiffs' motion for partial summary judgment must in consequence be denied.
13. Plaintiffs have moved this Court to compel the defendant to provide more complete answers to Plaintiffs' Interrogatories Nos. 25, 26, and 27 which concern defendant's affirmative defenses of laches and estoppel. The Court finds that the defendant's responses are wholly inadequate and that more complete answers are necessary. Plaintiffs' motion to compel more complete answers to interrogatories must therefore be granted.
14. Plaintiffs have also sought to depose any or all of the following witnesses: Duane Dunlap, Fred Langoria, Don Norris, Bill Bauer, John Oyen and Dick Wegener. The plaintiffs assert that these witnesses were present at a meeting held on February 28, 1979 at which defendant's challenged hiring actions were discussed and formulated. Plaintiffs assert that they were not apprised of the subject matter of this meeting until August, 1982. The defendant contends that plaintiffs with due diligence could have ascertained the subject matter of the meeting well in advance of the August, 1982 date. The Court finds that plaintiffs should be granted leave to take the depositions they seek to take.
Accordingly, plaintiffs' motion for partial summary judgment is DENIED; defendant's motion for partial summary judgment is GRANTED. The plaintiffs' motion to compel discovery is GRANTED as to Plaintiffs' Interrogatories 25, 26, and 27. Plaintiffs are accorded leave to depose Messrs. Dunlap, Langoria, Norris, Bauer, Oyen and Wegener, but only as to the February 28, 1979 meeting.
The Clerk of this Court is instructed to send uncertified copies of this order to all counsel of record.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | FreeLaw |
Interview: Andrew DiMatteo, Editor of Codex Obscurum zine
Since the introduction of Codex Obscurum, a new printed zine of the style common from 1980s-2000s, interest has risen in this ancient but effective form of metal journalism.
After the punks (and really, convergence of technological ripeness) introduced D.I.Y. record labels, fanzines and shows, the 1980s brought us some of the first fanzines which were generally xeroxed paste-ups of hand-drawn illustrations and typed text. What made them great was the content: new bands no one had heard of, described in detail, and interviews with the bands people wanted to know more about. They were news and quality control in one.
With the dawn of the internet age, zines seemed destined for an early death. But as publishing information got easier, the quality of the information decreased because people were posting just about anything and the audience treated it all as having that standard. In the current day and age, a zine suggests an edited, deliberate and thoughtful publication, and it has more cachet than a blog or Facebook post.
We were fortunate locate Codex Obscurum editor Andrew Bastard and get in a few questions about the latest old school zine to hit metal:
What did you like about classic xeroxed zines, and what advantages do you think they have over glossy magazines?
I’m not going to sit here and say I don’t like glossy magazines; I had a subcription to Metal Maniacs from approximately 1995-2001. I still have boxes of them somewhere and love to flip through them on the shitter. I also have a bunch of old xerox zines in a three-ring binder that I still read to this day. There is some magic behind a xerox zine though that glossy color zines just lack…the fact that you know someone sat there and put the zine together by hand, a true labor of love.
Has the internet changed how music is sold, listened to and discovered? How does this affect classic-style zines like Codex Obscurum?
Absolutely. Music almost isn’t sold any more aside from vinyl collectors and hardcore music owners. I can’t remember the last time I bought a CD online; I’ll buy from distros at shows/fests here and there but for the most part, I’m in the business of discovering older demo bands that you can’t purchase anymore so I download 80-90% of what I listen to these days. A lot of those blog sites are down these days too so even that has become difficult.
On the flip side, the internet has made listening to new music so easy. Full albums are up on YouTube, along with sites like Bandcamp and Spotify. The net’s been an awesome resource for new bands to get heard.
What inspired you to take on this somewhat anachronistic format, and what advantages do you think it offers over other formats?
I’ve wanted to do this for years ever since I first started working at a Kinkos while in college; I had the resources to do it cheap; I just needed the time to make it actually happen and I guess I finally found that time. I’ve always loved the old style of doing shit, being it releasing demos on cassette, tape trading, zines etc. so this was only natural. This is my way of contributing to the scene while at the same time keeping the old school fires burning. It’s so easy to tell which n00bs are in this scene to stay and which ones are in a “phase” and will be gone soon: the fakes don’t care about the zine; the true lifers love it and are ordering it via snail mail from all corners of the globe.
What zines influenced you back in the day? Did you also read glossy magazines? Did the two complement each other?
I’m only 30 so I missed out on a lot of the classics that I later obtained through trades, eBay, etc. I always had Metal Maniacs around the house but I also loved to read S.O.D., Unrestrained, etc. and some of the shithead, xerox style zines that inspired Codex Obscurum are Slayer (duh!), Pagan Pages, The Grimoire, Mutilating Process, Worm Gear, Metal Forces, etc. I dont know they they complemented, per se; I just liked reading about bands that I liked and discovering new bands through writers that I shared similar interests with. I gotta give a shout-out to Nathan T. Birk, particularly his Apocalyptic Raids column. He knew how to keep it old school even in the newer glossy mags. 90% of the bands he wrote about that I had never heard of, I’d find myself enjoying not to mention he just had a great writing style.
We’ve gone — over the span of only a dozen years — from a time in which information scarcity was a big deal for underground metal, to a time in which information overload (and a thousand times more bands). How do you think this has affected the underground?
I don’t even know how to answer this; I will say I hate the popularity of metal these days. It’s the biggest trend going and we’re flooded with mediocre bands copycatting Anthrax with flip brim PBR hats on and cut off blue denim shorts and Vans sneakers that think they are doing the scene a favor when in reality they are just wearing on those of us that have been involved our entire lives. It’s really frustrating but all you can do is bask in the fact that this is, indeed a trend for them and they’ll give up and move on to something else soon enough and this metal pop diva faux show will all end.
How will people get ahold of this zine? Rumor is it that you’re charging very little over postage costs — do you hope to make money on this? What will keep you going forward, pay your writers, etc.?
On the Codex Obscurum Facebook page you’ll find a Big Cartel link to order online. I also accept snail mail cash or money orders; all that info is also in the “about” section of the FB page. $2 an issue covers what it costs for me to print these things, and shipping costs are as low as I can get them. I’m not looking to make a dime on these although I think I will make a little money on the side in the end which will probably go towards stickers or t-shirts or something. None of the contributors get paid; we’re all doing this out of our love of the old school art.
Why do you think metal is important?
Metal is the only form of music, in my opinion, that truly shapes the lives of its fans. You don’t see any other music genre that has such heart felt, loyal followers that leave and breathe and bleed for it like you see in the metal community. I guess that’s what makes it “important” to me: you don’t just listen to metal, you are metal. And metal is you.
What function did print zines serve in the original underground? Do they serve the same function now?
Back in the day (BITD) print zines served a much more legitimate function than they do now. Before we had the internet, zines were how you found new bands and how you learned about said bands and the doctrines that these bands prescribed. BITD you had word of mouth, tape trading, snail mail letters and shows; those were your only means of discovering new bands and learning what those bands were all about.
Nowadays you’ve got the net which makes it so much easier but not nearly as much fun. A zine in this day in age is honestly kind of pointless. I could just take all of the info that I put into Codex Obscurum and post in on my facebook wall, or on a blog or whatever and the readers would get the exact same information, faster and far more conveniently but it all harkens back to keeping the flames of old burning and like I said before, it’s fun.
I love physically holding a zine in my hands, and being able to fold it up and throw it in my back pocket and whip it out whenever I’ve got some down time and read a piece or two and then put it away. That’s why record collecting is so big these days and the advent of these die hard releases where you get all these extra goodies: people like to hold and possess the things they love and always have it on hand somewhere to go back to and reference whenever they like.
Can you tell us about yourself, and your past. What other projects have you had? How did you know/meet your staff? Who are they?
This could take forever but I’ll keep is short and sweet and try not to self promote too much .. I currently play in two bands, the first band basically rips off Motorhead, Discharge, Venom and Celtic Frost; we call that band PanzerBastard. The other band is an old school, shithead black/death metal band called Deathgod Messiah…paint, spikes, bullets and Satan. Total South American ‘fago blasphemy…prior to these two, I played in Horn of Valere, an epic, melodic fantasy based black metal band out of Providence, RI.
I currently live in Boston, MA (Jamaica Plain, represent!). I also have a solo project that I haven’t touched in years called Shayol Ghul, also fantasy based. I’m a huge fantasy sci-fi nerd and I mean that in the truest sense, not just one of these Game of Throne over-nighters (was reading that series in detention in high school in 1996). Look at my book shelf and you’ll see what I mean…
My ‘staff’ are just a bunch of local metalheads that for the most part, I’ve known for years just from being around the scene and going to shows etc. most are involved in their own bands; eventually I’ll probably run a feature in the zine showcasing the contributing members personal bands.
Would you give us a little run-down on issue #1 — what’s in it, how many pages, what type of content, etc.?
The first issue of Codex Obscurum is thirty 8.5″ x 11″ pages, double sided and folded in half, that ends up being 60 readable pages packed with text and pictures. The content is primarily band interviews and reviews but there are a few small personal bits in there; rants on this and that and a big written piece remembering Rozz Williams (Christian Death) because the zine came out the day of his suicide (April 1st). This issue has interviews with Hellbastard, Varg Vikernes, Steve Zing (Danzig/Samhain), Vasaeleth, Guttural Secrete, Skepticism, High Spirits and a few more.
Any plans yet for issue #2? Is Codex Obscurum going to be a “regular thing”?
Issue #2 is already underway. We had so much material for issue #1 that it didn’t all fit so we’ve already got a headstart on #2. It should be out in June, maybe July. I’m shooting for a new issue every 2-3 months. I’m going to keep doing it for as long as I can and for as long as my ‘staff’ remain enthusiastic about doing it! and of course for as long as the readers continue to read the damn thing — no readers = no zine so please support us! Thank you.
5 comments
It costs $4 to ship a 60-page 5×8 booklet? And $1 for paypal fees? Zines in the day were usually $5 delivered, some less, so I guess this isn’t out of line. Still in the days where most of this stuff is available online, you’d think prices would fall to be market competitive. Do they have a Kindle edition?
Everything is online nowadays. Metalion’s book is all one needs. What we need is more metal related reading material that examines the concepts in the Thorns album (singularity theory meets typical metal nonsense) for example. Otherwise it’s always the same “Viking myth this, Satan that” or “this happened in the early 90s” etc. With science and all that shit bands should be talking about some REAL evil but, everything is garbage now anyways. These zines are obsolete, but that’s the stagnant underground. Keeps recycling itself at a lower level, as the Necrovore bassist said. I guess that’s what happens when you let Ulver release crappy electronica albums that his FANS treat as avant-garde works of transcendent musical master works. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Just one day after news broke that Fox is canceling "Brooklyn Nine-Nine," Terry Crews is staying positive, pointing out to CBS News that the show lasted for more than 100 episodes. The actor, who plays Sgt. Terry Jeffords, said, "I'm super proud of all we've done and if by some incarnation we can come back in some kind of way -- another network or something -- I'm jumping at the chance, but as it stands right now, we are gone, and I'm not mad."
Crews says he's grateful for the run the show's had and says it's been "a privilege" to play a feminist, self-aware cop who loves his family. Crews tells CBS News he has a lot in common with his character, including their approach toward masculinity.
"As a man, you have to be invincible, which is impossible, and that's the thing that really, really resonates with a lot of people -- Terry Jeffords is not ashamed to say what he's scared of, and he doesn't even have to hide it through bravado," Crews says. "Terry's just like, 'I'm very, very scared right now and that's OK. We can talk about it and deal with it.' I see a lot of me in that, especially since I came out and went through all my therapy. I've been so transparent and able to do the same thing and just say what could hurt me and how I've been hurt."
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Crews, who wrote a book called "Manhood" in 2014, was one of the few men in Hollywood to tell his story as part of the #MeToo movement. He and Tarana Burke, the founder of #MeToo, are being honored on Tuesday by Safe Horizon, an organization that works with victims of domestic violence, child abuse, sexual assault and human trafficking.
He says he got "choked up" meeting Burke at the Oscars.
"Fear begets fear, but courage begets courage," says Crews. "Her courage spread like a wildfire. Her stand against this activity, this kind of violence, this kind of manipulation was so strong that it's still reverberating right now. It's this fearlessness the changes the world and to be honored at the same event with her -- it's one of the greatest honors of my life." He says Burke is like a sister to him and adds, "Those who've been victimized -- we're kind of our own little family. … We're not going to be quiet. We're not going to be silent."
Last year, Crews made headlines when he said that in February 2016, Adam Venit, the former longtime head of William Morris Endeavor's motion picture group, groped his genitals at a Hollywood event. Though he didn't make his accusations public at first, Crews says he felt like he had to come forward when people started maligning women who spoke up in the #MeToo movement.
"People were calling the women opportunists, gold-diggers, 'They just want a payday' or 'Why are they coming forward now?'" he explains. "And I'm going, 'Anybody who's behind enemy lines needs to get to a safe spot.' I couldn't stand it. I had to lend my voice, because it happened to me, and people were saying, 'These women are crazy,' and I said I gotta lend my voice to this."
Crews says that when the incident happened, he felt he was in a particularly vulnerable position as a black man up against one of Hollywood's most powerful players.
"Look at who I am," he told CBS News. "I am 240 pounds, about 3 to 4 percent body fat. If I would have hit him, imagine, in the mouth or the eye and he had any sort of injury -- I told the president of William Morris Endeavor, 'If I had hurt him, would you give me any mercy?' And you know what he said? 'Nope. No.' When you look at black men in society, the only way you get recognized as being victimized is when you're dead. Anything before death is, 'You should walk it off.' Or if a guy shot you, 'What were you doing that you got shot? Why were you there, that someone shot you in the back?'"
Crews says people often ask him why he did not hit Venit.
"This guy said, 'Terry Crews' career isn't even all that, for him to get felt on and not fight back,'" recalls Crews. "But I thought, 'But my family is all that. My wife and kids are all that. I don't want my daughters seeing me in jail.' … I'm a 48-year-old big, giant, grown man and he's [a partner] at William Morris Endeavor and [if] I knock him out, am I getting mercy? I know how this story goes. 'This is America,' as Donald Glover says."
Crews says when he complained to WME, Venit called him with a brief apology and nothing came of the complaint until after he aired his grievances in public.
"You're an agent," Crews says of WME. "Your whole purpose is to protect us. If you abuse us, who do we go to now?"
Since Crews went public with his accusations, WME suspended Venit for a month last year and stripped him of his department head title. In March, the Los Angeles County District Attorney's office announced that they were not pursuing charges against Venit, saying,"Given that the suspect did not make contact with the victim's skin when he grabbed the victim's genitals and there is no restraint involved, a felony filing is declined." Afterward, the Los Angeles City Attorney declined to pursue misdemeanor charges because the case exceeded the statute of limitations, reports Variety.
Crews responds, "You can just grab people through their clothing in front of everyone? And the thing is, what he did is considered a misdemeanor and the statute of limitations had run out, but if I had reacted violently -- that would be a felony. It's a trap, and all I could think about was all the young black men in jail right now who were probably reacting to things that were done to them." Crews is pursuing a civil case against Venit.
Crews says that ironically, Russell Simmons, who has been accused by multiple women of sexual assault and rape, was one of the people who asked him to drop his case against Venit and WME. He also says people at WME told him that what happened was no big deal and to "let it go."
"I was like, this is what women go through all the time," he says. "This is the gaslight."
The actor says Safe Horizon provides services to victims who may not have the same strong support network he had. Crews says the key to healing is to overcome the feeling of shame.
"I tell people all the time, get rid of the shame," he says. "Don't hold it, because it's not yours. It's never yours."
The actor says he also wants people in the black community to change their attitudes about masculinity.
"Black men, you are seen as invincible. … There's this thing that doesn't exist -- somehow bullets are supposed to ricochet off your chest," says Crews. "As a black man, I look in my own culture and we're telling each other stories that -- why do we believe them? The fact that getting therapy is seen as weak."
Crews is concerned that this mindset stops victims from sharing their stories about assault or molestation, and points to R. Kelly's long career as proof that there was a "complicit system" surrounding the singer, who has been accused of sexual abuse by several women.
But Crews is hopeful for the future where male victims will feel empowered to speak out. "They're coming. But they're scared, you know, and I understand."
He also has a message for perpetrators of sexual abuse and those who've protected them.
"Healing can't happen until there's concession," he says. "Until somebody says, 'We messed up. We're sorry and we ought to make up for it,' and then everything can move forward." | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
Q:
sciklearn Linear Regression (Final Prediciton always 0)
I'm trying to do simple linear regression using this small Dataset (Screenshot).
The dataset is records divided into small time blocks of 4 years each (Except for the 2nd to the last time block of 2016-2018).
What I'm trying to do is try to predict the output of records for the timeblock of 2019-2022. To do this, I placed a 2019-2022 time block with all its rows containing the value of 0 (Since there's nothing made during that time since it's the future). I did that to accommodate the syntax of sklearn's train_test_split and went with this code:
import pandas as pd
import numpy as np
from sklearn.model_selection import train_test_split
from sklearn.linear_model import LinearRegression
df = pd.read_csv("TCO.csv")
df = df[['2000-2003', '2004-2007', '2008-2011','2012-2015','2016-2018','2019-2022']]
linreg = LinearRegression()
X1_train, X1_test, y1_train, y1_test = train_test_split(df[['2000-2003','2004-2007','2008-2011',
'2012-2015','2016-2018']],df['2019-2022'],test_size=0.4,random_state = 42)
linreg.fit(X1_train, y1_train)
linreg.intercept_
list( zip( ['2000-2003','2004-2007','2008-2011','2012-2015','2016-2018'],list(linreg.coef_)))
y1_pred = linreg.predict(X1_test)
print(y1_pred)
test_pred_df = pd.DataFrame({'actual': y1_test,
'predicted': np.round(y1_pred, 2),
'residuals': y1_test - y1_pred})
print(test_pred_df[0:10].to_string())
For some reason, the algorithm would always return a 0 as the final prediction for all rows with 0 residuals (This is due to the timeblock of 2019-2022 having all rows of zero.)
I think I did something wrong but I can't tell what it is. (I'm a beginner in this topic.) Can someone point out what went wrong and how to fix it?
Edit: I added a copy-able version of the data:
df = pd.DataFrame( {'Country:':['Brunei','Cambodia','Indonesia','Laos',
'Malaysia','Myanmar','Philippines','Singaore',
'Thailand','Vietnam'],
'2000-2003': [0,0,14,1,6,0,25,8,26,8],
'2004-2007': [0,3,15,6,21,0,37,11,44,36],
'2008-2011': [0,5,31,9,75,0,58,27,96,61],
'2012-2015': [5,11,129,35,238,3,99,65,170,96],
'2016-2018': [6,22,136,17,211,10,66,89,119,88]})
A:
Based on your data, I think this is what you ask for [Edit: see updated version below]:
import pandas as pd
from sklearn.linear_model import LinearRegression
df = pd.DataFrame( {'Country:':['Brunei','Cambodia','Indonesia','Laos',
'Malaysia','Myanmar','Philippines','Singaore',
'Thailand','Vietnam'],
'2000-2003': [0,0,14,1,6,0,25,8,26,8],
'2004-2007': [0,3,15,6,21,0,37,11,44,36],
'2008-2011': [0,5,31,9,75,0,58,27,96,61],
'2012-2015': [5,11,129,35,238,3,99,65,170,96],
'2016-2018': [6,22,136,17,211,10,66,89,119,88]})
# create a transposed version with country in header
df_T = df.T
df_T.columns = df_T.iloc[-1]
df_T = df_T.drop("Country:")
# create a new columns for target
df["2019-2022"] = np.NaN
# now fit a model per country and add the prediction
for country in df_T:
y = df_T[country].values
X = np.arange(0,len(y))
m = LinearRegression()
m.fit(X.reshape(-1, 1), y)
df.loc[df["Country:"] == country, "2019-2022"] = m.predict(5)[0]
This prints:
Country: 2000-2003 2004-2007 2008-2011 2012-2015 2016-2018 2019-2022
Brunei 0 0 0 5 6 7.3
Cambodia 0 3 5 11 22 23.8
Indonesia 14 15 31 129 136 172.4
Laos 1 6 9 35 17 31.9
Malaysia 6 21 75 238 211 298.3
Myanmar 0 0 0 3 10 9.5
Philippines 25 37 58 99 66 100.2
Singaore 8 11 27 65 89 104.8
Thailand 26 44 96 170 119 184.6
Vietnam 8 36 61 96 88 123.8
Forget about my comment with shift(). I thought about it, but it makes not sense for this small amount of data, I think. But considering time series methods and treating each country's series as a time series may still be worth for you.
Edit:
Excuse me. The above code is unnessary complicated, but was just result of me going through it step by step. Of course it can simply be done row by row like tihs:
import pandas as pd
from sklearn.linear_model import LinearRegression
df = pd.DataFrame( {'Country:':['Brunei','Cambodia','Indonesia','Laos',
'Malaysia','Myanmar','Philippines','Singaore',
'Thailand','Vietnam'],
'2000-2003': [0,0,14,1,6,0,25,8,26,8],
'2004-2007': [0,3,15,6,21,0,37,11,44,36],
'2008-2011': [0,5,31,9,75,0,58,27,96,61],
'2012-2015': [5,11,129,35,238,3,99,65,170,96],
'2016-2018': [6,22,136,17,211,10,66,89,119,88]})
# create a new columns for target
df["2019-2022"] = np.NaN
for idx, row in df.iterrows():
y = row.drop(["Country:", "2019-2022"]).values
X = np.arange(0,len(y))
m = LinearRegression()
m.fit(X.reshape(-1, 1), y)
df.loc[idx, "2019-2022"] = m.predict(len(y)+1)[0]
1500 rows should be no problem.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
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As regular guys, we mimicked a game called iLast and it's hot. He or she will be hooked into playing this game if you commence your girlfriend, wife, boyfriend, or husband. GUARANTEED! This game is played based on class.
How Do Credits On Ashley Madison Work
She looked back over her shoulder. She smiled but did not mention that, instead she said" Drink before we proceed? I have booked a table" " Coffee will be great" I replied. I was not presumptuous( or confident) enough to imagine I'd be staying the night and I needed to push so coffee was definitely safest.
My point is women, it's important to understand what seasonyou're in and also to set it. Buying hookers placing the expectations of another year on its mind, we can frequently be in one season! Meaning, you can be in the center of winter, yet wondering why you can not visit the beach in your bikini. Umm sister, because it is the incorrect season! So make sure you know where you are and adopt that season for what it is. Ask yourself why, ifyou're unsatisfied in that season and make the decisions to transition yourself that you are reaching for. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Revealing the identity of the father raped poznavatelnoe from Bashkiria
Father raped by colleagues poznavatelnoe was the Deputy head of the Department of Regardie in the Republic of Bashkortostan. On Thursday, November 1, reports “Says Moscow” referring to the informed source.
The injured girl recently got a job in the police, she just this year graduated from the law Institute of MIA of Russia. According to the Bashkir media, poznavatelnoe was beaten, she is diagnosed with injuries in the form of multiple lacerations.
On the detention of police officers suspected of rape, it became known on October 31. As reported in the Investigation Committee, among the detainees — two of the chief of regional Department of the Ministry of internal Affairs and the head of the regional migration service.
As told “Lente.ru” a source in law enforcement bodies, in the night of Tuesday, October 30, in the building Department at the Ufa district, Ufa, street of October revolution, three senior officers arranged a feast. Later that evening they called into the office of a subordinate, Lieutenant of justice, the investigator of the police Department, supposedly in need of service, and the woman had to walk from another building. But in the office all three of them first tried to drink, and then together raped. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Sexism, Impracticality, and the Hopeful Future of Costuming
Fundamentally superhero costumes are vital for the industry because they establish iconography and create the brand. They are used not only to create a recognisable identity for a character, but also often function as a disguise to shield an everyday persona. Costumes also serve the purpose of showcasing character development. For example, the costume is revealed to signal when a character has finally reached the point of either accepting their role as a superhero, or are able to use their powers fully. Finally, the costume is also often considered the defining trait of the superhero; that personality, appearance and even powers may alter with iterations, but the costume tends to remain a stable aspect. The costume, that becomes almost a uniform, cannot be separated from that particular superhero as it has become their identity beyond any other factor. Some have even argued that the costume is so encoded as part of the persona of the hero that not only is his/her identity no longer complete without it, but if another dons the outfit that superhero persona can be usurped. While I may not fully agree with this sentiment with the series of reboots and adaptions the comic book industry is undergoing, I do understand why the very discussion, let alone implementation, of changing a superhero’s costume can become difficult for many people. However, I believe, and argue here, that tradition is not enough to justify the continuation of sexist and impractical choices when change could only lead to better art, better story, and a greater engagement by a wider audience.
Hypersexualisation and attracting the male gaze
The first issue often raised in relation the inherent sexism of female costuming is often connected more to the representations in television and film, and relates to the cinematic treatment of the introduction to the female character. She may be strong, literally powerful, acted by an empowered actress and even beating the Bechdel test. Yet, the first introduction to her is the camera panning up and down her body, with the slow chest-height-linger that manages to capture all the tight fitting and revealing components of the costume. This is considered catering to the male (heterosexual) gaze, a term coined in 1973 by Laura Mulvey, and is credited to the male filmmaker and the particular target audience of most film genres. Part of what has become an issue, other than the desire by most women not to be treated as a sexualised object, is the rise of female audience members for both comics and visual representations of superheros. Thus, when a character is built primarily on the basis of appearance and sex appeal there is little for a modern female audience to emphasise and connect with. At the heart of this issue has become women’s (and many men’s) desire to see characters represented in a rounded manner, which see character development and a multifaceted, relatable human character.
Furthermore, research is finding that the influence of superheroes for women is not always a positive one. Even though women play a variety of roles in the superhero genre, from helpless to powerful, they all tend to be hypersexualised with perfect, voluptuous figures and sexy, revealing attire. All factors that can impact beliefs on gender roles, body esteem and self-objectification. Even when female superheroes are featured, which let’s face it is not as common as male superheroes, and attempt to elevate egalitarian gender beliefs this is too often undermined by the sexualised nature of their costuming. A study conducted by Hillary Pennell and Elizabeth Behm-Morawitz found that when showing a montage from Spider-Man women viewers reported less egalitarian gender beliefs. But worse, when viewing a female superhero montage were not empowered, and although it did not lower their egalitarian views, it did not increase them either. As such Pennell and Behm-Morawitz present that the sexualisation of the female superheroes serves to reinforce rather than challenge stereotypical gender beliefs, which overshadows any benefit derived from having a strong, capable female character.
It is also worth commenting on the sexualisation of superheros in both genders. The franchise of Batman is perhaps the best example of this. The costuming of Batgirl and Catwomen are always overtly sexualised, including breast-cup armour with nipples for Alicia Silverstone’s outfit. However, in the film in which that costume appeared, Batman & Robin, both Batman and Robin also wore costumes with nipples. Furthermore throughout that franchise the size of the groin cup for the males has continuously increased, as if to help imply that “yes this Batman is the most manly, just look down!” This is just as concerning a sexist issue. Why is it that for a man to be a superhero it must be about physical musculature and for a woman it must be sexual appeal? How have we still not progressed beyond such base stereotypes?
There is also often justifications that are offered in defence of particular costuming choices. For instance Power Girl is not showing her breasts, but a lack of an emblem. Or that Starfire comes from a culture without nudity taboos. However, there are ways to represent these important background threads than through sexualising the character. Starfire is a great example, for a culture with no nudity taboos why would tight fitted clothing be appealing? Why not loose fitting clothing? It makes sense she would want to wear less clothing, but why would a series of uncomfortable straps be the choice? It is also necessary to ask what would fighters from her culture wear, and why then does she not appear as they do? Then we have Wonder Girl on a Teen Titans’ cover that has furthered the debate. It can be suggested that by placing a teenage superhero falling out of a tube top on a cover it delivers a particular message, which is this book is not for women, it is a comic where women are to be gawked at.
Focusing in on the Teen Titans #1 cover from 2014 is an interesting case study to explore and one that writer Janelle Asselin dissects in detail. The first point she raises is perhaps the most disturbing, which is that any cover, let alone a first issue cover, is something that can take up to a year with input from sales, marketing and editing, and yet this is the cover they selected. It is a prime example, Asselin argues, of when comic book corporations make basic mistakes in relation to appealing to new target audiences. A good cover should allude to the story, draw in the reader, and offer a clear first impression to capture the scope and message of the book. Which is why the overly sexualised image of Wonder Girl is so dramatic, as opposed to other sexualised female heroes, in relation to the message of this cover. Teen Titans actually has more than half of its self-professed fans being female, aged in the late teens to early adult category, this is the target audience being deliberately overlooked. Keeping in mind that the visual representation on the cover is not the Wonder Girl present in earlier comics or in the animated television show. More disturbingly is it is a franchise known for having launched Teen Titans Go! that has an even younger audience. Yet this cover is clearly aimed at the typical DC demographic of males 18-39. As Asselin points out, even basic market research should have told DC that this is not the appropriate, or appealing, cover for the target audience of that title. Although Asselin simply pointed out what anyone with a vague understanding of Teen Titans, comics and basic commerce could have figured out, the splash back on her and other women in the comic industry was huge and negative. With death threats, insults and an outpouring of misogyny that had the CBR forum shut down, the article only highlighted that underlying a reasonable discussion (exactly what I am engaging in here) on female representation is more than necessary, it is vital, because it should never have escalated to the level of death threats! If the result of a reasoned discussion is an explosion of abuse and absurdity, then this is a good gauge that change is needed as those should not be the dominant voices in what is rapidly becoming a mainstream cultural artefact. The best arguments coming out in defence of changes to female costumes is the acknowledgement that the medium was originally designed for anyone, and there is now occurring a shift to returning to a broader appeal of more than one narrow demographic. I think B Clay Moore said it best, that if you decide you don’t want to read a comic book because it offers dignity as a consideration for female characters then “I doubt anyone will mourn your absence.”
Part of why there appears to be more anger leveled against the costuming of female superheroes in film and television is the larger audience. But mostly it is because of the expectation by viewers that the new adaption will take advantage of the opportunity to change representations. This does not mean that it is of course easy to handle an adaption, after all the filmmakers are taking often iconic, long-standing representations and changing them for a new genre. However, disappointingly what has tended to occur with female character costuming in film is that the only improvement that occurs is when a comic version actually cannot physically be reproduced in real life and make it through the rating systems.
One counter-argument commonly made relates to the issue of what is conventionally called slut-shaming. The idea that by criticising the expressive costuming of characters that this correlates to a criticism of women who dress in tight-fitting or revealing clothing in real life. The choice to do this and label it as empowering is another debate altogether. Regardless, this argument lacks validity when we are discussing superheros that do not have an equivalent in the real world. Their clothing is a costume. Even more than this, is my next argument point, it is not only costuming as a disguise, but it is costume for combat, and any comparison to how real women involved in real-world combat further iterates that the debate is not about clothing, but a costume.
Impractical combat wear
One of the key complaints leveled against impractical combat wear is that it actually draws a viewer out of the world. It means a character has become a caricature and unless the film has also morphed into a spoof then this ruins the verisimilitude of the entire experience. It is difficult, especially for a modern audience, not to ask: how can she run in 6-inch heels? How, when she swung her arm, did her breasts not fall out of that cut out? When she stepped why did the high-cut swimmers not ride up her butt? How did she bend in the skin tight leather that anyone knows has no flex? How did that zip, placed just on her bust line not come down? Pretty much all of these questions relate to movement. If they were simply pin-up girls, then there is no debate, their role is to look sexually appealing. Fine, there is a legitimate market for that. However, a female superhero needs to fight, which means obviously she needs to move.
At times arguments can be made for less clothing than more in combat, in fact there is a great history of combat being conducted in less clothing to ensure that a combatant cannot use that to gain advantage. However, this is also undermined by the presence of heroes such as Jessica Jones, who is able to fight in jeans and a t-shirt, which in many ways provides better protection and movement than a leotard. I’m sure receiving a wedgy mid-battle is not conductive to one’s concentration. Jones’ lack of armour actual presents an interesting persona to the viewer, as it offers a perception of a character appearing both flawed and heroic simultaneously. It also suggests that a character can be complex even without living a double life. This actually taps in to a larger cultural idea that for many women the clothing they wear every day is already a form of armour – a protective façade that keeps them from being vulnerable. Another converse discussion has been the costuming of Harley Quinn in Suicide Squad. She appears in tiny shorts, fish nets and stiletto boots, all the markings of a pin-up costume. Yet, she is also an abused woman suffering Stockholm syndrome with significant psychological issues, making her actual costuming a supportive criticism of why such sexualised costuming is a negative.
A positive version of the less is better argument has been around Wonder Woman, whose costuming is modelled from traditional Greek and ancient Roman armour, which did allow for less coverage, partly due to climate, but also to allow a greater range of movement. A fact that is demonstrated well by the way Wonder Woman and the Amazons fight. However, this became less inspiring when the costuming moved from the Amazons’ authentic apparel in Wonder Women, interestingly designed by a woman Lindy Hemming, to the return to sexist impracticality in Justice League when male designer Michael Wilkinson took the reins. Another interesting component of many of the new costume designs on television is the removal of the spandex body suit and the replacement of the more modular suits with straps and clasps. This actually suggests more effectively that the items being worn are a form of armour, that they serve a purpose and as such are actually put on and taken off like real world armour.
Another set of lauded changes have been in that of Batgirl and Spider Woman, both of which have ditched the spandex and gotten practical. What they are offering is not only more practical, but also more accessible to fans. A textural look in comics is actually quite aesthetically interesting, but also easier to translate into the real world. For instance, I would argue part of the popularity of television shows such as Buffy the Vampire Slayer and Jessica Jones is that a viewer can easily dress like their hero and engage in day-to-day life. What could be more empowering than as a woman being able to look at yourself in the mirror and say: “today I am a superhero.”
Looking to the future
DC has perhaps had a worse run of this than other brands simply because of the controversy always expected as part of re-branding. The best example of positive forward change was in the introduction of the new costuming of Power Girl. However, rather than being met with applause this was largely decried as “ruining” comics. Unsurprisingly, as discussed before, the fan base is over 90% males in the 18-40 bracket, and they were the ones complaining about the change. However, it is only the costume with the lack of the “boob window” that they are complaining about. The characterisation, and the character’s own stance has not changed. Power Girl is actually one of DC’s most independent and empowered women, with scenes present even in early issues, who actively demanded respect and equality from her male counterparts. Yet, that is not how she is largely considered or perceived by her readership, instead the focus returned always to her physical sexuality and costuming, which continuously undermining her power. Similar to other superheroes, Power Girl experienced a range of different costuming, but always was returned to the most sexualised form eventually.
What future then does the costuming of female superheros have? Many would argue that the representations in Wonder Woman were the best: providing a costume with historical authenticity, practicality, ability of movement, and retained the original iconography important to a superhero’s costume. A key factor in this is the use of one important question: what is essential to the character? When too often the question seems to be: is this sexy enough? Another great example of where the traditional costumes is being challenged is in the changes undertaken to both Ms. Marvel and Captain Marvel. Firstly, in Ms. Marvel when Kamala Khan first states to Captain Marvel that she wants to be her, but “[e]xcept I would wear the classic, politically incorrect costume and kick butt in giant wedge heels.” However, when she turns into that version she can’t walk in the heels and the outfit delivers “epic wedgies.” Khan then moves to her chosen costume, which is basically a short dress over tights, finding it infinitely more practical and also better representational of what teenager girls would choose to wear. It does not undermine her femininity, a complaint often leveled against women dressing in a less sexualised manner, and it is also “cool” in a contemporary manner that will appeal to a reader. The transition of Carol Danvers from the overly sexualised swimsuit of Ms. Marvel into the combat ready Captain Marvel is one of the best representations of female costume adaptions.
Also new creation of Batgirl thanks to the new creative team, resulted in a mass of fan-art and enthusiasm. The costume spoke of the character, her style and place in life that made her less a cast-off of Batman, and rather a young woman with her own identity. A great costume is meant to inspire stories beyond the story already being told. It helps the audience know what type of story to expect, and I think we are all a little tired of the expectation being sexual appeal only. The new move seems to be making costumes that are character-first designs rather than a female-first designs, which at its heart is what we are all wanting to see.
What do you think? . | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
DECEMBER 16 2014 When the nightmare unfolded, teachers and students of the Army Public School Peshawar had just returned to their classes after recess. Some students, including 18-year-old Yasir Iqbal, gathered in the large auditorium and were attentively listening to a lecture. Others sat at their desks, eyes on the clock instead of the blackboard, silently urging for the hands to move faster for the day to end so they could go home. In grade one, it was six-year-old Khaula’s first day of school. She was overjoyed that she had finally joined her siblings instead of staying home. It would be her only day at school. Khaula’s would become one of the 144 names—most of them children’s—on a long list created by a group of murderers that day at the school. The incomprehensibly high body count combined with the vulnerability of the victims make it the most horrific attack in Pakistan's history. And while this number, 144, is a story unto itself, the 144 stories within it have to be told. Eighth-grader Uzair Ali saw the attackers and leapt to shield his friends by lying on top of them. He was killed; shot 13 times, but he managed to save his companions. Fourteen-year-old Fahad Hussain opened a door so his friends could run out. He stayed by the door making sure everyone was evacuated. He was gunned down while doing so. Below are 144 accounts, of courage and sadness of children, women and men whose absence will be forever painful, always remembered. UNDER 13 Khaula Bibi Age: 6
Class: 1
Daughter of Altaf Hussain and Safoora Bibi
Siblings: Samar (12), Shobaid (11) and Areeba (4)
Khaula was the youngest, and only female student killed in the horrific attack. According to her father, a teacher at APS, December 16 was Khaula’s first day at school. She had gained admission to class 1 a day earlier, and was excited to study at the same school as her siblings. Her family describes little Khaula as a flower. Even at that tender age, she was passionate about education and was outspoken about the right of girls to go to school. She helped weak classmates with their English and Urdu. She persuaded a professor in her neighbourhood to send his daughter to school, and despite his vehement opposition, he melted. He was swayed by Khaula and her sweet words. Her family is shattered. Her mother says she will never recover from the loss of her precious daughter. Read more Shahzad Ijaz Age: 12
Class: 8
Son of Mian Ijaz Ahmed and Tahira Ijaz
Siblings: Hina Ijaz (16), Zakriya Ijaz (12) and Bisma Ijaz (9)
Polite and studious, Shahzad had dreamed of becoming an airforce pilot. Rashid Minhas was his role model. Shahzad would collect pictures of the airforce, and loved reading books about fighter jets and air combat. Shahzad enjoyed playing sports, especially cricket. Ahmed Shahzad was his favourite player. His younger brother Zakriya, who is a student at the APS, recalls how once in grade 7 Shahzad injured his arm during a football match but didn’t quit playing despite the fracture. On the day of attack, Shahzad had woken up early, eager to put on his new clothes. The clothes were for his upcoming interview for PAF College. Shahzad had passed the college test with 90 per cent marks. The result arrived seven days after his passing. Read more Shahzeb Age: 12
Class: 8
Son of Nazir Ahmed and Shahnaz
*Siblings: Laaraib (9), Shawaiz (6) and Shaheer (1)
Shahzeb always rushed home from school to dive into his computer games. He would save all his pocket money to buy CDs of the latest titles. When he switched off from the gaming world, he would listen to music and also read books. Young Shahzeb also performed well when it came to his studies and secured high marks in his last exam. He won several medals in academics and extra-curricular activities. Remembered by his father as a brave boy, Shahzeb chose the lives of his friends over his own. His classmate Samiullah says Shahzeb saved him and their other friends during the massacre. Read more Ziaullah Islam Age: 12
Class: 8
Son of Naik Abdul Qadir and Nishaat Qadir
*Siblings: Shehnaz Shabnam (17), Moin ul Islam (15), Nayab Sadaf (13), Aiman (9) and Muhammad Talha (6)
Ziaullah wanted to become an electrical engineer when he grew up. He never missed the opportunity to try and repair electrical appliances at home. Ziaullah's teacher recalls that the boy loved maths, and always talked about wanting to invent interesting machines such as an electric car. Naturally, Ziaullah was an avid fan of the racing game Need for Speed. He was very close to his mother and called her his best friend. One of his favourite activities was visiting the bazaar inside Peshawar Cantonment to sip on hot corn soup with his brother. Read more Click tabs below to view the digital memorial.
AGE 13 Ahmed Ali Shah Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Khalid Mehmood (late) and Jameela Kosar
Siblings: Mohammad Ahmed (12)
Ahmed was wise beyond his years, his mother says, possibly because he lost his father when he was 4-years-old. He had assumed a tremendous responsibility at a young age, as a result of which, unlike other children his age, he would not ask his mother to buy him anything. Bright and studious, Ahmed had a beautiful singing voice. He was often called upon to recite Naats. He would detail his future plans to his mother; he wanted to become an auto engineer. He would sketch designs and tell his mother he would build real cars one day. His mother says he was an old soul, and because of his love for poetry, his mother would often lovingly refer to him as Shair, Ashfaq Ahmed. After his father, he took care of me, his mother says. Read more Azaan Toraylay Age: 13
Class: 9
Son of Major (retd) Sohailur Rahman and Zil-i-Huma Gul Sohail
* Siblings: Hayan Nangyalay (19), Hassaan Baryalay (17), Aman Gul Sohail (14) and Wadan Numyalay (8)*
Azaan Toraylay was true to his name (means brave in Pashto). Azaan wished to join the Pakistan Army like his father. Once, he even performed guard duty when his father’s vehicle gave way in Shikarpur on the Grand Trunk road. His father says Azaan kept watch through the night so he and his friends could sleep. Azaan was also fond of keeping pets. His father recalls how when Azaan passed, his pet dog was saddened to the extent that he got sick, and for about 20 days, refused to eat any food. Young Azaan was also fond of playing cricket. He would urge his father to arrange informal cricket tournaments with his friends. Proud of Azaan, his family regards him as a brave boy. But the tears in their eyes betray how with him gone, their life has changed so much. Read more Fahid Hussain Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Hussain and Seema Nawab
For Fahid’s parents, he was something of a gift. He was their only child and they cherished every moment they spent with him. His parents shifted from their village to Peshawar so Fahid could get a good education. He wanted to be an Air Force pilot. He loved sports, especially basketball and cricket. He was part of the school team and also played in the neighbourhood. He prayed to God to give him another sibling to practice with. His parents are devastated by the death of their son. Read more Gul Sher Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Shehnaz and Muhammad Nasir Gul
Siblings: Emaan (12), Warda Nasir (10), Khushbakht Nasir (7) and Waresha Nasir (4)
Gul Sher was a good student. He was House Captain at his school and hoped to be a doctor some day. He wanted to be a famous heart surgeon and open hospital that would treat patients free of charge. He loved playing football and would often take his football shoes to school. According to his mother, he was particular about being tidy and dressed like a gentleman. He wouldn’t use a bathroom if it was not clean. He liked parrots but did not have pets as he didn’t want to keep them in cages. He had a good memory and was always the one to remind his friends and relatives about the birthdays of others. Read more Hamid Ali Khan Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Sher Ali Khan and Farman Nissah
Siblings: Sidra Ali Khan (16), Jawad Ali Khan (11) and Sana Ali Khan (4)
Hamid was a charming young boy. He was soft-spoken and had the kindest heart. He was an excellent student and was popular at school. He loved his little sister Sana very much. He wanted to be a doctor and open a hospital for the poor. He was fond of animals. His brother Jawad says Hamid once adopted an injured puppy that he saw out on the streets. He took the puppy to the vet, despite the clinic being far away from their home, and nursed him back to health. The family says it is painful for them to live without Hamid, who was the light of their lives. Read more Hammad Malik Age: 13.5
Class: 8
Son of Erum and Tahir Anees Malik
Sibling: Kashaf Anees Malik (11)
Hammad loved horses and was an excellent horse rider. His uncle had bought several horses in his Punjab village so Hammad could practice riding. He took part in a competition in Lahore and won a trophy. His other hobby was collecting coins and antiques. He would decorate them all over tables and cupboards at the house. Read more Muhammad Azhar Naseer Age: 13
Class: 10
Son of Muhammad Naseer and Mussarat Bibi
Siblings: Saba Naseer (13), Nouman Naseer (12) and Kawal Naseer (11)
Azhar dreamt of becoming a doctor and providing free treatment to the poor. Biology was his favourite class at school and he always topped with 90pc marks. Topping his last exam on Dec 12, Azhar's family had planned a function on Dec 16 ─ the day of the attack. Azhar was a kindhearted and and softspoken boy. Once during a trip to the family village, he saw a puppy trapped in bushes during a rainstorm in freezing cold weather. The place was slippery and dangerous, his father says, but he brought the puppy home and fed and cared for it. The next day, he returned it to its mother. His father says whenever he meets Azhar’s friends, he misses his son very much. Read more Rizwan Sareer Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Nargis Begum and Lt. Col Sareer Khan
Siblings: Nauman Sareer (19), Salman Sareer (18)
Hailing from Charsadda, Rizwan was as big cricket fan. His brother, with whom he shared a room, said that they often played cricket in the bedroom. After his passing, he says he can never play again. Rizwan’s father shares while Rizwan was playing in a public garden he found Rs2,000 dropped by someone. He was only in the second grade at the time but he promptly went to the reception and handed the money over to the guard, telling him to give it to the owner if he came looking. His parents say they feel their son’s loss deeply, but are proud of the life that he has lived. Read more Wahab ud Din Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Rakshanda and Kabir ud Din
Siblings: Sana (23) and Shahab ud Din (21)
For Wahab’s father, the loss of his youngest son was too much too bear. Two months after the horrific attack, his father’s health took a turn for the worse. He passed away. His mother says her son was a studious child who worked late into the night. She also says he was very sensitive to his parents needs. He was close to his father, and would often discuss his passion for science and research with him. He wanted to become a scientist. He loved cats. He took care of many strays, giving them milk and preparing special meals for them. The family is shattered by this tragedy. They have lost the sole bread earner. Wahab’s mother prays for better days. Read more Wasif Ali Khattak Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Captain Ali Khan Khattak and Shahnoon
Siblings: Asim (24), Laiba (22), Saqib (20) and Asif Siraj (19)
Wasif was the youngest of five siblings and for this reason, all his demands and wishes were met by his parents and siblings. He loved animals. He once saw a puppy drowning in a canal and jumped in to rescue it. He aspired to become a doctor when he grew up. He wanted to work in his village of Gundi Mirah Khan Khel Khattak. He would often tell his brother of his dream to establish a free treatment clinic in the village after he secured an MBBS degree. His parents say they miss him dearly and wish he was with them every day. Read more Yasirullah Age: 13
Class: 8
Son of Hav. Nasirullah and Razia Bibi
Siblings: Tahirullah (12), Mansha Nasir (10), Insha Nasir (7) and Aliza Nasir (3)
A punctual and studious child, Yasirullah had originally aspired to be a doctor. But after being selected to attend Cadet College he decided he wanted to become an army soldier. Hailing from Chitral, young Yasirullah enjoyed playing sports and won many medals and awards in cricket, badminton and football. Yasirullah’s best friend was his cousin Syed Zulqarnain Shah. Both boys were killed in the auditorium. His father says every time he sees his son’s remaining friends, he misses Yasirullah. Read more Click tabs below to view the digital memorial.
AGE 14 Abdullah Ghani Awan Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Lubna Tanveer and Tanveer Ahmed Awan
Siblings: Haroon Ghani Awan (19), Mohammad Tayyab Ghani Awan (11) and Dil Awan (10)
Abdullah truly loved animals. He kept parrots, hens, rabbits and fish at home. When the hens laid eggs, he eagerly waited to see them hatch so he could play with the chicks. A dozen chicks were born just recently, but Abdullah was not there to see them. His father says he was close to Abdullah, and that he would seek his son’s opinion each time he dressed up to go out. He says he would only wear waistcoats when Abdullah approved the colour. He recalls a time in the UAE, when he dared Abdullah to swim in a hotel pool that had strict rules regarding swimwear. He said Abdullah had a word with the lifeguard, and jumped right in fully clothed. He loved to take up a good challenge. Read more Adil Shahzad Age: 14
Class: 9
Son of Muhammad Younas and Azra Bibi
Siblings: Afan Shahzad (12), Aliza Shahzad (9) and Ahmed Ali (6)
A clever and responsible child, Adil Shahzad was the eldest of four children and regarded as a role model by his siblings and cousins. Adil wanted to be a professor and aspired to get a PhD degree. A bright student, he enjoyed English, Urdu and Islamiat. He was also a good athlete, but had fractured both legs in 2010, making running difficult. Adil was fond of the outdoors and picnics and tours with friends whenever he visited his village. Among Adil’s favourite foods were the milk and curd of his village, and the apples, bananas and oranges which grew there. Adil and his siblings watched Doraemon together, his favourite cartoon. His family members are proud of him and miss him every day. Read more Ailian Fozan Age: 14
Class: 9
Son of Muhammad Fozan Shafi and Ayesha Fozan
Siblings: Famia Fozan (16) and Fiza Fozan (9)
Ailian spent every spare moment of his time riding his bicycle. I had decided what bicycle model I was going to buy him after his exams, his father said. Active and sociable, Ailian was a good student too. His parents proudly display his letters of appreciation and certificates. He had planned to join the Pakistan Air Force. Read more Ammar Iqbal Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Nauman Iqbal
Ammar Iqbal's family could not be contacted for this obituary. His teachers describe Ammar as an intelligent and obedient student. Miss Jameela says he had a jovial disposition and teased both students and members of staff. He was a hard worker and outstanding in his studies. He wanted to become a surgeon. Read more Arham Khan Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Sanaullah Khan Khattak and Noreen Sana
Siblings: Shaheer Khan (24), Zawat Khan (23) and Yashfeen Khan (19)
The youngest of four siblings, Arham was a brilliant student who had earned a double promotion from grade 6 to grade 8. He took a keen interest in computers and was just learning to chat through Skype and Facebook. His favourite food was Peshawar’s popular Chappali Kababs, which he would often ask his father to get for him on his way home from work. Even at his young age, Arham would play the role of mediator if his siblings quarreled, and was the one who would help them patch up after an argument. His family, especially his father, misses their young boy very much. Mr Khattak often goes to his son’s room to clean it just as Arham liked it. Read more Atif ur Rehman Age: 14
Class: 9
Son of Wazir Rehman and Bibi Zahra
Atif ur Rehman, the youngest of eight siblings, aspired to be a doctor and serve the residents of his village. His elder brother facilitated Atif’s move from their village to Peshawar for his studies. A technology enthusiast, he enjoyed watching informative documentaries about gadgets and playing computer games. The responsible and soft-spoken teenager also liked playing cricket and football and was an avid Justin Bieber fan. His elder brother says he feels Atif’s absence every day. He says after the family lost Atif, they were going through his schoolbooks and found he had written: “I love you, Dad. If anything happens, I would not let you down before anyone.” Read more Awais Ahmed Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Sub Ikramullah and Hameeda Ahmed
Siblings: Ishfaq Ahmed (26), Nazia Ahmed (25), Shahab Ahmed (23), Waqas Ahmed (18), Zeeshan Ahmed (17) and Nimra Ahmed (8)
A respectful and empathetic child, Awais wanted to study medicine and become a doctor. He often lamented the condition of hospitals, particularly those in villages, and hoped to do his bit in improving and reforming systems. Awais was the youngest among the sons, and his father, who has lost two sons to the massacre, remembers him as his most intelligent child. He was very good in maths and helped his siblings in academics. Young Awais was also fond of keeping pets. At one point, he had two pigeons that he looked after and when one of them died, Awais couldn’t eat anything out of grief. Read more Awais Nasir Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Jamal Abdul Nasir and Rozeena Nasir
Siblings: Hira Nasir (20), Sana Nasir (17), Haris (12) and Abdul Nasir (11)
Awais was of a happy disposition. Although almost always in a jocular mood, he remained respectful of elders. He was also a responsible brother of four siblings, and would never hit back when squabbles with his brothers would get a little out of hand. Shaken by the death of his son, Jamal Abdul Nasir talks about how Awais loved dressing well. It was only three days before his son’s passing that Jamal had brought him three new suits from his trip to China. Those suits could never be worn by his son. Awais was very close to his mother. His epitaph says “da moor bachay” (Pashto for son of the mother). He went to see the plot of land the family had bought t construct a home on, the day before his passing. He had asked his mother when the construction would begin, to which she said "after Ramazan". At the time Awais said he may not be alive to see it. Read more Baqir Ali Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Rashid Ali Bangash and Shehla Rashid
Siblings: Alia Rashid (22), Humaira Rashid (22), Babar Ali Khan (19) and Uzma Rashid (17)
Be it a Spelling Bee or excellence in Arts, Baqir was an extraordinary student. He was so fond of reading, that he would finish his work and read books from his elder sister’s school curriculum. He had a superb memory and wanted to put it to good use by becoming a doctor. Unlike other children his age, Baqir was a serious child. His father says he did not crack jokes and had a mature personality. His siblings describe him as a child who was always curious about knowing more. He was dear to his parents and siblings as he was the youngest in the family. “We are missing your voice, your chuckle, your presence and all the fun we used to have,” his sisters say. Read more Fahad Hussain Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Akhtar and Sameena Hussain
Siblings: Ahmed Hussain (17), Uzair Hussain (16) and Asim Hussain (9)
Fahad was killed the day of his birthday. The night before the attack, he had invited his friends and cousins to celebrate his birthday at home. His friend Rehman describes his friend's bravery on the day of the attack. When militants entered the classroom and opened fire, Fahad opened the door and asked all his friends to run out. He stood at the door and made sure his classmates evacuated the room. It was then that he was hit on the head and leg. He called out to the others to tell his brother Ahmed, also a student at the school, to come help him. But it was too late. Read more Fazal Raheem Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Muhammad Usman and Mrs Usman
Siblings: Mohammad Faisal (22), Mohammad Faheem (21), Momna (19) and Nemra (12)
Fazal took admission in APS for the sole purpose of joining the Pakistan Army as an officer. He enjoyed cricket and often played against his brothers on the roof of his house as their father forbid them from playing in the streets. He also liked horse-riding and often went to parks for the very purpose. Fazal was also a skilled guitar player. He was closest to his mother. All the children in the family were given a weekly allowance of Rs50 but Fazal, according to his father, finished his pocket money in a single day and would come asking for more. When his father refused him once, he rushed to his mother and said in jest, “Why couldn’t you marry someone else?” Read more Muhammad Furqan Haider Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Farhad Ali Bangash and Raheela Khatoon
Siblings: Nargis Batool (13) Fatma Batool (10) and Mohammad Zulqarnain Haider (8)
Furqan resided with his family in UAE but a year before his death, he took admission at APS to fulfill his ambition of joining the Pakistan Army. During that time he lived with his uncle in Peshawar, whose eyes fill with tears as he remembers his nephew. Even if somebody spoke to him harshly, he would never lose his patience or smile, his uncle says. “He was a good boy.” Furqan was fond of babies and often took care of his younger siblings and cousins. He also loved baby chicks and would often bring them home. He enjoyed watching and playing cricket. If there was a power breakdown, he would run to his neighbour’s, who had a generator, to continue watching the match. Read more Hamayun Iqbal Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Mohammad Iqbal
Sibling: Sadia Iqbal (19), Palwasha Iqbal (17), Nafeesa Iqbal (15),Usman Iqbal (13), Shabir Iqbal (11) and Ali Iqbal (4)
Hamayun was a naughty but loved student. At least once a week, his father would be called to the school due to this trouble-making boy. He says the minute he would reach the gate, the gate keeper, watchman, gardener, teacher and head teacher would start off, full of complaints about him. But because he was a good student, no one ever became angry with him. He was known in school as “Italian boy”. He was close to his father and had a special bond with his grandfather Haji Saddar Azam. Humayun’s father says his grandfather had not been able to the bear the loss of his beloved grandson and grows weaker each day. Read more Hamid Saif Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Nasreen Saif and Saifullah Khan
Siblings: Naeem Saif (26), Khalid Saif (24), Sajid Saif (21) and Aamir Saif (18)
The son of a soldier, Hamid was a star student. He was given awards and prizes for best English vocabulary and essay writing as well as best picture memory and earth day poster. He also won a Best Young Journalist certificate. On the day of the attack, he had prepared a presentation and asked his uncle to pray it is the best in the class. His teachers said he had leadership qualities as he was parade commander at school and was also selected to be proctor. He used to joke with his father and lovingly call him by his first name, a gesture his father says he will never forget. Read more. Hamza Kamran Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Muhammad Kamran Shafi and Najma Kamran
Siblings: Momina Kamran (18) and Hira Kamran (16)
Hamza was a studious child. He had held several positions in his class and had also won many awards for sports and other activities. The only brother of two sisters and close to his mother, Hamza would eat whatever meals were cooked at home but did particularly enjoy burgers and karhai gosht. His parents recall how the one month the family spent together during Hajj last year created fond memories for them now that Hamza is no more. During Hajj, Hamza looked after two old ladies, helped them with their wheelchairs and made sure they were comfortable. Read more Haris Nawaz Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Muhammad Nawaz
Sibling: Ahmad Nawaz (15)
Haris and his brother Ahmad were both targeted the day of the attack. While Ahmad was grievously injured and later treated at a UK hospital, Haris lost his life. He was an intelligent child and bagged top positions from nursery till class eight. His room is full of certificates and medals. His parents describe their boy as an obedient and respectful child. He wanted to grow up and be a doctor. He dreamt of opening a hospital that treated the poor free of charge. Read more Hasnain Sharif Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Sharif Gul
Hasnain was an only child. When asked to talk about his son, his father says he is unable to express his sorrow. He had big dreams for his son. He hoped that Hasnain would complete his studies and work hard to make a mark in society. Hasnain loved to visit his village, where he played for hours with the baby farm animals. He was quite particular about his clothes and would often ask his father to buy him new outfits. His mother was unable to speak. She misses her son very much. Read more Khushnood Zeb Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Rana Aurangzeb and Ruqia Bibil
Siblings: Rana Sana Zeb (20), Hafiz Rana Muhammad Aftab Zeb (16) and Rana Muhammad Mehtab Zeb (16)
According to his father, Rana was a brilliant student and had excellent oratory, reading and writing skills. Rana wanted to become an army engineer and serve the nation. He idolized cricketer Shahid Afridi and would try to emulate his style. Among politicians, he liked Imran Khan and would often do a parody of him. The family finds it hard to accept that their son is dead. They say it is still hard to eat or laugh the way they did when he was alive. Read more Muhammad Abdullah Zafar Age: 14
Class: 9
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Muhammad Arshad Zafar
Siblings: Muhammad Obaid (12) and Ali Musa (4)
Although a child, Abdullah could not really enjoy the carefree days of youth; his father died when he was just 12. He did not play pranks or act naughty like most other children his age, his mother says as she describes how he looked after the family. When everyone slept at night, Abdullah would wake up and make sure all the doors of the house were locked. He was close to his mother and his love reflects in the many drawings he made to thank her. Aspiring to join the army, Abdullah was also a position holder and would always remain among the top five students in his class. Not only was he bright, he was also creative in his thinking and had made a mathematical formula for his studies. Read more Muhammad Ghasaan Khan Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Amin Khan and Bibi Ayesha
Siblings: Saima Amin (18), Palwasha Amin (18), Sawera Amin (16) and Mohammad Sharim Khan (12)
Known as the young scientist of the school, Ghasaan was a bright student and a position holder in his class. He was creative and his father, who is a PHD scholar, says that Ghasaan’s writing was impeccable and barely needed any correction. He was fond of writing poetry in both English and Urdu languages. Ghasaan’s teachers also recognised how bright he was and called him the teachers’ motivator. Ghasaan’s father tells that on the day of exam result, the school guards and gatekeepers would wait for him as he would always distribute a special meal. Read more Muhammad Haris Khan Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Ghulam Din and Shahida Nasreen
Siblings: Faisal (15), Usman (10), Faizan (Late, 3)
Haris’ death crushed his family. For his parents, it was the second time they had lost a child, as their son Faizan had passed away at age three. His mother describes Haris as an obedient child who did everything for her the moment she asked. She says he was a responsible boy, who took care of her after the death of her first son. She adds that they were more best friends than mother and child. She says that while she kisses her children goodbye before they leave for school, that fateful day she did not kiss Haris as he was running late – something she deeply regrets. His family struggles to cope with the loss of a second precious member. Read more Muhammad Salman Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Muhammad Ikram and Hameeda Bibi
Siblings: Abdur Rehman (7), Ayesha (9 ) and Madeeha (2)
The eldest among his siblings, Muhammad Salman aspired to become a doctor and his father was prepared to send him abroad to study medicine in case he failed to secure a position within Pakistan. He enjoyed playing cricket and was good at the game. However, riding bikes was his favourite past-time. His father remembers how Salman would look for any opportunity to go out on the bike. A jovial child, Salman cracked jokes all the time and would do parodies of famous actors and celebrities. He was very close to his grandfather and since Salman’s death, his grandfather’s health has been deteriorating. Read more Muhammad Tayyab Fawad Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Muhammad Fawad
Siblings: Dursham Fawad (12) and Manahel Fawad (10)
A position holder in his class, Tayyab was not only bright when it came to studies but was also a very good volley ball player. He had won several awards. His father tells how Tayyab was short-tempered and would do things in a hurry but at the same time made sure he didn’t get angry in front of his father. Tayyab lost his mother in 2009 and at a very young age after which his grandmother looked after him. He learned many things by himself, such as riding a bike and using the computer. His family misses him. Read more Nangyal Tariq Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Tariq Jan and Shagufta Tariq
Siblings: Mehwish Tariq age (18), Sohail Tariq (13) and Sawail Tariq (7)
For the most part, Nangyal Tariq was a somber boy but he would on occasion crack jokes to make his family members laugh. He showed a keen interest in studies and wanted to become an Army Captain. He liked experimenting with his hair, and would often come up new hairstyles, his mother says. Nangyal was affectionately called Sher Khan – he loved being addressed by his pet name. His family says that if he was ever unresponsive, the trick was to call him ‘Sher Khan’ to get his attention. Read more Muhammad Shaheer Khan Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Shagufta and Muhammad Tahir Khan
Siblings: Mumna Khan (20), Mohammad Munib Khan (16) and Tooba (12)
Shaheer’s mother finds it hard to come to terms with the senseless killing of her son. She still keeps the tie he wore to school that morning, which now has visible tears from the bullets. Shaheer was a naughty student. He loved computer games and had been begging his parents to buy him a PlayStation 4, which costs Rs48,000. When his parents told him he could only buy it if he did well on his exams, mischievous Shaheer prepared a hand written report card in order to claim his gift. The family say they are trying to be brave but they miss their boy terribly. Read more Sahibzada Omer Khan Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Fazal Mohammad Khan and Zaib-un-Nisa
Siblings: Sahibzada Afrasiab Khan (11), Sahibzadi Mishal Khan (6), Sahibzadi Aleena (4) and Sahibazada Jasem (9 months)
The eldest of five siblings, Omer played the role of the responsible older brother. His parents say he was an extraordinary son. He knew what they needed even before the said a word. If his mother was busy with household chores, he would cook for his father and siblings. He was called the ‘leader of the house’. On the weekend, he would wake up early morning and wash his father’s cars without being asked. Omer’s mother wakes up every night, searching for her son. The family prays for strength and say he is in a better place. Read more Saif Ullah Durrani Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Tehseen Ullah Durrani and Falak Naz
Siblings: Sana (19), Hafsa (17) and Ammara (11)
Saif Ullah Durrani was known as ‘Potato’ to his classmates because of his love for the spud. He was very fond of food. He and his brother often competed with each other to offer regular prayers at the mosque. Keeping the mosque clean and rendering other services to it was important to him. His sister says he was naughty, which other children liked. Every time she asked him to bring something for her, he would ask for a commission, refusing to do so otherwise. His father says his son would not eat lunch or dinner unless the gardeners, gatekeepers and drivers had theirs. He would personally go to them and ask them if they had eaten, and if any one hadn’t, he would request his mother to prepare a meal for them. Read more Shahood Alam Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Zahoor
Sibling: Aresha Alam (13)
Shahood was an extraordinary student. With nearly 50 certificates and awards to his credit, it is no surprise that the young boy was a prominent figure at school as the proctor and ‘peacekeeper’. His teachers remember him as the ‘shining star’ of the school. He hoped to take his CSS exams and work in Pakistan’s civil services. Shahood was very responsible, and had opened a bank account and got a passport made for himself. His parents, who keep his cheque books and passport with them, say he had saved thousands of rupees in his bank account. Read more Sher Nawaz Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Zuman Bibi and Masha Din
Siblings: Shah Mohammad (16) and Saad Mohammad (8)
Sher Nawaz was a considerate and kind boy. He believed in living a modest existence and never asked his parents for more money than was required. According to his father, whenever Sher Nawaz went to visit his relatives, they would be full of praise for his good manners. Sher Nawaz was also very helpful around the house. When he came home from school, he would help his mother in the kitchen, wash the dishes and clothes and knead the dough for cooking roti. Read more Syed Mujahid Hussain Shah Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Zaib Hussain Shah and Sadia Bibi (late)
Siblings: Shahid Hussain Shah (15), Majid Hussain Shah (11), Maryum (9), Maria (7) and Fawad (1)
When his mother died, Zahid took it upon himself to take care of his siblings. He never wanted them to feel her absence, so he showered them with love. His youngest sister Maria was his favourite. His father says Zahid was an ordinary student; he worked tremendously hard. His best subject was English. He was fond of skating. His father bought him a pair of skates much to his delight, so he would often be seen skating outside the house. His family says losing him has made them very bitter, but they pray for endurance and for better days. Read more Ali Abbas Age: 14
Class: 9
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Muhammad Akram Shah
Siblings: Sundas Shah (13) and Ali Anis (9)
A native of the Nowshera district, Ali is described by his parents as a polite and considerate child who did not make demands of them as other children sometimes do. Whether it was clothes or other gifts, he was content with whatever he was given. If there was one thing he was particular about, it was his appearance – especially his hair and skin. He had a special oil and cream for his hair and skin. He was very close to his mother and grandmother, with whom he shared a special bond. Sometimes in the winter, he would tease his grandmother by switching the fan on and removing her blanket. She would lovingly make sweet parathas for her grandson. His absence in their lives is felt every day. His sister and mother weep for Ali and say they will never forget him. Read more Sohail Aslam Age: 14
Class: 9
Son of Hav. Muhammad Aslam and Sakeem Aslam
Siblings: Muhammad Zohaib Aslam (9) and Muhammad Zeeshan Aslam (5)
Eldest among the siblings, Sohail was a responsible and caring child. Being the eldest, he was closer to his parents and would help them out in looking after the younger siblings and helping his mother in the kitchen. Sohail was very close to his brother Zohaib. Sohail was a bright student and wanted to study in LUMS after high school. He began attending APS in November 2014, soon after his father’s transfer to Peshawar. Sohail’s father remembers how his son made tea for the parents on the morning of Dec 16. He remembers Sohail to be really happy at the time. Read more Syed Husnain Shah Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Syed Fazal Hussain and Saima Fazal Hussain
Sibling: Syed Talib Hasnain (11 months)
Husnain had big dreams. He had a passion for science and engineering and wanted to invent something that would change the world. According to his mother, Husnain was the ‘perfect son’ who would always help her around the house. “He always joked around with me and always made me laugh,” Husnain’s mother says. Read more Tanveer Hussain Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Naib Subidar (retd) Atta Mohammad and Jatti Bibi
Siblings: Mehwish Nasim (17), Khawar Shahzad (16) and Mohammad Faraz (12)
Aspiring to become a doctor and serve the people of his native village, Tanveer was a bright and responsible child. Although young, he was heavily relied upon by his siblings, both older and younger, for help with their homework. Tanveer was a good debater and would often partake in debating competitions. His father recalls how Tanveer had won many medals and how he himself wrote and worked on concepts for his debates. His father remembers how Tanveer would also help his mother out in house chores and was a source of support to all members of the family. Read more Uzair Ahmad Age: 14
Class: 9
Son of Zahoor Ahmed and Farahnaz
Siblings: Tahira (13) and Fatma (2)
Uzair was a big wrestling fan. He loved watching matches and also collected figures and photos of famous wrestlers in an album. He was an obedient son and was respectful of his elders. He was very close to his mother. His father recalls how, every day when he would return from work, Uzair would wait at the gate and jump onto his shoulders to greet him. They would often sit in the garden and talk about their day. Uzair's family says their lives seem to have come to a standstill without him. Read more Mohammad Uzair Ali Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Gulab Perveen and Ahmad Ali
Siblings: Malaika Ali (11) and Mohammad Jalal Ibrahim (7.5)
Mohammad Uzair Ali was a brave boy. His friends say on the day of the attack he fell atop them, shielding them from harm. This is why, according to the medical officer, Uzair was hit with 13 bullets. That day, he had been told off by his history teacher. In a light-hearted way, Uzair said to her, “Miss, today you did not wear make-up, that’s why you are angry. Please, wear make-up! When you do, you are in a good mood.” He was very dear to his grandfather, Haji Ali Khan and both were like best friends. His mother says her son was a generous boy, and once gave Rs120 to a poor woman who was begging on the street for blood pressure medication. Read more Umair Arshad Age: 14
Class: 8
Son of Arshad Ali and Salma Arshad
Siblings: Ayesha Arshad (17), Sumayya Arshad (14), Muhammad Uzair Arshad (9) and Mohammad Zubair Arshad (5)
The son of a soldier, Umair aspired to become an airforce pilot. He used to collect pictures and information on fighter jets used by Pakistan and other countries. For his age, he had a good understanding of what it takes to be a soldier in a country marred by terror. Umair was also very fond of race cars and heavy bikes and loved collecting pictures of these vehicles. His father remembers how he had bought a bike for Umair and wanted to surprise him but it was not to be. It was the day of the APS attack. Umair’s bike stands by the porch of his house, still unused. Read more Click tabs below to view the digital memorial.
Abrar Hussain Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Rajab Ali Rajab Ali and Roqqaya Bibi
Siblings: Muntazer Hussain (29), Arif Hussain (25), Jamshed Ali (23) and Sajda Hussain (18) With his nose buried in textbooks, Abrar Hussain was fiercely competitive academically. A hostel student at APS, he was top of his class for nine years straight. Whenever he returned to his village, he'd be found studying instead of mingling with friends. Every year, the school would call his parents in to show them his achievements. According to his father, Abrar was always worried about coming second. If he wasn't studying, he'd be found at home, curled up in a quiet corner reading. Read more Ahmad Elahi Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Mehfooz Elahi and Sumeer Sadiqi
Siblings: Faseeha Elahi (17) and Mohammad Elahi (13) Ahmad was a position holder; he aspired to be a surgeon. His mother says he was very religious and offered all his prayers at the mosque. In fact, he would try to reach the mosque early so that he could recite the Azan. He liked to play cricket with his friends but more than anything else, he loved his parrots. Just a few days before the attack he had bought a brand new cage for them. Each night, before going to sleep, Ahmad had made it a habit to crawl into his mother’s bed and make sure he hadn’t said or done anything to hurt her. "If I did, I apologise for it." Read more Ahmad Mujtaba Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of M. Anwar Khan and Nayab Anwar
Siblings: Ahmad Murtaza (9), Iqra Anwar (18) and Javeria Anwar (16) Mujtaba was a shy, quiet boy who hoped to join the Pakistan Army as a doctor one day. His best friends were his siblings. The only time he did shed his shy demeanor was when he played cricket. He loved the sport with a passion. But if there was anything Mujtaba loved more than cricket, it was brand new clothes; he loved the way they looked on him. For this reason, his father got four suits tailor-made for him. They hang in his wardrobe, unworn. Read more Asad Aziz Age: 15
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Dost Mohammad
Siblings: Tariq (31), Liaqat (29), Tahir (26), Rashid (24), Shahid (21) and Asia Bibi (19) Asad was the ‘brightest child’ in the family and also the most athletic. Four days before the 15-year-old passed away in the attack, he had won a medal in table tennis. In the summer of 2013, Asad and his family went out to spend the day by the river. The young boy had just come out of the water a long swim when his cousin Zeeshan was swept up by a current and was going to drown. Without losing his calm, Asad jumped into the water and managed to pull his cousin out alive. He was a savior. Read more Asfand Khan Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Ajoon Khan and Shahana Bibi
Siblings: Mohammad Wadan Khan (5) and Mahrosha Khan (12) A quiet but confident teenager, Asfand Khan aspired to become a lawyer one day. He was also very passionate about driving and training at the gym. Unlike most boys his age, Asfand liked being solitary and would spend most of his free time in his room. His respectful demeanor earned him love from elders and admiration of those younger to him. In his father’s absence, Asfand took on the role of the man of the family. He would shoulder his father’s responsibilities and take care of his mother and siblings. “After my son’s shahadat, I will have to start my life from scratch,” his father says. Read more Bahram Ahmad Khan Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Lt-Col Gulzar Ahmad Khan and Nosheen Gulzar
Siblings: Hassan Ahmad Khan (9) and Zaryab Ahmad Khan (19) Bahram wanted to become a doctor and spend his life serving the underprivileged. Empathetic by nature, he was always moved when a disaster struck somewhere. Bahram secured 91% in his last exam. This distinction was aside from the various medals he had won in academics and extra-curricular activities. His father recalls a story Bahram’s friends shared from the APS attack. During the attack, a friend of Bahram fell to the floor and broke his glasses due to which he could barely see. Bahram came back to get him but on their way out was stopped by a terrorist. His friends recall that Bahram pushed the terrorist and received two bullets in the chest which resulted in his death. Read more Basit Ali Sardar Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of Sardar Ali and Sadaf Sardar
Siblings: Kiran Sardar (18), Irum Sardar (16) and Basharar Ali Sardar (12) Basit Ali Sardar was no ordinary boy. His mother remembers him as a very considerate son who would assist her in household chores and especially in the kitchen. He would even prepare tea and meals for guests. He was very attached to his family and would frequently travel to his village where his grandparents are still live. Basit wanted to join the army as an officer. Failing the test once, he was selected to join cadet college on his second try. The selection letter was received by his parents after Basit’s passing. Read more Farhan Jalal Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Jalal Bayar and Syeda Begum
Siblings: Hassan Hasrat Jabeen (30), Asfandyar (29), Sheryar (28), Siyar (27), Arshanyar (26), Naveeda (18), Kashif (17) and Taif (16) On the day of the attack, Farhan saved his brother. When he saw the attackers enter the auditorium and open fire, he pushed Taif to the floor and protected him, but lost his life in doing so. According to his father, Farhan was the most outstanding of his nine children. He may have been the youngest but he was the most intelligent and active. He was very close to Taif, who is just a year older than him. Farhan wanted to be a fighter pilot when he grew up. He watched videos of fighter jets for hours on end. While he loved to read books, his favourite pastime was playing video games. Project I.G.I and Grand Theft Auto were his top picks. Read more Muhammad Waqar Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Muhammad Raiz and Rukhsana Raiz
Siblings: Muhammad Hamza (18), Muhammad Asim (13), Muhammad Haris (6) and Maryam (12) Innately gifted, Waqar only had to scan his books once to be able to write a stellar exam and earn a position in his school. But along with academics, he loved extra-curricular activities; he won several laurels. Waqar was a Qari and had learnt five siparahs of the Holy Quran by heart; he also offered prayers five times a day. He enjoyed both playing and watching cricket. He was devoted to his parents, and loved them immensely. His father Muhammad Riaz weeps while recalling his son’s many talents. Waqar’s mother, he says, still takes out her son’s belongings every day. Read more Haider Amin Age: 15
Son of Muhammad and Sofia Amin
Siblings: Saba (19), Laiqa (8) and Laiba (6) Haider was closest to his sister Saba. She says he was a disciplined person who never left for tomorrow what could be done today. He was a good student and aspired to be a soldier some day. He loved watching military videos. He was an avid footballer. He played at school as well as after home time in a ground near his home. His sisters weep for their dear Haider. Life is not the same without him. Read more Hamza Ali Kakar Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Kosar Ali Kakar and Salma Javed
Siblings: Sara Ali Kakar (11) and Ayesha Ali Kakar (8) A dedicated student, a position holder, a parade commander in school, Hamza was known among friends as 'Captain'. He held a great desire to join the army. Like boys his age, he was fond of fast food and BBQ, with pizza, chicken tikka, biryani and seekh kebab being his favourites. Hamza was also fond of travelling outside the city and would visit Nathia Gali once a month. He was a respectful and loving boy who was close to his father. Hamza’s father recalls how his son had asked him to get him a pet chicken and goat for him upon clearing his exam. Hamza finally got his pets, just three days before the attack. Read more Hayatullah Sikandar Age: 15
Class: 8
Son Lt Col. Sikandar Hayat and Mrs Hayat
Siblings: Hira Sikandar (21) and Hamza Sikandar (19) Born to an army officer, Hayatullah’s desire to serve the nation ran in his blood. He wanted to join the Pakistan Army but his parents wished for him to become a doctor instead. According to his father, Hayatullah was bold and confident and surprised elders with his quick intelligence. He loved automobiles, and would often surf the Internet for new car models. He excelled in both studies and extra-curricular activities and had won several medals for his achievements. Adept at both football and basketball, he captained his house basketball team. Four days before his death, he had won the title of ‘best basketball player’. Read more Mohammad Ali Rehman Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Mohammad Hussain and Dilshad Bibi
Siblings: Mohammad Abdullah (12) and Mohammad Abubakkar (5) Mohammad Ali Rehman, the eldest of three sons, was a studious position-holder who excelled at English, winning several competitions. Ali’s father says the day before the attack, his son had asked for money to buy a new notebook after his ran out of empty pages. His father had given him the money that night and Ali thanked his father as he was leaving for school. Mohammad Hussain says that when he received his son’s body, the Rs300 he had given him was still in his son's pocket. Both of Ali’s parents have recovered after the tragic incident. His mother underwent psychiatric treatment after the attack. His father says he dreamt of Ali, and his son told him that he is alive and with him always. Read more Mohammad Ammar Khan Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Lt Col. (retd) Ibrahim Khan Shinwari and Raheeda Begum
Siblings: Mohammad Salman Khan (21), Mohammad Arsalan Khan (20), and two sisters An aspiring doctor, Ammar wanted to serve the people of his hometown when he grew up. Youngest among his siblings, he was very fond of travelling. He often arranged picnics and parties with his friends and was even planning to travel to Murree with them but the trip was postponed. Although a very intelligent student who always secured over 80% in exams, his teachers felt he was still a little lax and only studied during exam time. His parents recall an incident when Ammar found a wallet full of cash and important cards. The wallet belonged to a man who lived in Nowshera and Ammar went all the way there to return it to its owner. Read more Muhammad Mohsin Murtaza Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of SM (retd) Gulam Murtaza and Fazeelat Jan
Siblings: Gulam Mujtaba (29), Yaseen Akhter (27), Noureen Akhter (25), Gulam Yaseen (23), Ahsan Murtaza (21), Munira Murtaza (15), Saifullah (13) and Zobia Murtaza (9) In a family of nine children, Mohsin stood out for being kind and honest. He loved to help those in need. He excelled in academics and had won many prizes. He enjoyed playing cricket, soccer and football. But he never let anything get in the way of his prayers. Mohsin liked eating all kinds of food but fish, in particular, was his favourite. He would often gather his friends and go fishing. On the day of the APS attack, he demanded a new sweater and his sister assured him that his wish would be fulfilled after he returned from school. Read more Muhammad Shafqat Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Sep (retd) Muhammad Arif
Muhammad Shafqat’s family could not be contacted for his obituary. Shafqat’s teachers say he was a polite and intelligent student who aspired to become a soldier like his father. He never teased other students and was a focused and hard working young boy. Read more Muhammad Tahir Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Hav. Muhammad Ismail and Sajida Kalsoom
Siblings: Iqra Mustafwi (17), Fizza Mustafwi (6) and Quratulain Fatima (5)
Tahir has a melodious and powerful voice. He was often selected to sing national songs at school. His father says he was skilled with the computer and IT-related work. He wanted to be a software engineer when he grew up. In games he likes to play cricket and football. He was also a part of school cricket team. He was very fond of computer games. Need For Speed was his favourite. He loved to travel within the country. His favourite spot was Murree, where he would love to take chairlift rides. His family tries to be strong. They miss Tahir very much. Read more Muhammad Uzair Khan Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of Khalid Shakeel and Neghat Yasmeen
Siblings: Shehriyar (18) and Umair (11)
The second-born of three brothers, Uzair was a hardworking student who aspired to be a doctor. He had a beautiful voice, and was often selected to recite Quranic verses at school events. The day of the attack, Uzair did a recitation that many of his teachers and friends recall. His mother is inconsumable. She says her son did not want to go to school that day but she forced him to go. She says the guilt haunts her and that she misses her boy very much. Read more Mouzzam Zulfiqar Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of Sep/Clk Zulfiqar and Rehana
Siblings: Javeria Zulfiqar (14), Zunaira Zulfiqar (10) and Muhammad Jasim (3.5)
As the eldest, Mouzzam was a responsible and obedient son. He was a hard-working and studious boy who took an active part in class activities and school events such as plays and skits. He was very close to his mother and grandmother. He was crazy about football and was a big fan of Ronaldo and Messi. He also loved playing computer games, with Fifa 2000 and Call of Duty being his favourites. His father says Mouzzam wanted to be an air force pilot when he grew up. He would spend hours watching videos of fighter jets and had learned all the names of the aircrafts. The JF 17 Thunder and F-16 were his favourites. His family feels his absence very much and prays for him every day. Read more Mohammad Yaseen Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Mohammad Asif and Afshan Asif
Siblings: Ayesha (7) and Fatma (2)
Mohammad Yaseen was a jovial boy who always lent a sympathetic ear to others. He loved helping those less fortunate than him, and often ate lunch with domestic help and gate-keepers. His parents talk about the horror they felt when he was kidnapped for ransom at age 7 for 11 days. After that horrific indent, they never let him go out alone. Mohammad Yaseen’s favourite past time was playing games on his laptop. He also created a Facebook page of himself, and asked his friends and cousins to like it, which he thought would make him famous one day. A week prior to the attack, his mother shares that Yaseen was playing a shooting game with his cousin at home, during which he acted out being shot with two bullets. She recalls being handed her son’s body on Dec 16 – he had been shot twice. Read more Noor Ullah Durrani Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Falak Naz and Tehseen Ullah Durrani
Sibling: Sana (19), Hafsa (17) and Ammara (11)
Noor Ullah Durrani was very close to his family. His sister says that when they were in the same school, he would treat his friends to snacks from the canteen and cheekily put the tab on his sister. He wanted to be doctor and was a genius with computers. His father says Noor Ullah knew how to fix any computer glitch and was known in their colony for being a ‘computer master’. His neighbours would come to him when they needed their PCs repaired. His mother, a teacher, says she misses Noor Ullah's humour. He would often tease her by saying it would be comical if he gave her one of her own tests and she failed it. Read more Osama Zafar Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Seema Shehwar and Zafar Iqbal
Siblings: Fatma Zafar (13), Ayesha Zafar (12) and Talha Zafar (10)
Osama’s family says he was an obedient son. He had a generous disposition, and would always ask his gatekeeper about his health and make sure he had been served meals on time. His father recalls that he was born in the Combined Military Hospital in Peshawar on a Tuesday, 15 years ago. He died in that very same hospital, on that fateful Tuesday. He had been asked by his parents to leave APS as its affiliation was with the federal board, and to take admission at a school that was affiliated with the Peshawar board. But Osama refused. He was happy at his school and was a good, hard working student. Read more Rafique Raza Bangash Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Shazia and Abid Raza Bangash
Siblings: Murtajez Raza Bangash (12)
Rafique is described by his family as a polite and respectful boy. People who knew him are as moved and saddened by his passing as his family. He was a religious child and often asked his father why there was extremism and sectarianism in society. He wanted people of different sects to be united. His father says his son was a sensible boy, who often handled discussions in a manner that a 40 or 50-year-old would adopt. He wanted to be a neurosurgeon. His death has left his family heartbroken. Rafique’s father says that he was the reason for their smiles and without him, life seems meaningless. Read more Saad Ur Rehman Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Zahid Abdullah Shah
Siblings: Ibad ur Rehman (19) and Maad ur Rehman (10)
Saad loved computers. He was known as a ‘computer master’ and was popular amongst his friends for repairing faulty machines. He was very close to his father; they were like best friends. He took special care of him, and the last thing he did each night was make sure his father had a glass of water. He used to to stress that his father should take his medicine regularly. He had parrots and fish for pets and loved coming home to take care of them. His father said that his son used to care about his family members a lot. Read more Shahbaz Ali Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Shoukat (late) and Khalida Ali
Sibling: Saba Gul (18)
The Ali family has suffered two tragedies. Shahbaz’s father passed away a year before his son was killed in the attack. With Shahbaz and his father gone, his mother and sister have had to relocate from Peshawar back to the village. Mrs Ali says her son was an obedient and respectful boy. He was praised by his teachers and loved by his friends. He had a curious mind and enjoyed research and reading about things. His mother says she is trying to be brave and move past the tragedies in her life. Read more Shamowail Tariq Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Shagufta and Tariq Jan
Siblings: Mehwish Tariq (18), Sohail Tariq (13) and Sawail Tariq (7)
Shamowail's father describes him as a mature and responsible young boy. He was a respectful and obedient son and was nicknamed Babar Sher (lion). Whenever his siblings were disappointed in their father, Shamowail would cheer them up and make them laugh by telling jokes. The day of the attack, two bloodied Rs20 notes were recovered from his front pocket. Both notes had bullet holes in them. Shamowail's father has kept those notes with him as a memory of his son’s sacrifice. Read more Shayan Nasir Age: 15
Class: 10
Son of Naila and Jamal Nasir
Siblings: Fazle Nasir (25), Shahab Nasir (23), Seemab Nasir (21), Zubair Nasir (19) and Shafi Nasir (17)
Shayan was a religious boy. He always inspired his friends and family to be regular with their prayers. His father says Shayan would tell his mother not arrange dinner before the night prayer as his father would get lazy and not offer his prayers in the mosque. He was a good cricket player, but his real passion was astronomy. Read more Syed Afaq Ahmed Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Zahir Shah (late) and Bibi Amna
Siblings: Shah Fahad (27), Bibi Fatma (25), Shamsul Qamar (24), Bibi Rabia (19), Farooq Didar (18), Bibi Uzma (16) and Arsh Zahir (13)
Just like his elder siblings, Afaq wanted to be a doctor. He was not a very social child and preferred being home and playing on the computer. He was very close to his siblings and mother, who say Afaq was the ‘backbone’ of the family. His mother recalls that her son was very happy on December 16, 2014 before he left for school. That is how she wants to remember him His siblings say the void in their lives after the passing of their brother can never be filled. Read more Maheer Rizwan Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Mohammad Rizwan Aslam and Aneela Rizwan
Siblings: Mehreen Aslam (14), Arham Siraj (9) and Zuraiz (5 months)
Maheer was a simple boy who was very fond of the outdoors. His family recalled how he did not waste any opportunity to travel out of Peshawar to be close to nature or go swimming. Maheer had a great interest in computer engineering and wanted to pursue it as a profession after passing out of school. Read more Mobeen Aslam Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of Aslam Qureshi and Zahida Aslam Qureshi (late)
Siblings: Samara Aslam Qureshi, Arfa Aslam Qureshi and Iqra Aslam Qureshi
To those who knew him, Mobeen was the ‘karate kid with a God-gifted, soulful voice’. Mobeen was quite close to his father despite the latter being away from the family for 10 years. The two became close ‘friends’ after the death of Mobeen’s mother in 2013. “One day I was dropping Mobeen to school and asked him to pray that I quickly get promoted to the rank of Army Commander. He told me it was not an easy task to become a commander just like that,” Mobeen’s father recalls with a smile on his face. Read more Mohammad Ali Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Shahab-ud-Din and Rana Gul
Siblings: Alishba Khan (17), Maya Khan (11) and Toba Khan (6)
The only son of Shahab ur Rehman and Rana Gul, Mohammad Ali was jovial and a typically naughty teenager. But his carefree attitude was limited to the playground and according to the family, the 15-year-old was ‘extremely respectful’ towards his elders. Mohammad Ali was particularly fond of his horse which was gifted to him by his father. He would spend his vacations learning horseback riding. “I no longer fear my only son will get hurt in anyway,” Mohammad Ali’s stoic father said, while recalling how he would worry for his son as soon as he stepped out of the house. Read more Usama Bin Tariq Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of Naik Subedar Tariq Mehmood and Safina Tariq
Siblings: Umama Tariq (15) and Sana Tariq (12)
The eldest of three siblings and the only boy, Usama was very special to his parents. He aspired to be an army officer when he grew up. He was especially concerned about poor people displaced by military operations in the north and wanted to work towards their rehabilitation. He was a brilliant soccer player and often used to play with his father. They were like best friends. His father had recently bought a brand new bike for him. Read more Zeeshan Ali Age: 15
Class: 9
Son of Hav Abdul Qayyum and Samina Bibi
Siblings: Saman Qayyum (13), Sidra Qayyum (11), Ayesh Qayyum (7) and Fatima Qayyum (4)
Aspiring to become a doctor, Zeeshan was a very intelligent and responsible child. Eldest among the siblings, Zeeshan was the only brother who was devoted to his sisters. Caring and jolly, he would often take his sisters on bike rides and would buy them candy. Zeeshan started studying at APS soon after his father was transferred to Peshawar. This was weeks before the massacre, and in that time, he had succeeded in becoming one of his teachers’ favourite students. He was fond of shopping and buying new clothes. His father remembers that Zeeshan’s uncle was getting married on Dec 16 and he had wanted new clothes for the ceremony. Zeeshan was supposed to go shopping with his mother after school that day. Read more Zeeshan Shafique Age: 15
Class: 8
Son of Hav. (retd) Muhammad Shafique and Bismillah Jan
Siblings: Yasir Shafique (12), Danial Shafique (9) and Masooma Shafique (3)
A student of the APS since 2004, Zeeshan was among the top of his class. He was also a good athlete, enjoyed playing football and would be very competitive in matches. He was fond of keeping pets, with pigeons being his favourite. His mother recalls how he kept pigeons at home and looked after them with great care. Son of a soldier, Zeeshan too aspired to join the army and serve the country. Read more Click tabs below to view the digital memorial.
AGE 16 Adnan Hussain Age: 16
Class: 9
Son of Hav. R Muhammad Hussain and Afsana Hussain
Siblings: Ishrat Fatima (8), Kashif Mehmood (14) and Waqas Ahmed Adnan Hussain’s mother weeps as she holds up his blood-spattered shoes. He was very close to her, she says, adding that he would greet her first thing when he came home from school and wouldn’t eat his lunch or dinner without her. On the day of the attack, Adnan took his father’s new joggers, saying, “What kind of a father are you? You buy new ones for yourself and have your son wear old shoes?” He lost one of the shoes during the siege on APS. The other shoe has been locked away in a cupboard for safekeeping. Adnan was seriously injured in the attack and passed away on the night of Dec 18 at 8:30pm. Read more Hassan Zeb Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Aurangzeb and Nasira Zeb
Siblings: Zarak Ali (21), Hamza Ali (19) and Moosa Zeb (13) Hassan Zeb was an intelligent student with a good academic record. Hassan loved keeping pets and had three parrots at home which still live there. A little chubby, his mother recalls how once at a school get together when children were asked to bring their grandparents, Hassan refused to go with his grandmother. He was afraid that those at the school may make fun of him and his grandmother for being a little overweight. One of Hassan’s brothers, Hamza, who studies at APS, was with him at the time of the attack. Previously a chirpy, talkative child, Hamza has been terrified since the attack and prefers to keep quiet and to himself. Read more Huzaifa Aftab Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Aftab Ahmed and Andaleep Aftab
Siblings: Farwa Aftab (14) and Maaz Aftab (10)
An aspiring scientist, Huzaifa liked to work on making new things. His mother says he would deliberately break his toys and then repair them by himself. A sometimes naughty child, Huzaifa would hide his brother’s and sister’s school badges, toys and other belongings but would eventually tell them the location of the hidden items. Close to his mother, Huzaifa was a considerate child and didn’t mind sharing. Having read the story of Abdul Sattar Edhi, Huzaifa had made it a habit that he wouldn’t use up all his pocket money for himself but would also help those in need. His mother tells how this habit was liked by all in the family as well as the neighbourhood. Read more Malik Taimoor Age: 16
Class: 9
Son of Karim Khan and Rozeena Bibi
Siblings: Roshna Bibi (27), Qaiser Khan (25), Maryam Bibi (23) and Nasir Khan (20)
Four months before the attack, Malik participated in a skit which described an attack at the school. In the role of an army major, Malik was killed fighting militants. The day of the attack, his classmates say Malik died just as heroically. When he saw his principal Tahira Qazi set on fire, he leapt to save her, hoping to extinguish the flames. It was too late for both of them. The cowardly terrorists attacked him from behind, hitting him in the head. He loved his principal. Malik was the youngest of five siblings and was loved and spoilt by them. His siblings appear to be shocked into a silence at the loss of their youngest. His mother says her heart breaks every day, and that she will never forget her son. Read more Malik Usama Tahir Awan Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Aftab Ahmed and Andaleep Aftab
Siblings: Roshna Bibi (27), Qaiser Khan (25), Maryam Bibi (23) and Nasir Khan (20) Usama was an extremely polite and loving boy who was adored by his family and friends alike. The 16-year-old aspired to join the Pakistan Army but always spoke of peace and education. According to his father, Usama was of the belief that militancy could only be eradicated through education. According to his mother, Usama had one weakness: chicken karhai. Mrs Awan would make sure her son was never disappointed at the dinner table. Read more Mubeen Afridi Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Farooq Shah and Shaheen Afridi
Siblings: Maleha Afridi (18) and Areeba Afridi (10) Studious and a position holder in his school, bright-eyed Mubeen was extremely well-mannered and was known to say salaam to everyone on his street. Like other children his age, he enjoyed playing sport and was very fond of football. He played the game well and even won several awards. His mother says her son was so passionate about the game that he would ask his father to help him go abroad so he could become the best football player. Mubeen also kept parrots at home which still live there. His mother says after her son’s passing, she opened the cage so the parrots could fly away but the birds stayed and still remain at Mubeen’s. Read more Muzamil Umer Sadiq Age: 16
Class: 9
Son of Umer Karim Sidiq and Sumera Umer
Siblings: Dr Unzela Umer (24), Kamil Umer (23), Hijab Umer (22) and Aimal Umer (17) Muzamil Umer and naughtiness were synonymous — so much so that he had his siblings as well as his parents despairing. His brothers, sisters and his parents were always on the alert for his tricks and antics. He used to tell his father that he would like to become a religious scholar. He was also Qari of the Holy Quran. He learned Surah Muzamil by heart a day before he was killed. Read more Muhammad Umar Hayat Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Hayat Gul
Siblings: Faisal (18), Maria (13) and Mahnoor Fatima (11) Umar was an excellent student. He won several awards and certificates at school and topped his federal board exam. He wanted to become a military doctor. Umar’s parents say every waking moment without him is painful. Read more Nadeem Hussain Age: 16
Class: 9
Son of Hussain Asghar and Bibi Fizza
Siblings: Haseena Batool (14), Bakhtawar bibi (11) and Mohammad Qasim (15 months) A quiet boy, Nadeem was intelligent beyond his years. Before APS, he took admission in Oswa Public School where he skipped nursery and prep to be placed in Class 1 for being exceptionally gifted. From Class 1 to 7, Nadeem remained a position holder. His father says he was among the top five students in all of APS. He aspired to become a doctor, enjoyed playing cricket and always had a meticulous appearance. Still in shock over her son’s death, Nadeem’s mother Fizza Bibi now suffers from cardiac problems. Read more Shah Fahad Age: 16
Class: 9
Son of Misal Khan and Shukria Bibi
Siblings: Faisal (20), Sidra Bibi (18) and Bushra Bibi (17) Before he went to school that day, Shah warned his sisters not to eat the sweets his uncle had gifted to him. He gave them stern looks, telling them to stay away from his masaledar gurh. His sisters are very sad he did not come home to fight for them. Shah was very close to his sisters. He was naughty and thoroughly enjoyed teasing them but would diligently do his homework under their supervision. He joined APS four months prior to the attack. Before that, he studied in Hayatabad and lived with his aunt. At that time, he used to visit his parents every 4 months. But his parents wanted to see him every day, so he got admission to the army school in Peshawar. Read more Sher Shah Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Salma and Mohammad Sohail Khattak
Siblings: Ahmad Ali Shah (14) and Ayesha Gulali (11) Sher Shah loved to study Turkish and Islamic history and was a skilled member of the debating club. His favourite book was ‘Worlds Together, Worlds Apart’. While many children cannot read or write Pashto, Sher Shah excelled at it. He wanted to be a journalist when he grew up, and imagined himself as an anchor on prime time television. He was very interested in horses devoured books that contained details of the taxonomy of horses. He could tell the classification of any horse buy its structure and physique. Read more Sohail Sadar Age: 16
Class: 9
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Sardar Hussain
Siblings: Hareem Sardar (15), Mohammad Haris Sardar (11) and Mohammad Hassan Sardar (7) Sohail’s father says his son was a neat and clean child who wanted to grow up to be a doctor. He was close to his father, who fulfilled every request made by his son. He was not a fussy eater and was happy to eat anything that was cooked at home. He had a pet parrot that he loved very much. Read more Syed Abdullah Shah Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Syed Fazal Hussain and Saima Fazal Hussain
Siblings: Syed Talib Hasnain (11 months) “Abdullah was quite a serious boy. He did not express his love for me with his words but would hug me each time he saw me,” Abdullah’s mother recalls. The young boy, who was admired by all his classmates, wanted to join the army as a doctor and always talked about ‘serving people.’ Ever responsible, Abdullah would give his father advice about his business, something which his mother says used to put a smile on everyone’s face. Read more Syed Zulqarnain Age: 16
Class: 9
Son of Kishwar Sultan and Syed Shah
Siblings: Faheem Shah (23), Zakir Shah (21), Radia Shah (20) and Saira Shah (18) Zulqarnain joined APS just two months before the attack. His father says the college his son was attending was too far away and he wanted him to be closer to home. While considered a prankster, Zulqernain was as patriotic as one could be. He would paint the national flag on his face on Independence Day. Like all boys his age, he loved cricket, biryani and cars. But his favourite snack was French fries. He would ask his sister to make some for him nearly every day. Read more Usman Sadiq Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Mrs. and Mrs. Muhammad Sadiq
Hailing from Abbottabad district, Usman was the only child of his parents and loved dearly by them. His father describes him as an energetic, intelligent boy, who was good at his studies and could grasp complicated concepts quickly. He was fond of cricket and watched every match. He would often play in the neighbourhood or at school with his friends. He loved spicy food, especially biryani. His parents pray daily for strength and endurance after their son's loss. Read more Zargham Mazhar Age: 16
Class: 8
Son of Naib Subidar Mazhar and Mukhtair Bibi
Siblings: Naheed Mazhar (23), Shahzad Mazhar (21), Shahbaz Mazhar (19) and Shahzadi Bakthwar (4) Zargham Mazhar was a serious, studious child. He enjoyed reading often reading books that were not part of his coursework to increase his knowledge. He would also recommend books to his siblings. A bright student, he would feature among the top students of his class. He was class proctor and known among his peers for his attentiveness and gumption. His father remembers how young Zargham was fond of gardening and looked after his plants and flowers every day. Zargham wanted to join the army and his parents used to call him “little soldier”. He had also cleared the test for the military college in Jhelum but died before his admission could be finalised. Read more Zeeshan Ahmed Age: 16
Class: 10
Son of Sub Ikramullah and Hameeda Ahmed
Siblings: Ishfaq Ahmed (26), Nazia Ahmed (25), Shahab Ahmed (23), Waqas Ahmed (18), Awais Ahmed (died in APS) (14) and Nimra Ahmed (8) Hailing from Malakand, Zeeshan Ahmed enjoy playing cricket. He often played matches with his brothers, and was part of his school cricket team. His favourite player was Shahid Afridi. Zeeshan was very devoted to his eight-year-old sister Nimra. The two used to joke and gossip and Zeeshan would also help her with her studies. Zeeshan’s brother Awais, who was younger to him, also died in the massacre. The brothers were in the same hall and died trying to save each other. Their father remembers how Zeeshan and Awais did everything together and were the best of friends. Read more Click tabs below to view the digital memorial.
AGE 17 to 20 Bilal Arshad Age: 17
Class: 8
Son of Arshad Ali and Naheed Arshad
Siblings: Rashid Ali (19), Shahkar Ali (18), Mashal Arshad (14), Saleena Arshad (12) and Zarak Khan (10) Bilal Arshad always aspired to join the Pakistan Army as a commissioned officer. A capable athlete, he enjoyed playing volleyball and badminton and also won several laurels for both games. He was exceptionally disciplined and maintained an impeccable appearance, putting a lot of thought into the clothes he wore. Giving by nature, Bilal often convinced his father to give him money so that he could treat his less-privileged friends to a nice restaurant. On the morning of the attack, he brought home two cakes before leaving for school. He ate one and told his mother to serve the other to his father who was sleeping at that time. Bilal’s father woke up late that day and immediately learnt of the APS attack that also claimed his son’s life. Till date, the cake is still at home. Read more Muhammad Sahiban Durrani Age: 17
Class: 10
Son of Zabith Khan and Shabnam
Siblings: Roman Khan Durrani (19), Seema (17), Saba Durrani (15), Sana Durrani (13), Huma Durrani (11), Jibran Khan Durrani (8) and Jasmin Durrani (8) Brother of seven, Sahiban was of a very serious disposition. He aspired to join the army as an officer and for that purpose concentrated on his studies a lot. Sometimes, he would be up at 3 am, going through his lessons and preparing for the coming day at school. Close to his mother, Sahiban would tell her how he would stand by her "in this world and the next". His father says Sahiban had a favourite spot under a tree near his house. This is where he would relax and unwind. It is now the spot where he is buried. Read more Aimal Khan Age: 18
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Attique Akhtar
Siblings: Ahmad Jan (16), Malaika Arman (12) and Zarak Khan (10) Aimal Khan always wondered why the most hardworking people in his city used to sleep in the streets. According to his father, the young boy showed empathy beyond his years. Aimal made it to the point regularly serve meals to the poor, and during Ramazan, he would make sure all police checkposts in his area were delivered a ration for Iftar. Aimal was also known in his neighbourhood as a talented artist, and his sketches of sports cars garnered a lot of praise on the internet. He had restored several cars, and his decorative work on seats and rims earned him quite a lot of money. Aimal’s father proudly declared that the family had never received a complaint about their 18-year-old boy. He was their perfect child. Read more Ibrar Zahid Age: 18
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Zahid Rashid and Shahida Bano
Siblings: Mohammad Azkaar Zahid (15) and Mohammad Absar Zahid (11) The eldest amongst his siblings, Ibrar was a hardworking student and responsible young man. His father says when his son was alive, he did not have to worry about his younger children as Ibrar looked after them like a parent. He also took great care of his mother, and would often run errands with her or take her to the hospital for check ups. He was obsessed with computer hardware and software and hoped to be an engineer when he grew up. Ibrar was shot three times – in the spine, chest and leg. He fought for his life for a week after the attack, but succumbed to his injuries on December 23. His mother misses him terribly. She looks at his photographs, trophies, books, his school bag daily – and says she will never forget him. Read more Imran Ali Age: 18
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Nisar Ali
Imran Ali’s family could not be contacted for this obituary. Imran’s teacher Miss Andaleep Aftab says he came from a very modest home in Kurram Agency. He lived away from his family, at a local hostel in Peshawar. His mother was a tailor and bore all his educational expenses. His teacher says that if he were alive, he would have pursued his dream to be a doctor, and would have made an excellent one. She also says he was eager to polish his English. Each morning, he would reach school early with a list of difficult words he wanted to know the meanings of. He was an only child. Ishaq Amin Age: 18
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Mohammad Amin and Zarshida
Siblings: Waqar Amin (27), Said Amin (25), Dilawais (23), Amir Amin (17) and Asfandyar Amin (12) A serious child, Ishaq Amin was a devoted student and enjoyed the sciences. He was very close to his brother Amir Amin — an APS student who was injured during the Dec 16 attack — the two were good friends. His brothers says Ishaq enjoyed watching English movies, particularly horror films or those relating to combat and war heroes. A child still, he would ask his father to bring sacrificial animals for Eidul Azha at least a week in advance so he could get time to play with them. Read more Muhammad Imran Age: 18
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Abdul Karim
The family of Muhammad Imran could not be contacted for this obituary. His teachers say Imran was a reserved and shy student. He was the favourite student of Mr. Altaf Hussain, a teacher at APS, who said he could not find any fault in him. He wanted to be an automotive engineer. Muhammad Zeeshan Afridi Age: 18
Class: 10
Son of Hav. Awal Shah and Razia Sanam
Siblings: Naveed (28), Daud (25), Zainab Bibi (22), Noman (15) and Faisal (10) His parents say he was a gift from God. He had a warm heart and loved to crack jokes. Because his house was far from school, Zeeshan lived at the hostel. He loved to play cricket and was a good fast bowler. For this reason , he was the captain of the school cricket team. He wanted to grow up and become a military doctor. He used to say that he would serve the people affected by the military operation in FATA. According to his father he was a good speaker, writer and reader. He got many medals and certificates in many fields. English and maths were his favourite subjects. His family says that they cannot eat, let alone laugh the way they used to when Zeeshan was in their lives. They miss him terribly. Read more Shafique ur Rehman Age: 18
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Subedar Noor Rehman and Hafeeza Begum
Siblings: Sher (25), Sabira (21), Ijaz (15), Javeria (13) and Bilal (11) Shafique wanted to be a military doctor. He worked day and night to attain top grades and was preparing for NUST’s medical test before he was killed in the attack. He was a generous soul. He once asked his father to pay the school fee of a classmate who could not afford to pay tuition. He loved to play cricket. He was a fantastic bowler and batsman, which earned him a spot at Peshawar’s Qayum Complex cricket club. His family feels his loss deeply. Read more Yasir Iqbal Age: 18
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Lance Naik Sher Nawaz Khattak and Naik Pari
Siblings: Nasir (24), Qaiser (21), Mudassir (14), Sheraz (11), Wiqas (8) and Faizan (7) Yasir was in the school auditorium the day of the attack. When the firing started, he dropped down and lay on the floor and was safe. But when he saw that one of his best friends was shot and bleeding profusely, he picked him up and tried taking him out of the school. This is when the attackers struck. His father says Yasir was the most polite and soft-spoken out of his children. He was close to his eldest brother Nasir, who was more a best friend than a brother. He wanted to become a software engineer. Naturally, his favourite subject was computer science. His family says is difficult to live without him, they say, and every day is an emotional challenge. Read more Maher Ali Azam Age: 19
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Kausar Ejaz and Zakia Yasmeen
Sibling: Hamid Ejaz (13) Teachers, classmates and relatives unanimously praise Maher Ali Azam for his intelligence and obedient nature. He wanted to become a doctor and serve the poor people in his village where he also aspired to open a hospital. He was president of the Urdu literary club in his school. He was fond of playing cricket and was a member of the school cricket team. Close to his aunt, Robina Kauser, he enlisted her help in his studies. She says he always told her that he wanted to earn a good name for his country. Read more Muhammad Daud Age: 19
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Khalid Khan and Gulnaz Begum
Siblings: Abdul Qudoos Khan (18), Abdul Qadeer Khan (15), Umra Bibi (13), Sara Bibi (8) and Walliullah (3) The eldest of six children, Muhammad Daud had dreams of serving his nation as an army officer. Known to his youngest sibling as ‘Lala Jee’, Daud was punctual, disciplined and studious and had been appointed house captain. His father says he was a good speaker, writer and reader and had received many medals and certificates. His favourite subject was Biology and he always secured over 90pc marks in the class. His father says Daud was not just a son, but also a friend. “I was very frank with him,” he says. He shares that after one of Daud's classmates mentioned his father had passed away, Daud would take extra pocket money every day to help his friend. Read more Saqib Ghani Age: 19
Son of Maj (retd) Sher Ghani and Iffat Qamar
Siblings: Ambreen Ghani (30), Adnan Ghani (25), Sarish Ghani (25) and Mehwish Ghani (22) “Our college is under attack. Firing is going on. Please pray,” is the last message Saqib Ghani sent to his mother. Saqib’s cousin Asfandyar says he helped those less fortunate than him. When he was promoted to Class 10, he came to know one of his classmates was unable to afford a new uniform. Without informing his parents, Saqib bought a new uniform and gifted it to his classmate. Saqib aspired to be a civil engineer. He was also inspired by his retired Army Major father, his sister Mehwish says, and desired to fight militancy as an army officer. Read more Zain Iqbal Age: 19
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Mohammad Iqbal
Siblings: Aqsa Iqbal (24) and Mohammad Haris Iqbal (22) Zain was a responsible and diligent student. He stuck by his daily schedules for work and studied hard to be the best student in his class. His father says that he was killed in the very same hall where he used to make presentations for his Biology class. His family describes him as the soul of any party. His teachers would also say he was the life of the school. After his death, Zulqarnain’s family learnt of an ageing man in the neighbourhood who died when he heart of the young boy’s death. They discovered that Zulqarnain would frequently offer a lift to the elderly man when he was on his way to the mosque, and the two would pray together. Read more Abdul Azam Afridi Age: 20
Class: 2nd Year
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Ghayas Ud Din Afridi
Siblings: Alveena Ghayas (30), Dr Amir Azam Afridi (29) and Sikandar Azam Afridi (28) Abdul was a fun-loving, naughty student. He once went to the computer lab and poured water on all the computers. Later, when an infuriated teacher asked who did it, Abdul owned up to the mischief and paid a fine for the act. He was not particularly fond of his studies. His passion was martial arts and weight-lifting, which he pursued with a fervour which earned him medals and certificates. His mother says her boy was child-like. Even at the age of 20, he would sleep in her bed like a two-year-old. He loved animals and was the proud owner of a dog. Before he passed away, he told his driver he was excited about adopting his friend’s Persian cat. Read more Waseem Iqbal Age: 20
Class: 4th Year
Son of Hav. Muhammad Irshad Asif
Waseem Iqbal’s family could not be contacted for this obituary. Waseem is described by his teachers as a happy go lucky student. He was an active and energetic soul who was loved by all his teachers. He was fond of playing cricket and was a good player. Click tabs below to view the digital memorial.
Over 20 Muhammad Sami (peon) Age: 22
Son of Shamsur Rehman and Asia Bibi
Siblings: Saeeda (27), Zainab (23), Rani (18), Amanullah (18), Sidra Gul (16) and Atiq Ur Rehman (8) Sami began to work at a young age due to extreme poverty. His father suffered from cancer, and Sami set out to work when he was just a young boy to support the family and pay medical bills. His father passed away in the year 2000. He had been performing his duty at APS for eight years till the day he was killed. His mother says Sami did not enjoy his youth like other children. He had to be the man of the house. Despite the huge responsibility of an entire household on his young shoulders, Sami never lost his temper with his brothers and sisters. After his death, Sami’s family is shattered. His mother misses her son terribly, and wishes he would ask her to cook qeema. His siblings who live at home are in dire poverty as the sole breadwinner of the family is no longer there. Read more Ehsanullah (driver) Age: 22
Son of Zainullah and Saleema Bibi
Children: Yasirullah (3) and Muhammad Yousaf (5 months) Ehsanullah joined APS just 10 days before the attack. On that gruesome day, he helped shift 40 injured children into ambulances before the attackers killed him. He was the proud father of a three-year-old and a newborn. He wanted his kids to grow up and study at the same school where he was employed. He dreamt that they would be doctors. His family says he was a responsible man who took care of his loved ones. They all felt like they could count on him. He didn’t always want to be a driver. He tried to set up a small business on two occasions but had to wind up owing to losses. His children, parents and wife are in shock. They cannot accept that the centre of their world is no longer with them. Read more Hafsa Khush (teacher) Age: 23
Daughter of Prof. Khush Muhammad
Siblings: Muhammad Anas Khan (27) and Javeria (23) An intelligent and determined woman, Hafsa began working at the Army Public School in 2013. Her brother Anas remembers her as very kind and responsible. She was close to her mother and was engaged and soon to be married. Not only did she have excellent command on her subject, Hafsa’s students remember her as someone who wouldn’t leave class without clarifying her pupils’ concepts. Her father, who is still shaken from Hafsa’s death, remembers how his daughter wanted to pursue a Ph.D. and was interested in an academic career. Despite having a chance to save herself and leave the premises, Hafsa chose to stay back to help injured students. It is during this time that she was shot and killed. Read more Muhammad Hussain (gardener) Age: 24
Son of Shamsher Khan and Saira Bibi
Children: Hina (7), Iqra (5) and Aneesa (3) Muhammad Hussain served as gardener in the Army Public School (APS) for a period of seven years. After his passing in the Peshawar massacre, his brother Naheed Khan was offered the job that he took. Naheed says he got to know much more about his brother from his colleagues in the APS who all found Hussain an amicable and honest fellow. Hussain was a hard working man, his brother recalls, saying how after his gardening job at the APS, he would return home and go to work as a farmer in the fields. Hussain enjoyed playing cricket and was good in the game. Hussain leaves behind a widow and three children. His wife still asks why her husband was killed and his father appears broken at the death of his young son. Read more Sadia Gul Khattak (teacher) Age: 24
Daughter of Gul Shahzad Khattak and Zulikha Bibi
Siblings: Hamayun Shahzad, Amir Shahzad, Aarif Shahzad, Asim Shahzad, Tayyada Gul, Uzma Gul An English teacher at the Army Public school for five months, Sadia had completed a Masters in English and a Bachelors in Education at the University of Peshawar. Her father, who is also a professor, was her mentor. She would always consult him before making any big decisions. She was a jovial, fun loving person. Her friends say she loved to hang out with them and talk. They would meet up daily and go for a walk together. Her students say she was a wonderful teacher and that her command over the English language was impressive. Her family says they are broken after her passing. They miss Sadia terribly. Read more Mudassar Khan (lab assistant) Age: 25
Son of Mr. and Mrs. Muhammad Khan
Siblings: Sher Khan (23), Anas Khan (21), Umar Khan (19), Gulnaz (18), Afshan (15) and Fatima (10) A native of Swat valley, Mudassar had a Diploma in Clinical Pathology and a Masters in Pashto from the University of Peshawar. He was passionate about Pashto poetry and often penned romantic couplets which he would share on social media. He was the eldest amongst his siblings and the sole bread winner of his family. For this reason, he had left his village to work. He got engaged 15 days before he was killed. His uncle describes him as a respectful and responsible member of the family, who never hurt a soul. His family is broken by his death and misses him dearly. Read more Hajra Sharif (teacher) Age: 28
Daughter of Muhammad Sharif and Israr Bibi
Siblings: Ruman Nissah (37), Muhammad Amin (35), Bibi Aamna (34), Abrarul Amin (32), Samina Parveen (30) and Shahid Amin (25) A chemistry teacher at APS, Hajra Sharif had the knack of controlling a class effectively, and was very well-rounded in her subject, her colleagues say. She was helpful and polite to work with, and proved her mettle in a very short time. Her students share that even though chemistry was a dull and boring subject, they thoroughly enjoyed her lectures and never bunked her classes. According to Hajra’s siblings, she emphasised a great deal on women’s education, and her aim was to open a girls’ school in Karak. Her brother says that she was his mentor and it was as per her wish that he joined APS. Read more Benish Umer (teacher) Age: 30
Wife of Umer Zeb Butt
Children: Hibbah Umer (5), Annaya Umer (3) and Affaf Umer (1) A loving wife and a caring mother, teaching was Benish’s mission in life. Her husband Umer recalls that it was Benish’s tenacity that helped the family maintain discipline. He remembers Benish preparing breakfast, helping him out with work clothes and then leaving for school on the day of the massacre. A kind woman, after her family, Benish gave the most amount of time to her students and treated them like her own children. She also felt strongly about girls’ education and used to say that educating women was critical for the country’s prosperity. Her husband recalls that Benish had the chance to get out safely during the attack but chose to stay back so she could administer first aid to the injured students. This is when she was shot. Read more Muhammad Bilal (guard) Age: 32
Son of Pervaiz Shah
Children: Abbas (3.5) and Hanan (6 months old) Bilal and his wife were expecting their second child when he was killed. His wife has named her newborn Hanan, because her husband loved that name. He was attacked by the terrorists when they saw him helping children escape from a back exit. He was a loving father. He wanted the best for his son Abbas, and dreamt that he would become a doctor some day. He was a good sportsman and regularly played cricket with the APS students. He was strong, and was able to hit long sixes. His wife and parents miss their beloved Bilal. His youngest will never know her father. Read more Sahar Afshan (teacher) Age: 33
Daughter of Dr. Muhammad Noor Raziq (late) and Shamim Akhter
Siblings: Fawad Gul (35) Sahar was helping evacuate students when the attackers targeted her. She joined APS in 2006 as an Urdu teacher. She had completed a Masters in Urdu from the University of Peshawar and was also pursuing MPhil. As a result of her commitment and hard work, she was promoted to the senior section shortly after she joined. She was a role model for her family. Her siblings aspired to be disciplined like her. Her colleagues still cannot believe that she is gone. Her beautiful smiling face and pleasant voice echoes in their ears. She loved to get friends together for delicious food and gupshup. Her students say she was soft spoken and helpful and that she had a passion for her subject. She often arranged Urdu debating competitions and coached the students. Read more Farhat Bibi (teacher) Age: 39
Children: Syed Sitwat Ali Shah (18) and Syed Baqir Naqqi (15)
Siblings: Fawad Gul (35) There’s a palpable void in Farhat Bibi’s newly constructed house. Widowed husband Abid Ali Shah and sons Baqir and Sitwat are still numb with grief as they recall memories of the cast-iron superwoman in their lives. She held the position of Urdu teacher at APS for three years until her death. Her prolific academic qualifications included an MA in Arabic, MA in Islamiat, an M.Ed and a B.Ed. She was also a Hafiz-e-Quran. As a social worker, Bibi was committed to helping poor and needy people. Her sister, Abida Bibi, remembers her as someone completely devoted to her family. Farhat was an experimental cook and enjoyed making new dishes for her husband and sons. She was fond of tours and picnics and often organized outings for the family. Read more Saima Zareen (teacher) Age: 39
Daughter of Anwar Jamal
Wife of Tariq Saeed Saima Zareen had been teaching English at the APS for 17 years. She had completed her M.Phil in Education and was pursuing a Ph.D in Education. She was the mother of two girls aged 20 and 13. She loved to teach and learn. She would return from school every day at 3pm, eat her lunch and head to her university to study till 7pm. She would then come home and prepare dinner for the family. Her students describe her as soft spoken and kind, while enforcing discipline at the same time. The day of the attack, Saima rushed into the auditorium to save injured students. As she made her way in and out of the room, she was apprehended by one attacker. She was shot dead and her body set on fire. Her husband vows to continue her dream, to teach. He misses her terribly. Read more Akbar Zaman (head clerk) Age: 40
Husband of Bibi Rabia
Children: Tahir Zaman (16), Anwar Zaman (14), Mohammad Zaman and Ahmad Khan “Akbar was a very pleasant man,” says his widow, Bibi Rabia. He had a soft disposition and would always advise his sons to avoid disputes. Akbar had joined the Pakistan Army’s Electrical & Mechanical Engineering dept in 1983 as a clerk and moved to Army Public School after retiring in 2006. He was admired by his entire village and even now he is fondly remembered. Akbar had made it a point to bring back gifts from Peshawar for all the kids in the family when he would visit native Lakki Marwat for holidays. He was as a highly-dedicated employee who gave his life while performing his duty. Read more Zahir Shah (gardener) Age: 40
Son of Zaz Muhammad and Yahi Gul
Husband of Momina Bibi Siblings: Muhammad Sharif, Abdur Rauf, Bushra Bibi, Khayal Muhammad and Muhammad Zahid Zahir Shah began working at APS a year before the massacre. He served the school devotedly and would advise students to study hard whenever he interacted with them. His nephew Shafqat says Zahir had studied up to F.A. but couldn’t carry on due to financial problems. Zahir got married nearly 12 years ago and didn’t have any children but loved his nephews and nieces as if his own. He was particularly close to his 4-year-old nephew Waqas and would look after him as his own child. Although Zahir didn’t earn much, he was always mindful of the needs of his family and always tried to get other, better jobs. His nephew remembers him as a soft-spoken man with a kind heart. Read more Mohammad Shafiq (clerk) Age: 41
Son of Mohammad Sadiq
Children: Children: Saqib (8), Yusra (7), Afia (5) and Fareeha (2) Shafiq was the head clerk at APS since 1996. He was jokingly called the ‘pioneer employee’ of the school. His brother says Shafiq was an honest and hard working member of the school staff. He loved and cared for the students with all his heart. He longed for his children to have a good education. After school, he would drive a taxi to earn extra money to support his family. Two of his children are now studying at APS. The day of the attack, Shafiq was busy evacuating terrified students when he was gunned down. He had made his third trip back into the school during the rescue operation when he was struck. Read more Nawab Ali (teacher) Age: 42
Son of Fazal Rabani and Husn Zaiba.
Children: Faizan (13), Habiba Gul (10) and Ayesha (9) Nawab was a self-made man. When he was a student, he would work after school to earn money for his school fees. He was a math genius, and was popular in his hometown Charsadda for his math skills. He joined APS as a math teacher in 2000. His wife says he was a wonderful husband and also a loving and responsible father. His daughter Ayesha says he used to take joy in celebrating her birthday and get her dolls. She says he had a ‘smiling face’. His colleagues, too, remember him fondly and recall the many instances when he would treat them to shola chawal – a Charsadda specialty. Read more Sajjad Ali (superintendent) Age: 42
Son of Ejaz Ali (Late) and Talat Sajjad
Children: Fahad Ali (4.5) and Faizan Ali (10) Sajjad Ali served at the APS for 10 years. His nephew Mudasser tells how the staff at the school as well as Sajjad’s relatives admired him. An amicable man, Mudasser recalls how Sajj | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
4 Cal.2d 185 (1935)
THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY, Petitioner,
v.
ARTHUR FIBUSH, M. D., et al., Respondents.
S. F. No. 15364.
Supreme Court of California. In Bank.
August 1, 1935.
Pillsbury, Madison & Sutro and Francis Gill for Petitioner.
Everett A. Corten and J. Francis Shirley for Respondents.
THE COURT.
The petitioner seeks by this proceeding in review to annul an order of the respondent Industrial Accident Commission which directs the petitioner to pay the sum of $178.50 to the respondent Arthur Fibush, M. D.
In August, 1929, Margaret Kassebaum was injured in the course of her employment with the petitioner by a counter door dropping on her neck. The petitioner, self-insured, provided medical treatment and paid to Mrs. Kassebaum the sum of $1632.94 in sickness and accident benefits. This sum, *186 it is stated, equalled the highest rating to which she would have been entitled if all issues had been decided in her favor in a proceeding before the commission. She was treated for the injury by a member of the petitioner's medical staff until December, 1930, at which time she was discharged as cured. She later engaged Dr. Bill as her physician. He treated her until November 14, 1932, when she employed the respondent Fibush, who thereafter administered treatments.
On November 25, 1932, Mrs. Kassebaum applied to the commission for additional compensation and medical treatment. The application was resisted by the petitioner on the ground that it had paid to her the full amount to which she was entitled, and that her subsequent treatment by Dr. Fibush was not by its authorization nor for an ailment resulting from the industrial injury. At the suggestion of the referee of the commission the matter was brought to a compromise by which the petitioner agreed to pay $800 to Mrs. Kassebaum. The compromise agreement was filed with the commission on October 4, 1933. Three days later Dr. Fibush filed with the commission a notice of lien for $261.10 "for medical treatment furnished to the employee subsequent to her injury of August, 1929", and against any compensation payable to Mrs. Kassebaum. A copy of the notice of lien was received by the petitioner on October 9th, on which day the commission filed its order approving the compromise agreement. Notwithstanding its receipt of notice of the filing of the lien the petitioner paid the stipulated sum of $800, with certain deductions not here involved, directly to Mrs. Kassebaum as provided in the compromise agreement. This payment was so made by the petitioner on the advice of its counsel, who concluded that the finding and order of the commission precluded payment otherwise than in accordance with the order. The finding of the commission was that the medical attention furnished by Dr. Fibush to Mrs. Kassebaum was procured by her at her own expense and request and that the petitioner herein was not liable to her for the same. The commission further found that the medical services furnished by Dr. Fibush were not to cure or relieve an industrial injury, and that such services "were not needed or required to cure or relieve from an industrial injury". It appeared in evidence that the disability from which Mrs. Kassebaum was suffering and for which she was treated by Dr. Fibush was a spinal *187 abnormality having nothing to do with and not affected by the industrial injury.
After the payment of the $800 to its employee by the petitioner the commission held further hearings as to the claim of lien pressed by Dr. Fibush and decided that it could not allow the lien as and for medical services rendered to the employee, but that it would allow a lien as and for living expenses. The commission accordingly ordered the petitioner to pay directly to Dr. Fibush the amount claimed in his notice of lien. It is this order which is sought to be annulled.
[1] The correctness of the conclusion of the commission depends upon the proper construction of the pertinent provisions of the Workmen's Compensation Act. Section 24 (a) provides that compensation awarded an applicant shall be paid directly to him and none other, unless otherwise ordered by the commission, and that such compensation shall not be subject to be taken for the debts of the party entitled to the compensation except as in the section provided. Subdivision (b) of section 24 provides that the commission "may fix and determine and allow as a lien against any amount to be paid as compensation", certain enumerated items, the second of which is "the reasonable expense incurred by or on behalf of the injured employee as defined in subsection (a) of section nine hereof". Section 9 (a) provides that liability for compensation shall include such medical treatment "as may reasonably be required to cure and relieve from the effects of the injury". The third subdivision of section 24 (b) authorizes a lien on the compensation awarded for "the reasonable value of the living expenses of an injured employee ... subsequent to the injury".
It appears beyond question that Dr. Fibush was not entitled to a lien on the compensation awarded as and for medical services pursuant to subdivision 2 of section 24 (b), for the reason that such services were rendered by him for a nonindustrial disability, and the statute authorizes a lien for medical attention only "to cure and relieve from the effects of the injury". The question is, whether the cost of medical aid may be treated as "living expenses" within the meaning of the act, and a lien therefor be allowed.
It is insisted by the respondent that the term "living expenses" includes payment for medical treatment. Although *188 no authority or precedent on the subject is presented by counsel or discovered, it is assumed, at least, that under some circumstances and as a general proposition living expenses might include payment for medical treatment. It must, however, be concluded that under our statute medical aid was not so included. The two subjects are specifically and separately treated. The act allows a lien for the reasonable value of medical services rendered, but not without restriction. The limitation is, as stated, that such medical treatment must tend to cure and relieve from the industrial injury, which is not the case here, and the commission so found. It would be improper to hold that the cost of certain medical treatment, specifically found by the commission to be excluded as such from the pertinent lien provisions of the statute, could nevertheless be the subject of a lien under the general term "living expenses". Obviously it was never so intended by the legislature and the language of the statute excludes such a construction. [2] When the commission assumed to accord vitality to the asserted lien it was acting in excess of its jurisdiction and its order attempting to do so must be annulled.
The authorities cited by the petitioner are not helpful. None involves the factual situation here presented. The result rests upon a construction of the statute with no persuasive argument in favor of an opposite conclusion.
The order is annulled.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | FreeLaw |
Sunday, 20 December 2015
There’s me undergoing a huge life change.First outside the home job in 6 years, up at
5 a.m., back between 6.45 and 7.30 p.m., depending on the traffic or the
invisible bus paradox, or the sudden cancelling of the exact train I was
waiting for phenomenon.A job where I’m around
people all day (from relative solitude), to speaking to people all day (ditto),
and then travelling for up to 4 hours a day (which is sometimes rather
annoying, and would be very bad if I felt ill; but it’s very good for being alone
[ish], and reading).I am in a world
full of small details, and procedures.On the one hand this is comforting, I like to have processes around me
to follow.On the other hand, not being
able to plainly speak my mind on solutions, outcomes etc…that is more…I am NOT
going to say ‘challenging’, because (a) I hate what’s been done to that word,
and (b) that does, in the new definition of that word, describe some of my
customers, so I’ve ring-fenced (hee hee more jargon) that word for this purpose
now.No, not being able to cut through
the vagueness and obtuseness of what I am saying sometimes makes me irritated:
saying how something actually *is*, regardless of whether this will be liked,
is a quicker, cleaner way of dealing with things.Sometimes.But not to be done.Till I learn
a more Sanza (see Game of Thrones,
the books people, not the TV series)
way of speaking, I will have to throttle my directness and carry on saying what’s
needful, but feels a bit unclear.
When I get home, I catch up on the news.The world has gone, it would appear, madder than usual in a bad way.I can’t
decide how much of that is down to reporting habits, fear mongering and the way
the establishment wishes us to be perceiving whole groups of people and
countries, for their own ends (i.e if we’re scared enough of them, we’ll stand
by and let the government/s do whatever they want to those people and countries,
usually for reasons other than those stated, for mineral or oil resources, for
trade) – and how much is simply what’s happening.I observe a dimming and a blurring going on
between the bare facts (as much as they can be gathered) of what occurs when
things happen, and then a bias, editorialising opinion-making reporting of
these events.So often I see opinions
passed off as facts.I see primary and
secondary sources conflated.I see
things taken for granted that aren’t at all, things to be taken for
granted.I see that saying to myself ‘follow
the money’ when I watch ANY news story still bears more fruit when finding
motivation for slant and attempts to brainwash the viewing public to a
gut-feeling point of view that seems so simple and common-sensical but evades
even the barest deeper analysis.Things
are rarely black and white.They are
really annoyingly gradiated between grey, black, white, fog.
Increasingly, bearing the insanity that is being portrayed to
us in mind, I look to what I genuinely see around me.People just wanting to get on and live their
lives.True, they don’t want to be interfered
with much, specially by people they don’t know, or ‘figures of authority’, but
at the same time – most people I meet and see behave decently.They help when someone slips in the street.They run after someone to give a dropped
purse or wallet back.If someone doesn’t
have enough money to pay for something in a supermarket queue, and is fumbling
with change and looking horribly embarrassed, your average person quietly gives
over some money if they have it, with soft spoken words, trying to mitigate the
horror of being helped by a stranger, “no no, don’t worry – you’d do the same
for me…you could be my nan/my sister/my daughter…” etc.This idea of chaos beating on the walls (the
literal walls if some people had their way) around us, I don’t see it in our
lives, not the way it’s painted.I see a
lot of quiet poverty, degrees of poverty, degrees of desperation, degrees of
very difficult compromise.But I don’t
see humans as the worst kind of ruthless animals.I don’t see yet, that Dawn of the Dead(the original, please - and that link there is an interesting article, go see) is true.
Saying that: I have felt a bit bombarded by consumerism this
year.Maybe it’s because I have been
massively taken up, first with jobhunting, and then with doing this huge learning
curve of a job.The long commute.The job has swallowed me whole, I’m not yet
properly rebalanced.Home is a mirage
where I sleep worriedly, dreaming about callers and things they may say that I
don’t yet know the answers to.I wake up
wondering how close to 5 a.m. it is.But
Christmas appeared to start in September, didn’t it?That’s when I first heard carols in the
shops.And shortly after, the
decorations began.Then there was the
whole imported ‘Black Friday’ thing the other week.I was sitting in any old shopping centre in
workplace area, having some quiet (ha ha) time away from the phones with my
lunchtime sandwich, listening to announcements about DEALS, and registering
that foot traffic was way up on usual for the time of day.People pushing past one another, looking
focussed, harassed and rather grumpy – not happy, I’d say, about DEALS, with
many many bags.I’m completely skint
till my first paypacket, so I wasn’t taking part.Did most of my Christmas shopping earlier, in
anticipation of future skintness.But
every day, the carols seemed to get louder and more intense.
By the time I took Fluffhead to the Whitgift Centre in
Croydon, I was feeling, and it sounds stupid, yes I know it does, attacked
by Christmas being pushed at me as shopping and a feeling of forced
jollity.Adverts about family get
togethers, huge boards advertising Sky movies, where sad things happened before
families got together at the end and smiled while wearing green and red and
surrounded by sparkling oh so sparkling and tinkly silver and gold things.There were live carol singers, one week from
a church outreach, another time from a homelessness project.That was nice, hearing real voices sing.But they fought against the taped and piped
voices.The mixing of genres.‘Santa Baby’ fought against ‘Good Rest Ye
Merry Gentlemen’ against ‘Do They Know Its Christmas Time At All…’Everything was shining at me, everything so
loud.Try a chocolate, try a mincepie,
get your Sky package for Christmas!This
all MUST have been here in previous years, perhaps it’s simply that I’m very
tired all the time at the moment – but I have never felt more Bah Humbug.
It’s not that ‘the real meaning of Christmas’ is getting
lost.Of course it IS, in the sense that
it’s a Christian religious festival, I’m not Christian, I don’t go along with
the idea, it belongs to them, not me[1].
It is lost in the sense that their Jesus
didn’t pop down to remind us to not miss Black Friday and get our Sky
package.So yes, that’s a bit of a
travesty.But it’s perfectly possible to
borrow lightly from the Christian festival, and come out with a pleasing
secular idea of Christmas involving emphasis on giving things to people cos it
makes you feel happy to do so.Giving
things to charities and those who have less (ditto, don’t pretend to be
selfless; think of it as enlightened self-interest instead – there by the grace
of whichever god go I etc).Decorating
because it’s fun to make a fuss of certain days – and it’s nice to celebrate
red and gold and green and silver and make things sparkle. It’s nice
to have friends and family over if you like and see them and maybe cook them dinner
if you’d like to.(Notice how lovely and
‘if you like’ that all was.Ahhhh, if
only.)It’s nice and fun and good for us
to be grateful for what we have, what we’ve been given, and to try and see the
goodness in people.Nice to see the
wonder of the world and each other.
I think both the Christian Christmas and the secular
Christmas are being a bit bombarded by the COME
AND BUY STUFF AND EAT FAR TOO MUCHAND
BE WITH YOUR WONDERFUL FAMILY THAT YOU *ADORE* messages.You KNOW something is wrong when you
start thinking the misery of an Eastenders Christmas Day episode is both more naturalistic and preferable than the
saccharine and manipulative images you’re being forcefed are!I really will do muchos shopping earlier than
ever next year, and online.It’s just
not fun shopping (or just being out) when everyone is all stressed out and spending too much and
grumpy and harassed, and all the children are really tiresome from waiting in
line for 2 hours to get a present from Santa’s Grotto.(Fluffhead did really well, actually.He was only naughty twice, and most of the
time was highly amused to watch some people dressed as reindeer on stilts
wafting about.WHY were they??? And a man
in a bear costume collecting for a charity in a bucket, whose head was
obviously on slightly wrong, so that he couldn’t see any of the children
milling around before and below him tugging on him and waving at him, and was
just wandering up and down, looking, even though I couldn’t see his face,
dejected.It was in the shoulders.)
I think it may have jinxed me, writing that post all those
years back about how I loved Christmas when everyone around me didn’t
much.(See here – it is wonderfully
enthusiastic.)Since then, I have not
had one Christmas that hasn’t been a bit odd.Mum’s car accident that year (where she sat in terrible pain through
Christmas dinner because the paramedics had missed the fact she had a broken
collarbone, and then she was very sick after dinner, and eventually we ended up
in Casualty).This year, Stanley’s
father has died not very long ago, so we appear to be still doing Christmas,
though its chances of being anything other than strange, dour and gloomy are
slight, as any forced occasion
is.That’s the really weird thing about
Christmas – the way people seem to think they MUST do it in some way
shape or form, even when it’s not appropriate for them at that particular time,
because of its connotations of jollity and familial closeness.My mother has been trying to have an alone Christmas
ever since my dad died in 2008.She just
wants to rest and be quiet on that day and not have the pressure of everything
unless she *chooses* it.But every year it’s
either been her here, because Stanley or I have been sick, or Fluffhead is too;
or she’s had to go to her brother’s (a noisy extended family thing, several
children).Stanley and I are doing
Christmas because of Fluffhead – if you do it lightly, its very fun for the
little ones (he and I used to do our own kid Christmas brilliantly, as 2
overgrown children together).
But we
aren’t feeling it this year.And that’s
alright.That will happen
sometimes.I shall stick with wonder at
the natural world, and loving the green and red and gold and silver.Not as dictated to me by others, but just
because they really are beautiful.
I am definitely off-balance at the moment though.I’ll show you what I mean.An incident from a couple of weeks ago.You know when you feel you’ve made a
connection with people, and you’re wrong?That feeling?Embarrassment,
isolation, not exactly loneliness, but out of placeness?
There’s these Eastern European young men I see in Costa
every morning at the station.They get
there either before me or very shortly after me.Very young, early 20s.Something very isolated about them too, just
as there is about most Eastern European people I see, as if they are still
partially elsewhere.I don’t know if that’s
because they wish they were elsewhere, or can’t forget good or bad things that
happened elsewhere, or if we haven’t made them feel very welcome, or likely, a
combination of all three.They are
always glued to each other talking in their own language, these two, separated from
the rest of us, who are not talking
all in the one language.It must be
nice, for privacy, to have another language, like being in another room without
having to be.I feel a sort of siege mentality
from them sometimes.
I had occasion to speak to them one day a while back, I dropped
something or they did or someone minded someone’s stuff while someone got more
coffee or went to the bathroom.They were
all smiles and helpfulness; a real difference in their faces.Lovely to see. Their reserve vanished on
speaking to them.
Anyway.They are too
clean and well dressed to be construction workers.Too casual and loose for office workers.No bags with books and folders, so not
students.I wonder what they do, now
they have piqued my interest by being so friendly suddenly.
On the first day I was here at the coffeeshop after the minding
or borrowing (which was it?), I smiled and nodded at them, and there began the
daily smiling and nodding.They usually
left before me, so we always had the smiling and nodding on the goodbyes, as I
sit by the exit so they come past me to leave.Nothing more than that.They don’t
look for me, but when they do see me, they smile and wave, before becoming a
mysterious and foreign speaking unit again.
As a person new to the area, new to my job and this entire
section of my life, these small and apparently meaningless encounters MEAN
something to me.Same people everyday on
the train platform; these men in Costa; the woman on the bus going home in the evening
who recognised me: they make the start of routine, of familiarity.Small patches of warmth in an uncertain and
cooled newness.
So this morning, I stood in the queue for my coffee with the
younger of the two men.The one I think
of as more mischievous and quick with his movements.The other strikes me as more solid and
dependable.(Oh, first impressions –
wouldn’t it be so funny if I was completely wrong?!)
He said hi.
I said “Hi!” back.Bright
smile.
“How are you?”He
says politely, eyes (I should have been warned) far away.
I make an extreme tired face.He looks a little bit bored, but
understanding, and mimes it back.
“My shift is
changing, so I won’t be seeing you guys after next week.”I add.
He looks like I just said far too many words.An expression passes over his face and I can’t
decide if it’s pure boredom that that woman in the coffeeshop is speaking to him, or whether I just spoke
so fast that I went further than his ability to process English.I gibberished, maybe.
However, he’s still looking at me, so I try again, and
repeat it a bit slower, with the chaser, “so I’ll be here much earlier,
catching an earlier train; gone earlier.”
I really don’t know what I was expecting here.A falling to the ground in abject sorrow with
weeping and wailing, that they won’t be able to say hi to me in the
morning.That we’ll never be able to go
beyond saying ‘hi’, to actually being acquaintances, progress to small
talk.I had a fond (and no doubt highly
dubious) imagining that we’d eventually small talk ourselves to where they were
from, and they’d teach me small throwaway phrases in that lovely language they
speak so earnestly.That I could ask
them what they do here, and there would be no more mystery.That they might laugh with me about how if it’s
very windy or very rainy, I will get lots of calls about nothing but weather
related damage all day, so that I feel like a barometer now when I’m out,
keeping one eye always on the weather.Oh the indignance of fallen trees.Or if it snows, there will be 100 righteous demands for residential road
gritting. The little silly things that make
up conversations.The beginnings of
connections with fellow humans.Just a
warm smile and slight, if thoroughly shallow, understanding of another’s life
and current experience.All stuff that’s
fascinating to me.
Anyway.So he looks
like I said too many words again.Not
exactly irritated, but tired and surprised.I say the thing about the earlier train.
I think I wanted
him to say, like a polite old style English person would (see – cultural difference,
that’s a hole easily fallen into): “oh no, shame, it’s been nice seeing you
every day – hope all goes well for you, good luck, and bye!” – something like
that?!And I would ask where the
beautiful accents come from, just to satisfy my endless curiosity.
Instead, he just continues to look completely nonplussed, a
hassled barista gives him his coffee, and he nods at me in a brusque way with
eyes averted, and goes off to his table.
I feel confused.(Which is not exactly an uncommon state of affairs for me.)
Obviously I completely misjudged either his English, or his
interest in any talking at all.I hope
he didn’t think I was flirting?
I’m an inveterate talker to people.I’m usually pretty good at reading bog off
signals too.In the world of scary new
job, where everyone is nice but I am waiting to fall flat on my face (and I
will, because the training is huge and extensive but rushed and there’s not
been enough consolidation time) – tiny scrappets of smiles and warmth were
helping.
I realise I definitely did misjudge something, and all my
usual waiting feelings of my out of placeness rise up.I take my own coffee and deliberately go and
sit down somewhere where I can’t see them and have my back to where they are.
Better they just go back to nodding and so do I.I read my kindle.When they leave, before me, as they always
do, the solid more dependable one makes a point of saying ‘hi’ and ‘how are you’,
but now I am hearing it sounding just like polite boys taught to not be rude by
someone when small.Just something you say
(and something people never seem to want the actual answer to, which always
perplexes me).I have developed the
habit of just smiling when people ask me that, then asking them back, or
complimenting them on something (never hard to find something nice to say about
a jacket or hair or pendant or just looking well).It’s like a hurdle you have to get past,
before you can have an actual conversation with people.
Its times like this, me thinking like this, that I miss Fry
most.His total unabashed social
awkwardness mixed with a testosteroney ‘oh fuck it’ disposition.He would have understood my reaction to this
small and stupid exchange, my misreading of the situation, feeble attempts to
make a tenuous connection.And he would
have shrugged at the end, at my sadness at the misunderstanding.He would have said something to make me
laugh.
In this new world, I keep hallucinating Stanley and Fry
around the place.When I’m in the
shopping centre at lunchtime eating my pack lunch – on the one hand blessedly
alone; on the other isolated and cut off in an invisible bubble, I see them out
of the corner of my eye, going past, coming or going.As if they just went for coffee and will be
back in a minute.
I hold the images of them close.Pretend it’s so and they are here.I feel the warmth of Fluffhead on my lap
having the ‘dressing hug’ he always stops in the middle of dressing to have,
one of the best hugs of the day.He’s
not there, but I feel it.
It’s because I’m so tired I am feeling like this, and out of
kilter this way; attaching vast significance to small incidents, small
feelings.Always the same.Remember
the tiredness factor.
Finish the coffee. Off to work.Do my best, try to help the people.Be kind, be polite, be present.And feel the invisible hugs.
See?I’m not quite
right at the moment and have to bear it in mind and be slow, be calm and be
careful.
I had a wonderful time yesterday afternoon with Rosa, my
closest Green Party friend, writing a small analysis of COP21 for the Sutton
members newsletter.There, I felt competent
and calm.We worked beautifully as a
team, suggesting phraseology and where to put each point so it all flowed
clearly and usefully.She finds me
funny, laughs at my silly jokes.She’s
ill, but exudes so much joy and energy (even when she can’t hold up her own
head because she’s so tired) that whenever I leave I feel buoyed up and more
able to take life as it comes, and see the happiness all over the place, the
waiting of smiles.There’s a Spirit of
Christmas.And people like that are All
Year.
I know many people who do their best in this totally
confusing world with its contradictory messages.Time Traveller, writing now her third book,
always seeking answers, always questioning.Alias True, with his willingness to overthink with me to a place of calm
and plateau, where we look down and see events and the world for the lessons
they all are.They’re just the two who
pop to mind immediately.I think the
world is a better place than we are told, despite all the nastiness definitely
going on.Much to hope for, much to believe
in and work toward.
Strange and interesting times, for sure.Hold fast, hold steady, be kind.Be calm.Out of the corner of my eye, Fluffy Cat who has been clawing the smallest
tree in the garden, jumps three feet up in the air, which is quite miraculous
seeing as she’s immensely huge, and then leaps sideways with a bit of a screech
and dives into the hedge – gone.Ehem.Yes.Be calm.Do not follow the Ways of This Cat.Or you will need much Brushing, Later.
Have a lovely Christmas, and a Peaceful New Year.
[1]
Yes yes yes, don’t get me started on the pagan stuff came before the Christmas
stuff and it’s all the same.Yes, I know
that.For the purposes of this comment,
I’m speaking as a person living in a nominally Christian country, where there’s
been some strong arming of the ‘spirit of Christmas’.Back to the main point.
Friday, 18 December 2015
Since I've now got a full time out of the house job (with a 3 and a half hour commute daily), its proving very difficult to get the small bits of free time together to do a blog in anything like a regular manner. Muchos apologies.
I'm sure you will have noticed for some time, that I was having trouble with the blog anyway - so many guest posts, by my most excellent friends; which were a result of me being so stressed and tired while job hunting, that I had increasingly little to say.
Oddly, even though my new job is also very stressful (massive learning curve that won't be over anytime soon, plus targets, KPIs, SLAs and all manner of other measuring - some of which clash with other objectives...not to mention I'm customer facing and some of them are...'challenging'), its given me a new perspective and a new energy to want to blog again.
But hardly any time when I'm not exhausted in which to do it.
For instance, had my first day off today (also childcare, but some time to do me things), and I suddenly fell into this hole of knackeredness. This despite the fact I got to 'lie in' till 6.45 a.m.; as I have to be up at 5 a.m. on workdays. I had heaps of home stuff to do on my nice oganised list - and getting a blog piece up was one of them. I had hand written the peice in question on the bus the other day, on a day when I didn't feel like reading (I am getting a crapload of reading done!). It *was* a little mournful and overthinky, as so many of my posts (and thinkings generally) are, but it was the first slice of life thing I'd done in ages, and I was eager to get it up here.
Then today...and after my errands and docs appointment...I just...ground to a halt, after loading the washing machine. I came and sat at the computer and thought about typing and the tiredness washed over me. After many attempts to do other relaxing things - I went and had a small nap, which did help. Only now its too late to do anything, its making dinner time and doing Fluffhead again time. So that's that.
So just to let you know - I'm trying to work out a way to keep at it. There will still be book and TV/film rambles; still some creative type writing diary stuff, still some essays on literature here and there, and ....whatever the hell else I was managing to put out when my friends weren't helping!!
But there may be a bit of a lull whilst I get into this new rhythm, this new pattern. So watch this space, but in a calm and not pressurised sort of way. Feel free to pop out for tea, or go and do some Xmas shopping. (Ah yes: Christmas. Not feeling it this year. Never mind, I hope lots of others are.) | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
EUGENE, Ore. – Track and field royalty will share the stage at the next TrackTown Tuesday on Feb. 2 at the Downtown Athletic Club.
University of Oregon distance runner Edward Cheserek , the first male to win three consecutive individual NCAA cross country titles, will join Team Eaton – UO alums Ashton Eaton, Brianne Theisen-Eaton and their esteemed coach, Harry Marra – as the featured guests to kick off the Olympic year at the free town hall meeting. Doors open at 6 p.m. for a social hour, followed by the one-hour show at 7 p.m.
Cheserek, a 10-time NCAA champion and two-time finalist for The Bowerman, will talk about his achievements during the 2015 cross country season and look ahead to the upcoming year along with UO associate head coach Andy Powell .
In addition, we'll celebrate the historic achievement of the Northwest Christian University women's cross country team last fall. Under the guidance of head coach Heike McNeil, the Beacon women claimed the first NAIA championship in school history.
This promises to be a special year for Team Eaton.
Eaton, who turned 28 in January, is the reigning two-time World Champion and Olympic gold medalist in the decathlon. The Oregon Track Club Elite star broke his own world record by scoring 9,045 points at the 2015 IAAF World Championships in Beijing last summer. The IAAF Athlete of the Year is focused on setting another world record in the indoor heptathlon at the 2016 IAAF World Indoor Championships, March 17-20, at the Oregon Convention Center in Portland.
Theisen-Eaton, 27, will represent Canada in the pentathlon at the 2016 IAAF World Indoor Championships. She closed out 2015 as the heptathlon world leader by scoring a personal best of 6,808 points in winning her second title at the Hypo-Meeting in Gotzis, Austria. Theisen-Eaton also won her second heptathlon silver medal at the 2015 IAAF World Championships. She's hoping Portland will be scene of her first major global championship.
As always, TrackTown USA President Vin Lananna will be the host of the TrackTown Tuesday festivities with former UO three-sport star Jordan Kent serving as emcee. There will be free coffee, tea and soft drinks, $5 appetizers and Hop Valley Brewing Co. will be pouring $3 pints of beer. Free parking is available in the adjacent Overpark. No validation is required after 5 p.m.
Don't forget.
As we embark on this Olympic year, single-session tickets for the 2016 IAAF World Indoor Championships are available at Portland2016.com. Ticket sales for the 2016 USATF Indoor Championships, March 11-12, at the Oregon Convention in Portland will be launched on Feb. 4. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
A year and three months ago, I met the love of my life. We have been together ever since. But “together” is a funny word, as the times we are physically together are cruelly limited. We met on the other side of the world. I was living in Florence, Italy for the semester, visiting Munich, Germany for Oktoberfest. The love of my life lives in Germany. I am from New York. The distance between us is 4,330 miles. Cue Death Cab’s Transatlanticism.
Despite the continued success of our relationship, the majority of the people we encounter seem to be pretty insensitive in regards to the specifics of long distance relationships, and we are often met with tongue-clicking and pity, along with a line of eye roll-inducing personal questions. For others in a long distance relationship, I’m sure you can relate. Here are my favorite repeat offenders:
1. That must be hard.
Yes. It is. Thank you for your insight.
2. So you must barely talk to each other with that time difference, right?
Actually, I spend most waking hours talking to my boyfriend. I wake up in the morning to a good morning iMessage from him, and we continue shooting messages all day until he goes to sleep around 6 PM Eastern Standard Time. He wakes up around 2 AM to a good morning iMessage from me. We also Facetime for an hour or so every day. I have talked to him every single day since we met last September. There’s generally 8 full hours of communication every day. That leaves time to talk about everything from how I need to run to CVS for more toilet paper, to what lights a fire in us. How does that compare to your riveting “whattup nm jc u?” text fling?
3. Don’t you get bored of the same-old same-old every day?
There is no same-old, same-old. We have spent weeks together in three countries. We get to stay in hotel rooms with free breakfasts and explore each other’s cities. When he comes to New York I get to show him a world he has never seen before, and re-explore Manhattan with a tourist’s eyes. I get to jet across the world to Germany, and my passport and I are well-acquainted. We are constantly planning our next destination together. Where was your last trip, the student union? Please.
4. How do you survive that long without sex?
Everyone knows even a millisecond without sex blows. However, if you are still having sex every day after a year and four months, I will never write a sardonic word for as long as I live. But you and I both know you’re not. So if I have to wait a few months, and then get to have crazy sex no less than once a day (five is the record), I’ll take it.
5. How do you not cheat on each other?
By not being an asshole.
6. I couldn’t do it. I need sex.
You probably couldn’t, if you think constant sex is the only way to stay committed to someone. So while you’re chain-drinking vodka crans and begging for the validation of a man sweating through his shirt that will hopefully bring you back to his roach-infested studio for the least satisfying sex of your young life, I get to have mindblowing, reciprocal sex with the love of my life. No roaches included.
7. How can you be in love if you don’t even see each other?
I didn’t realize those two things were mutually exclusive, so thank you for letting me know. I guess our long-term commitment, continually growing adoration, and talks of eventual marriage and children are a fluke.
8. But is that really a real relationship?
My personal favorite, and the most heartbreaking. Because who defines a real relationship? What is a relationship? Isn’t it being someone’s partner? Being endlessly supportive of their choices, and being open and honest when you don’t agree? Having open communication about everything from sex, personal values, and the future? I wake up in the morning and go to bed at night to him. What is more real – a relationship that survives transatlanticism with commitment, endless trust and daily hours of delving into each other and what we’re made of? Or a college fling complete with lackluster sex on the top bunk and drunken screaming matches at frat parties? You tell me.
After more than a year, numerous hotel room stints with only one another, “I love you,” on a boat ride around Manhattan, and a pending 1-bedroom with exposed brick, I don’t need your long distance pity. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
AS Roma are pleased to confirm the signing of full-back Rick Karsdorp from Dutch side Feyenoord Rotterdam.
The 22-year-old, a Netherlands international, joins the club for an initial fee of €14 million. The deal also includes various performance-related clauses worth upto €5m in additional payments.
Karsdorp has signed a five-year contract that runs until 2022.
“Coming to AS Roma is a great step forward for me,” Karsdorp said. “I come here with a great desire and enthusiasm to play and to realise my dreams.
"I know I still have a lot of room to improve and I hope to do that here.”
Karsdorp, a product of the Feyenoord academy system, joins the Giallorossi after making over 100 appearances for his childhood club.
Last season he helped Feyenoord claim the Dutch league title, playing in 30 games as the team won the Eredivisie for the first time in 18 years.
In 2016 he was also part of the squad that claimed the KNVB-Beker Cup – completing all 90 minutes in the final.
“Despite his young age, Rick has already shown he possesses great talent,” sporting director Monchi said.
“We are delighted to be able to sign him, and are certain that his attributes will fit in well with the way coach Eusebio Di Francesco wants to play.”
Karsdorp has represented the Netherlands at every age group from Under-17 to the senior national side. He made his full debut for his country in October 2016 in a World Cup qualifier against France.
The right-back’s most recent appearance came against Bulgaria in March.
Karsdorp will wear the No. 26 shirt during the forthcoming campaign. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
DNA topoisomerase II (top 2) is the cellular target of several among the most potent anticancer agents (Doxorubicin, etoposides [VP-16; VM-26), mitoxantrone, amsacrine, ellipticines). For this reason, it is one of the key targets in anti-cancer drug development. By comparing the structures of the VP-16 chromophore and ellipticine, we have rationally designed azatoxin, a new drug which has been made by total synthesis. Azatoxin is a very active top 2 inhibitor with a unique DNA sequence selectivity. Interestingly, it is not a DNA intercalator, and it produces protein- linked DNA breaks in cells. Azatoxin derivatives are being investigated and their antitumor activity is being evaluated at the NCI Drug Screening Program. We are also characterizing the effect of anthrapyrazoles derivatives (DU937 & DU941) on purified top 2. DNA topoisomerase I (top 1) has also become an essential target for anti cancer research since the discovery that camptothecin and several of its derivatives are specific top 1 poisons and that water-soluble camptothecin analogs exhibit promising anticancer activity. One of our goals is to identify the molecular mechanism(s) of top 1 inhibition by camptothecins. Our recent studies using top 1 cDNA demonstrate that camptothecin poisons specifically top 1 at the cleavage sites which have a guanine at their 5'- terminus. This observation is consistent with our other results that photoactivated camptothecin induces cleavage specifically at guanines. Together, these data support our previous drug stacking model for drug- induced topoisomerase inhibition (Jaxel et al, Nucleic Acids Res 1991;266:20418-23; Pommier et al, Nucleic Acids Res 1991;19:5973-80). Another approach to the molecular pharmacology of camptothecin has been to develop and analyze camptothecin-resistant cells. We are finding a single point mutation in the top 1 cDNA from drug-resistant Chinese hamster cells (Tanizawa and Pommier, Cancer Res. 1992;52:1848-54), indicating that the mutated region might be important for both enzymatic activity and camptothecin sensitivity. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | NIH ExPorter |
DESCRIPTION (Verbatim from the Applicant's Abstract): Zen-Bio, Inc focuses on the in vitro isolation and culture of human adipose tissues and has an international reputation in this field. There is an unmet medial need for new technologies to create implant adipose tissues. Lipodystrophy patients lose subcutaneous fat, leading to life threatening diabetes. Creating new adipose tissue would simplify their medical management. Breast cancer patient routinely undergo a transverse rectus abdominal musculocutaneous procedure after mastectomy to achieve breast reconstruction. Many of these same patients could undergo a less costly and invasive "lumpectomy" but elect not to since the outcome is aesthetically unacceptable. Bio-engineered autologous fat to repair lumpectomies would encourage more of these procedures. In the proposed experiments, Zen-Bio Inc. will obtain" proof of principle" data demonstrating that human adipose tissue derived stromal cells can be used for soft tissue reconstruction and transplanting. Specific Aim I will further optimize cryopreservation of human adipose-derived stromal cells and maintain their differentiation potential in vitro. Specific Aim 2 will determine the ability of human adipose-derived stromal cells to form a fat pad when implanted subcutaneously in immunodeficient mice. These studies will demonstrate the commercial feasibility of our core hypothesis, that autologous adipose derived stromal cells can be used for soft tissue reconstruction PROPOSED COMMERCIAL APPLICATION: NOT AVAILABLE | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | NIH ExPorter |
Noah Feldman
Noah R. Feldman (born May 22, 1970) is an American author and Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. Much of his work is devoted to analysis of law and religion.
Early life and education
Feldman grew up in Boston, Massachusetts, where he attended the Maimonides School. Feldman was raised in an Orthodox Jewish home.
In 1992, Feldman received his A.B. summa cum laude in Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations from Harvard College, where he was awarded the Sophia Freund Prize (awarded to the highest-ranked summa cum laude graduate) and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa during his junior year. He was also the 1990 Truman Scholar from Massachusetts. He then earned a Rhodes Scholarship to the Christ Church, Oxford, where he earned a DPhil in Islamic Thought in 1994. Upon his return from Oxford, he received his J.D., in 1997, from Yale Law School, where he was the book review editor of the Yale Law Journal. He later served as a law clerk for Associate Justice David Souter on the U.S. Supreme Court. In 2001, he joined the faculty of New York University Law School (NYU), leaving for Harvard Law School in 2007. In 2008, he was appointed the Bemis Professor of International Law.
Feldman is a senior adjunct fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, a previous fellow at New America Foundation, and regularly contributes features and opinion pieces to The New York Times Magazine and Bloomberg View columns.
Formerly, Feldman was married to fellow Harvard Law School professor Jeannie Suk, with whom he has two children. Besides English, he is fluent in Hebrew, Arabic, and French.
Career
As an academic and public intellectual, Feldman is concerned with issues at the intersection of religion and politics. In the United States, this has a bearing on First Amendment questions of church and state and the role of religion both in government and in private life. Feldman's other area of specialty is Islam. In Iraq, the same reasoning leads him to support the creation of a democracy with Islamist elements. This last position has been lauded by some as a pragmatic and sensitive solution to the problems inherent in the creation of a new Iraqi government; others have taken exception to the same idea, however, characterizing Feldman's views as simplistic and shortsighted.
Feldman was a featured speaker, alongside noted Islamic authority Hamza Yusuf, in the lecture Islam & Democracy: Is a clash of civilizations inevitable?, which was subsequently released on DVD. An excerpt from Feldman's 2008 book, The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State, appeared in the New York Times Sunday Magazine and was attacked by Leon Wieseltier for "promoting" Islamic law as a "swell basis" for a political order. This, according to Wieseltier, amounts to "shilling for soft theocracy," and is hypocritical, since Wieseltier presumes that neither he nor Feldman would choose to rear their own children in such a system.
Criticism of Modern Orthodox Judaism
In a New York Times Magazine article, "Orthodox Paradox", Feldman recounted his experiences of the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion of the Modern Orthodox Jewish community in which he was raised, specifically at his high school alma mater, the Maimonides School. He contended that his choice to marry a non-Jew led to ostracism by the school, in which he and his then-girlfriend were allegedly removed from the 1998 photograph of his class reunion published in the school newsletter. His marriage to a non-Jew is contrary to orthodox Jewish law, although he and his family had been active members of the Harvard Hillel Orthodox minyan. The photographer's account of an over-crowded photograph was used to accuse Feldman of misrepresenting a fundamental fact in the story, namely whether he was purposefully cropped out of the picture, as many other class members were also cropped from the newsletter photograph due to space limitations. His supporters noted that Feldman's claim in the article was that he and his girlfriend were "nowhere to be found" and not that they were cropped or deleted out of the photograph. Yet others view this claim by Feldman's supporters as disingenuous, noting that elsewhere Feldman had publicly encouraged the suggestion of air-brushing. Leon Wieseltier attacked Feldman for the dishonesty of "exposing the depredations" of Orthodox Jewish law while praising sharia as "bold and noble," and called Feldman's essay a "pathetic whine."
His critique of Modern Orthodox Judaism has been commented on by many, including Hillel Halkin, columnist for the New York Sun; Andrew Silow-Carroll, editor of the New Jersey Jewish News; Rabbi Tzvi Hersh Weinreb, executive vice president of the Orthodox Union; Marc B. Shapiro Rabbi Shalom Carmy, tenured professor of Jewish philosophy at Yeshiva University; Rabbi Norman Lamm, chancellor of Yeshiva University; Rabbi Shmuley Boteach; Gary Rosenblatt, editor of Jewish Week, the editorial board of the Jewish Press; Rabbis Ozer Glickman and Aharon Kahn, roshei yeshiva at Yeshiva University; Ami Eden, executive editor of The Forward; Rabbi David M. Feldman, author of Where There's Life, There's Life; and Jonathan Rosenblum, columnist for the Jerusalem Post. In addition, the American Thinker published responses by Ralph M. Lieberman, Richard Baehr, and Thomas Lifson.
Feldman also argued pro bono in the Third Circuit Court of Appeals against the efforts of a Jewish group in Tenafly, New Jersey, the Tenafly Eruv Association, to erect an eruv. However, his arguments were rejected in 2003 and the eruv was permitted.
During the Amish "beard-cutting" attacks trial of 2012, Feldman argued against applying the Federal hate-crimes law in the case. He argued in a Bloomberg View column that strife amongst co-religionists, including for example "two gangs of ultra-Orthodox Hasidic teenagers from competing sects," could be brought under the law. Any dispute that takes place in the context of a church, mosque, or synagogue would be ripe for federal intervention. Over time, a hate-crimes law designed as a shield to protect religious groups against bias could easily become a sword with which to prosecute them, he then concluded. Subsequently, the sixteen Amish men and women in the 2012 case were found guilty.
Public perception and media appearances
Feldman's work on the Iraqi constitution was controversial at the time, and some, including Edward Said, felt he was not experienced enough with the country to undertake such a task.
In 2005, The New York Observer called Feldman "one of a handful of earnest, platinum-résumé’d law geeks whose prospects for the Big Bench are the source of constant speculation among friends and colleagues."
New York Magazine named Feldman as one of "the influentials" in ideas, alongside Jeffrey Sachs, Saul Kripke, Richard Neuhaus, and Brian Greene.
In 2008, he was among the names topping Esquire magazine's list of the "most influential people of the 21st century". The magazine called him "a public intellectual of our time."
In 2011, Noah Feldman appeared in all three episodes in the Ken Burns PBS series, Prohibition, as a legal commentator.
On December 4, 2019, Feldman—alongside law professors Pamela Karlan, Michael Gerhardt, and Jonathan Turley—testified before the House Judiciary Committee regarding the constitutional grounds for presidential impeachment in the impeachment inquiry against President Donald Trump.
Works and publications
Books
– various editions/supplements prior to this version
Selected news and articles
See also
List of law clerks of the Supreme Court of the United States
References
External links
Noah Feldman at Harvard Law School
"Politics and religion are technologies" (TED2003)
Biography at The Globalist
Noah Feldman's CV on CFR Website
Feldman's Harvard Law chair lecture as reported in the Harvard Law Record
Noah Feldman speaks about Mormonism and the Mitt Romney Campaign
Noah Feldman debates Duncan Kennedy in March 2008 at Harvard Law School, as part of a series on "Confronting Empire"
Walkowitz, Rebecca L. (May 4, 1992). "Asserting Identity and Reconciling Difference; Feldman Wants to Move Dialogue Beyond the Defensive", Harvard Crimson.
Category:1970 births
Category:Living people
Category:Jewish American academics
Category:American political writers
Category:American male non-fiction writers
Category:American Rhodes Scholars
Category:Iraqi law
Category:New York University School of Law faculty
Category:Harvard Law School faculty
Category:Iraq–United States relations
Category:Yale Law School alumni
Category:Maimonides School alumni
Category:Writers from Boston
Category:Harvard College alumni
Category:Law clerks of the Supreme Court of the United States
Category:Alumni of Christ Church, Oxford
Category:Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Wikipedia (en) |
---
author:
- 'Christopher Connell [^1] and Benson Farb [^2]'
title: Minimal entropy rigidity for lattices in products of rank one symmetric spaces
---
Introduction
============
The [*volume entropy*]{} $h(g)$ of a closed Riemannian $n$-manifold $(M,g)$ is defined as $$h(g)=\lim_{R\rightarrow \infty}\frac{1}{R} \log (\operatorname{Vol}(B(x,R)))$$ where $B(x,R)$ is the ball of radius $R$ around a fixed point $x$ in the universal cover $X$. (For noncompact $M$, see Section \[sec:noncompact-case\].) The number $h(g)$ is independent of the choice of $x$, and equals the topological entropy of the geodesic flow on $(M,g)$ when the curvature $K(g)$ satisfies $K(g)\leq 0$ (see [@Ma]). Note that while the volume $\operatorname{Vol}(M,g)$ is not invariant under scaling the metric $g$, the [*normalized entropy*]{} $$\operatorname{ent}(g)=h(g)^n\operatorname{Vol}(M,g)$$ is scale invariant.
Besson-Courtois-Gallot [@BCG1] showed that, if $n\geq 3$ and $M$ admits a negatively curved, locally symmetric metric $g_0$, then $\operatorname{ent}(g)$ is minimized [*uniquely*]{} by $g_0$ in the space of all Riemannian metrics on $M$. This striking result, called [*minimal entropy rigidity*]{}, has a great number of corollaries, including solutions to long-standing problems on geodesic flows, asymptotic harmonicity, Gromov’s minvol invariant, and a new proof of Mostow Rigidity in the rank one case (see [@BCG2]).
Extending minimal entropy rigidity to all nonpositively curved, locally symmetric manifolds $M$ has been a well-known open problem (see, e.g., [@BCG2], Open Question 5). The case of closed manifolds locally (but not necessarily globally) isometric to products of negatively curved locally symmetric spaces of dimension at least $3$ was announced in [@BCG2] and later in [@BCG3].
In this paper we prove minimal entropy rigidity in this case as well as in the more general setting of complete, finite volume manifolds. Although we haven’t seen Besson-Courtois-Gallot’s proof of this result, it is likely that our proof (in the compact case) overlaps with theirs. In particular, we apply the powerful method introduced in [@BCG1; @BCG2], with a few new twists (see below).
[**Statement of result.** ]{} While the quantity $\operatorname{ent}(g)$ is invariant under scaling the metric on $M$, it is not invariant under scalings of the individual factors of $M$. Hence the iso-entropic inequality as in [@BCG1; @BCG2] does not hold as stated; one needs to find the locally symmetric metric $g_{\min}$ on $M$ which minimizes $h(g_0)^n$ for a fixed volume $\operatorname{Vol}(M,g_0)$ among all locally symmetric metrics $g_0$. This minimization problem is easily solved by Lagrange multipliers; as we show in §\[section:bestmetric\], such a $g_{\min}$ does indeed exist and is unique up to homothety. Our main result is the following.
\[theorem:main\]
*Let $M$ be an $n$-manifold which admits a complete, finite-volume Riemannian metric which is locally isometric to a product of negatively curved (rank $1$) symmetric spaces of dimension at least $3$. Let $g$ be any other complete, finite-volume, Riemannian metric on $M$. If $M$ is not compact then assume that ${\widetilde}{M}$ has [*bounded geometry*]{}, i.e. Ricci curvature bounded above and injectivity radius bounded below. Then*
$$\operatorname{ent}(g)\geq \operatorname{ent}(g_{\min})$$ with equality iff $g$ is homothetic to the locally symmetric metric $g_{\min}$.
[**Remarks.** ]{}
1. Theorem \[theorem:main\] is in fact true in more generality: if $(N,g)$ is any finite volume Riemannian $n$-manifold of bounded geometry, and if $f:N\rightarrow~M$ is any proper, coarsely Lipschitz map, then $$\operatorname{ent}(N,g)\geq |{{\rm deg}}f|\operatorname{ent}(M,g_{\min})$$ with equality iff $f$ is a homothetic Riemannian covering. It is this more general result that we prove.
2. P. Verovic [@Ve] has shown that Theorem \[theorem:main\] no longer holds if $g$ is allowed to be a Finsler metric. This behavior is different than in the rank one case.
3. By similar arguments to those in [@BCG1; @BCG2], Theorem \[theorem:main\] implies strong (Mostow) rigidity for the corresponding locally symmetric manifolds.
[**Outline of the proof of Theorem \[theorem:main\].** ]{}
In this outline we assume $M$ and $N$ are compact. We will outline the proof of Remark 1 after Theorem \[theorem:main\]; this implies Theorem \[theorem:main\] by taking $f:N\rightarrow M$ to be the identity. For a moment consider the case when the metric on $N$ is nonpositively curved.
Endow $M$ with the unique locally symmetric metric $g_{\min}$ minimizing $\operatorname{ent}(g)$. Denote by $Y$ (resp. $X$) the universal cover of $N$ (resp. $M$). Let $\operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}Y), \operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}X)$ denote the spaces of atomless probability measures on the visual boundaries ${\partial}Y,{\partial}X$ of the universal covers $Y, X$.
Morally what we do is, following the method of [@BCG2], to define a map $${\widetilde}{F}:Y\to \operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}Y)\stackrel{\phi_\ast}{\to}\operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}X)\stackrel{\operatorname{bar}}{\to}X$$ where $\phi_\ast={\partial}{\widetilde}{f}_\ast$ is the pushforward of measures and $\operatorname{bar}$ is the “barycenter of a measure” (see §\[section:barycenter\]). The inclusion $Y\to \operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}Y)$, denoted $x\mapsto \nu_x$, is given by the construction of the [*Patterson-Sullivan measures*]{} $\{\nu_x\}_{x\in X}$ corresponding to $\pi_1(N)<\operatorname{Isom}(Y)$ (see §\[section:ps\]). An essential feature of these constructions is that they are all canonical, so that all of the maps are [ *equivariant*]{}. Hence ${\widetilde}{F}$ descends to a map $F:N\to M$.
One problem with this outline is that the metric on $Y$ is typically not nonpositively curved. In fact, if $Y$ is a finite volume nonpositively curved manifold diffeomorphic to an irreducible higher rank locally symmetric space then $Y$ is locally symmetric (see Chapter 9 of [@Eb]). So we must find an alternative to using the “visual boundary” of $Y$. This is done by constructing smooth measures (parameterized by $s>h(g)$) on $Y$ itself, pushing them forward via ${\widetilde}{f}$, and convolving with Patterson-Sullivan measure on $X$. The maps ${\widetilde}{F}_s$ are then defined by taking the barycenters of these measures. In the equality case, the maps $F_s$ limit (as $s$ tends to $h(g)$ from above) to a Lipschitz map $F$ which turns out to be the desired locally isometric covering. This idea was first introduced in [@BCG1].
As in [@BCG1; @BCG2], the main step in the proof is bounding the Jacobian $|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s|$. A simple degree computation finishes the proof of the compact case. The extension to the noncompact, finite volume case is perhaps the most technical part of the proof, and requires extending some of the ideas of [@BCS] to the higher rank setting to show that $F_s$ is proper.
[**New features.** ]{} As noted above, our proof is an application of the method of [@BCG2]. The new features which occur in the present case are:
- In nonpositive curvature, Busemann functions are convex but not strictly convex; hence a global argument is needed to prove that the barycenter map is well-defined.
- As shown by Albuquerque [@Al], each Patterson-Sullivan measure $\nu_x$ on a symmetric space $X$ is supported on a subset ${\partial}_F X\subset {\partial}X$ identified with the [*Furstenberg boundary*]{}. We make essential use of this fact in several places; in particular, the boundary ${\partial}_FX$ decomposes naturally as a product when $\operatorname{Isom}(X)$ does. The visual boundary ${\partial}X$ does not. The product decomposition of ${\partial}_FX$ allows one to reduce the key estimate on $|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s|$ to the rank one case and an algebraic lemma of [@BCG2]. Note that in the negatively curved case of [@BCG1; @BCG2], ${\partial}_F X={\partial}X$.
- In the noncompact, finite volume case, direct geometric estimates on $N$ and $M$ and asymptotic analysis of the maps $F_s$ are used to show that the maps $F_s$ are proper.
The best locally symmetric metric {#section:bestmetric}
=================================
In this section we find the locally symmetric metric $g_{\min}$ which minimizes $\operatorname{ent}(g_0)$ over all locally symmetric metrics $g_0$. Recall that the entropy $h(g_0)$ of a negatively curved, locally symmetric $n$-manifold $(M,g_0)$ with maximum sectional curvature $-1$ equals $n+d-2$, where $d=1,2,4,$ or $8$ according to whether $(M,g_0)$ is a real, complex, quaternionic, or Cayley hyperbolic space.
Now suppose that $(M,g_0)$ is a complete, finite volume Riemannian manifold which is locally isometric to a product $$(X_1,g_1)\times\cdots\times (X_{k},g_{k})$$ of negatively curved symmetric spaces. After possibly scaling each factor, we may assume that $(X_i,g_i)$ has maximum sectional curvature $-1$. In that case, $X_i$ has entropy $h_i=n_i+d_i-2$ where $n_i$ is the dimension of $X_i$ and $d_i=1,2,4,$ or $8$ is the dimension of the division algebra which classifies the symmetric space $X_i$. The space of locally symmetric metrics on $M$ is then the set of metrics $$g_\beta=\beta_1^2g_1\times\cdots\times \beta_{k}^2g_{k}$$ where each $\beta_i$ is a positive real number. Note that the entropy of $\beta_i^2 g_i$ is $\beta_i^{-1}(n_i+d_i-2)$.
We now wish to minimize $\operatorname{ent}(g_\beta)$ over all locally symmetric $g_\beta$ on $M$. This is the same as minimizing $h(g_{\beta})$ while keeping volume fixed, i.e. while keeping $\prod_{i=1}^{k}\beta_i^{n_i}=1$.
It is not hard to see that the exponential growth rate of the volume of balls in the universal cover is given by $h_0=|l|$ where $l=\sum_{\alpha>0} m_\alpha \alpha^*$ where $\alpha^*$ is the dual of the positive root $\alpha$ with multiplicity $m_\alpha$ (see [@Kn] for a sharp asympotic for the growth of balls). In the case of products of rank one spaces with entropies $\beta_i^{-1}h_i$, this becomes $h(g_\beta)=\sqrt{\sum_{i=1}^{k} \beta_i^{-2}h_i^2}$, since the roots are all orthogonal with multiplicity $h_i$.
Now, with scalings as above, we wish to minimize $$h_{\beta}=\sqrt{\sum_{i=1}^{k}
\beta_i^{-2}h_i^2}=\sqrt{\sum_{i=1}^{k}\beta_i^{-2}(n_i+d_i-2)^2}$$ subject to $\prod_{i=1}^{k}\beta_i^{n_i}=1$. An easy computation using Lagrange multipliers now gives that the locally symmetric metric $g_{\min}$ which minimizes $\operatorname{ent}(g)$ is $$g_{\min}=\alpha_1^2g_1\times\cdots\times\alpha_{k}^2 g_{k}$$ where $$\alpha_i= \frac{h_i}{\sqrt{n_i}}
\prod_{i=1}^{k}\left(\frac{\sqrt{n_i}}{h_i}\right)^{\frac{n_i}{n}}$$ In this case $$h(g_{\min})=\sqrt{n}\prod_{i=1}^{k}
\left(\frac{h_i}{\sqrt{n_i}}\right)^{n_i/n}$$
Patterson-Sullivan measures on symmetric spaces {#section:ps}
===============================================
In this section we briefly recall Albuquerque’s theory [@Al] of Patterson-Sullivan measures in higher rank symmetric spaces. For background on nonpositively curved manifolds, symmetric spaces, visual boundaries, Busemann functions, etc., we refer the reader to [@BGS] and [@Eb].
Basic properties
----------------
Let $X$ be a Riemannian symmetric space of noncompact type. Denote by ${\partial}X$ the visual boundary of $X$; that is, the set of equivalence classes of geodesic rays in $X$, endowed with the cone topology. Hence $X\cup {\partial}X$ is a compactification of $X$ which is homeomorphic to a closed ball. Let $\Gamma$ be a lattice in $\operatorname{Isom}(X)$, so that $h(g_0)<\infty$ where $(M,g_0)$ is $\Gamma\backslash X$ with the induced metric.
Generalizing the construction of Patterson-Sullivan, Albuquerque constructs in [@Al] a family of [*Patterson-Sullivan measures*]{} on ${\partial}X$. This is a family of measures $\{\nu_x\}_{x\in X}$ on ${\partial}X$ which provide a particularly natural embedding of $X$ into the space of measures on ${\partial}X$.
\[proposition:properties\] The family $\{\nu_x\}$ satisfies the following properties:
1. Each $\nu_x$ has no atoms.
2. The family of measures $\{\nu_x\}$ is $\Gamma$-equivariant: $$\gamma_*\nu_x=\nu_{\gamma x} \mbox{\ for all\ }\gamma\in\Gamma$$
3. For all $x,y\in X$, the measure $\nu_y$ is absolutely continuous with respect to $\nu_x$. In fact the Radon-Nikodym derivative is given explicitly by:
$$\begin{aligned}
\label{eqn:R-N}
\frac{d\nu_x}{d\nu_y}( \xi) = e^{h(g)B(x,y, \xi)}\end{aligned}$$
where $B(x,y,\xi)$ is the [*Busemann function*]{} on $X$. For points $x,y\in X$ and $\xi\in{\partial}X$, the function $B:X\times X\times{\partial}X
\rightarrow {{\mathbf \mathbb{R}}}$ is defined by $$B(x,y,\xi)=\lim_{t\rightarrow \infty}d_X(y,\gamma_\xi(t))-t$$ where $\gamma_\xi$ is the unique geodesic ray with $\gamma(0)=x$ and $\gamma(\infty)=\xi$.
Since ${\operatorname}{Isom}(X)$ acts transitively on $X$, the first property above implies that the $\nu_x$ are all probability measures. The second property implies no two measures are the same. Thus the assignment $x\mapsto \nu_x$ defines an injective map $$\nu: X\to \operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}X)$$ where $\operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}X)$ is the space of probability measures on $X$. Such a mapping satisfying the above properties is called an $h(g_0)$-[*conformal density*]{}.
The Furstenberg boundary and Albuquerque’s Theorem
--------------------------------------------------
The [*Furstenberg boundary*]{} of a symmetric space $X$ of noncompact type is abstractly defined to be $G/P$ where $P$ is a minimal parabolic subgroup of the connected component $G$ of the identity of $\operatorname{Isom}(X)$.
Fix once and for all a basepoint $p\in X$. This choice uniquely determines a Cartan decomposition $\mathfrak{g}=\mathfrak{k}\oplus\mathfrak{p}$ of the Lie algebra of $G$ where $\mathfrak{k}$ is the Lie algebra of the isotropy subgroup $K={\operatorname}{Stab}_G(p)$ of $p$ in $G$ and $\mathfrak{p}$ is identified with the tangent space $T_pX$.
Let $\mathfrak{a}$ be a fixed maximal abelian subspace of $\mathfrak{p}$. The [*rank*]{} of $X$, denoted $\operatorname{rk}(X)$, is the dimension of $\mathfrak{a}$. If $A=\exp(\mathfrak{a})$ then $A\cdot
p$ will be a maximal flat (totally geodesically embedded Euclidean space of maximal dimension). Recall, a vector $v\in TX$ is called a [*regular vector*]{} if it is tangent to a unique maximal flat. Otherwise it is a [*singular vector*]{}. A geodesic is called regular (resp. singular) if one (and hence all) of its tangent vectors are regular (singular). A point $\xi\in {\partial}X$ is regular (singular) if any (and hence all) of the geodesics in the corresponding equivalence class are regular (singular).
A [*Weyl chamber*]{} $\mathfrak{a}^+$ is a choice of connected component of the set of regular vectors in $\mathfrak{a}$. There corresponds to $\mathfrak{a}^+$ a choice of positive roots. Similarly if $A^+=\exp(\mathfrak{a}^+)$ then $A^+\cdot p$ is called a Weyl chamber of the flat $A\cdot p$. The union of all the singular geodesics in the flat $A\cdot p$ passing through $p$ is a finite set of hyperplanes forming the boundaries of the Weyl chambers.
In our current special case of products, $\operatorname{rk}(X)=k$ (recall $k$ is the number of factors) since a product of geodesics, one from each factor, produces a maximal flat. Also, the Weyl chambers are simply the $2^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}$ orthants of $\mathfrak{a}\simeq {{\mathbf \mathbb{R}}}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}$ and $b^+$ is the unit vector corresponding to the barycenter of the extremal unit vectors on the interior boundary of a fixed Weyl chamber.
The Furstenberg boundary can be identified with the orbit of $G$ acting on any regular point $v(\infty)\in {\partial}X$, the endpoint of a geodesic tangent to a regular vector $v$. of a Weyl chamber in a fixed flat $\mathfrak{a}$. This follows from the fact that the action of any such $P$ on ${\partial}X$ fixes some regular point.
Because of this, for symmetric spaces of higher rank, behaviour on the visual boundary can often be aptly described by its restriction to the Furstenberg boundary. Here we will use only some very basic properties of this boundary. For more details on semisimple Lie groups and the Furstenberg boundary, see [@Zi].
Let $b$ be the sum of the dual vectors of the positive roots corresponding to $\mathfrak{a}^+$. The vector $b^+$ is called the [ *algebraic centroid*]{} of $\mathfrak{a}^+$. Set $b^+=b/\|b\|$.
Define the set ${\partial}_F X\subset {\partial}X$ to be ${\partial}_F X=G\cdot b^+(\infty)$. Henceforth we will refer to the Furstenberg boundary as this specific realization. We point out that for any lattice $\Gamma$ in $\operatorname{Isom}(X)$, the induced action on the boundary is transitive only on ${\partial}_F X$. That is, $\overline{\Gamma\cdot b^+(\infty)}=G\cdot b^+(\infty)$ even though for any interior point $x\in X$, $\overline{\Gamma\cdot x}={\partial}X$.
Theorem 7.4 and Proposition 7.5 of [@Al] combine to give the following categorization which will play a crucial role in our proof of Theorem \[theorem:main\].
\[theorem:patterson-sullivan\] Let $(X,g_0)$ be a symmetric space of noncompact type, and let $\Gamma$ be a lattice in $\operatorname{Isom}(X)$. Then
1. $h(g_0)=\|b\|$,
2. $b^+(\infty)$ is a regular point, and hence ${\partial}_F X$ is a regular set,
3. For any $x\in X$, the support $\operatorname{supp}(\nu_x)$ of $\nu_x$ is equal to ${\partial}_F X$, and
4. $\nu_x$ is the unique probability measure invariant under the action on ${\partial}_F X$ of the compact isotropy group ${\operatorname}{Stab}_G(x)$ at $x$. In particular, $\nu_p$ is the unique $K$-invariant probability measure on ${\partial}_F X$.
Note that when $X$ is has rank one, ${\partial}_FX={\partial}X$. In general ${\partial}_F X$ has codimension ${\operatorname{rk}(X)}-1$ in ${\partial}X$.
Limits of Patterson-Sullivan measures
-------------------------------------
We now describe the asymptotic behaviour of the $\nu_x$ as $x$ tends to a point in ${\partial}X$.
For any point $\xi$ of the visual boundary, let $S_\theta$ be the set of points $\xi\in {\partial}_F X$ such that there is a Weyl chamber $W$ whose closure ${\partial}\bar{W}$ in ${\partial}X$ contains both $\theta$ and $\xi$. Let $K_\theta$ be the subgroup of $K$ which stabilizes $S_\theta$. $K_\theta$ acts transitively on $S_\theta$ (see the proof below).
\[theorem:support\] Given any sequence $\{x_i\}$ tending to $\theta\in {\partial}X$ in the cone topology, the measures $\nu_{x_i}$ converge in $\operatorname{{\mathcal{M}}}({\partial}_F X)$ to the unique $K_\theta$-invariant probability measure $\nu_{\theta}$ supported on $S_\theta$.
Let $x_i=g_i \cdot p$, for an appropriate sequence $g_i\in G$. Recall that $\nu_{x_i}=(g_i)_* \nu_p$. Then combining part (4) of Theorem \[theorem:patterson-sullivan\] with Proposition 9.43 of [@GJT] have that some subsequence of the $\nu_{x_i}$ converges to a $K_\theta$-invariant measure $\nu_\theta$ supported on $S_\theta$.
Note that in [@GJT], the notation $I$ refers to a subset of a fundamental set of roots corresponding to the face of a Weyl chamber containing $\theta$ in its boundary. If $g_i\cdot p=k_i a_i\cdot p$ converges then both $k=\lim k_i$ and $a^I=lim_i a_i^I$ exist (note the definition of $a^I$ in [@GJT]). Again in the notation of [@GJT], $K_\theta$ is the conjugate subgroup $(ka^I) K^I
(ka^I)^{-1}$ in $K$. Moreover, $S_\theta$ is the orbit $k a^I
K^I\cdot b^+(\infty)$.
By Corollary 9.46 and Proposition 9.45 of [@GJT], any other convergent subsequence of the $\nu_{x_i}$ produces the same measure in the limit, and therefore the sequence $\nu_{x_i}$ itself converges to $\nu_\theta$ uniquely.
In the case when $\theta$ is a regular point, the above theorem implies that $S_\theta$ is a single point and the limit measure $\nu_\theta$ is simply the Dirac probability measure at that point point in ${\partial}_FX$.
The barycenter of a measure {#section:barycenter}
===========================
In this section we describe the natural map which is an essential ingredient in the method of Besson-Courtois-Gallot.
Let $\phi$ denote the lift to universal covers of $f$ with basepoint $p\in Y$ (resp. $f(p)\in X$), i.e. $\phi={\widetilde}{f}:Y\to X$. We will also denote the metric and Riemannian volume form on universal cover $Y$ by $g$ and $dg$ respectively. Then for each $s>h(g)$ and $y\in Y$ consider the probability measure $\mu_y^s$ on $Y$ in the Lebesgue class with density given by $$\frac{d\mu_y^s}{dg}(z)=\frac{e^{-sd(y,z)}}{\int_{Y}
e^{-sd(y,z)}dg}.$$ The $\mu_y^s$ are well defined by the choice of $s$.
Consider the push-forward $\phi_*\mu_y^s$, which is a measure on $X$. Define $\sigma_y^s$ to be the convolution of $\phi_*\mu_y^s$ with the Patterson-Sullivan measure $\nu_z$ for the symmetric metric.
More precisely, for $U\subset\partial X$ a Borel set, define $$\sigma_y^s(U)=\int_{X}\nu_z(U)d(\phi_*\mu_y^s)(z)$$
Since $\Vert \nu_z \Vert=1$, we have $$\Vert\sigma_y^s\Vert=\Vert\mu_y^s\Vert=1.$$
Let $B_0(x,\theta)=B_0(\phi(p),x,\theta)$ be the Busemann function on $X$ with respect to the basepoint $\phi(p)$ (which we will also denote by $p$). For $s>h(g)$ and $x\in X, y\in Y$ define a function $$\mathcal{B}_{s,y}(x)=\int_{{\partial}X}B_0(x,\theta)d\sigma_y^s(\theta)$$
By Theorem \[theorem:support\], the support of $\nu_z$, hence of $\sigma_y^s$, is all of ${\partial}_FX$, which in turn equals the $G$-orbit $G\cdot b^+(\infty)$, where $G=\operatorname{Isom}(X_0)$. Hence $$\mathcal{B}_{s,y}(x)=\int_{{\partial}_F
X}B_0(x,\theta)d\sigma_y^s(\theta)=\int_{G\cdot
\xi}B_0(x,\theta)d\sigma_y^s(\theta)$$
Since $X$ is nonpositively curved, the Busemann function $B_0$ is convex on $X$. Hence $\mathcal{B}_{s,y}$ is convex on $X$, being a convex integral of convex functions. While $B_0$ is strictly convex only when $X$ is negatively curved, we have the following.
For each fixed $y$ and $s$, the function $x\mapsto
\mathcal{B}_{y,s}(x)$ is strictly convex, and has a unique critical point in $X$ which is its minimum.
For the strict convexity, it suffices to show that given a geodesic segment $\gamma(t)$ between two points $\gamma(0),\gamma(1)\in X$, there exists some $\xi\in {\partial}_F X$ such that function $B_0(\gamma(t),\xi)$ is [*strictly*]{} convex in $t$, and hence on an open positive $\sigma^s_y$-measure set around $\xi$. We know it is convex by the comment preceding the statement of the proposition.
If $B_0(\gamma(t),\xi)$ is constant on some geodesic subsegment of $\gamma$ for some $\xi$, then $\gamma$ must lie in some flat $\mathcal{F}$ such that the geodesic between $\xi\in{\partial}\mathcal{F}$ and $\gamma$ (which meets $\gamma$ at a right angle) also lies in $\mathcal{F}$. On the other hand, $\xi\in {\partial}_F X$ is in the direction of the algebraic centroid in a Weyl chamber, and $\gamma$ is perpendicular to this direction. By the properties of the roots, $\gamma$ is a regular geodesic (not contained in the boundary of a Weyl chamber). In particular, $\gamma$ is contained in exactly one flat $\mathcal{F}$. Furthermore, ${\partial}_F X\cap {\partial}\mathcal{F}$ is a finite set (an orbit of the Weyl group). As a result, for almost every $\xi\in {\partial}_F X$ $B_0(\gamma(t),\xi)$ is [*strictly*]{} convex in $t$.
For fixed $z\in X$, by the last property listed in Proposition \[proposition:properties\], we see that $$\int_{{\partial}_F X} B_0(x,\theta)d\nu_z(\theta)$$ tends to $\infty$ as $x$ tends to any boundary point $\xi\in{\partial}X$. Then for fixed $y$ and $s>h(g)$, $\mathcal{B}_{y,s}(x)$ increases to $\infty$ as $x$ tends to any boundary point $\xi\in{\partial}X$. Hence it has a local minimum in $X$, which by strict convexity must be unique.
We call the unique critical point of $\mathcal{B}_{s,y}$ the [*barycenter*]{} of the measure $\sigma_y^s$, and define a map ${\widetilde}{F}_s:Y\to X$ by $${\widetilde}{F}_s(y)= \text{the unique critical point of
$\mathcal{B}_{s,y}$}$$ Since for any two points $p_1,p_2\in X$ $$B_0(p_1,x,\theta)=B_0(p_2,x,\theta)+B_0(p_1,p_2,\theta),$$ $\mathcal{B}_{s,y}$ only changes by an additive constant when we change the basepoint of $B_0$. This change does not affect the location of critical point of $\mathcal{B}_{y,s}$. As a result, ${\widetilde}{F}_s$ is independent of choice of basepoints.
The equivariance of $\phi$ and of $\{\mu_y\}$ implies that ${\widetilde}{F}_s$ is also equivariant. Hence ${\widetilde}{F}_s$ descends to a map $F_s: N\to M$. As in [@BCG1], we will see that $F_s$ is $C^1$, and will estimate its Jacobian.
The Jacobian estimate {#sec:Jac}
=====================
The goal of this section is to prove a sharp estimate on the magnitude of the Jacobian of $F_s:N\rightarrow M$.
We obtain the differential of $F_s$ by implicit differentiation: $$0=D_{x=F_s(y)}\mathcal{B}_{s,y}(x)=\int_{{\partial}_F X}
d{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}(\cdot) d\sigma^s_y(\theta).$$
Hence, as two forms, $$\begin{gathered}
0=D_y D_{x=F_s(y)}\mathcal{B}_{s,y}(x)=\int_{{\partial}_F X}
Dd{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}(D_y F_s(\cdot),\cdot) d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\\
-s \int_{Y}\int_{{\partial}_F X} d{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}(\cdot)
\left< \nabla_y d_Y(y,z),\cdot\right> d\nu_{\phi(z)}(\theta) d\mu^s_y(z)\end{gathered}$$
The distance function $d_Y(y,z)$ is Lipschitz and $C^1$ off of the cut locus which has Lebesgue measure 0. It follows from the Implicit Function Theorem (see [@BCG2]) that $F_s$ is $C^1$ for $s>h(g)$. By chain rule, $${\operatorname{Jac}}F_s = s^n\frac{\det\left(\int_{Y}\int_{{\partial}_F X}
d{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}(\cdot) \left< \nabla_y
d(y,z),\cdot\right> d\nu_{\phi(z)}(\theta) d\mu^s_y(z)
\right)}{\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_F X}
Dd{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}(\cdot,\cdot)
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)}.$$
Applying H[ö]{}lder’s inequality to the numerator gives: $$|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s|\leq s^n\frac{\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_F X}
d{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}^2 d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)^{1/2}
\det\left(\int_{Y} \left<\nabla_y d_Y(y,z),\cdot\right>^2
d\mu^s_y(z)\right)^{1/2}}{\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_F X}
Dd{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}(D_y F_s(\cdot),\cdot)
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)}.$$
Using that $\operatorname{Tr\,}\left<\nabla_y d_Y(y,z),\cdot\right>^2 =\left|\nabla_y
d_Y(y,z)\right|^2=1$, except possibly on a measure $0$ set, we may estimate $$\det\left(\int_{Y} \left<\nabla_y d_Y(y,z),\cdot\right>^2
d\mu^s_y(z)\right)^{1/2}\leq \left(\frac{1}{\sqrt{n}}\right)^n.$$
Therefore $$\begin{aligned}
\label{eq:Jac1}
|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s|\leq
\left(\frac{s}{\sqrt{n}}\right)^n\frac{\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_F X}
d{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}^2
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)^{1/2}}{\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_F X}
Dd{B_0}_{(F_s(y),\theta)}(D_y F_s(\cdot),\cdot)
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)}.\end{aligned}$$
\[JacF\] For all $s>h(g)$ and all $y\in N$ we have: $$\vert {\operatorname{Jac}}F_s(y)\vert\le \left(\frac s{h(g_{\min})}\right)^n$$ with equality at any $y\in N$ if and only if $D_yF_s$ is a homothety.
As discussed in the introduction, the main idea is to use the fact that the measures $\sigma^s_y$ on ${\partial}X$ are supported on ${\partial}_FX$, which decomposes as a product of Furtsenberg boundaries of the rank one factors of $X$. This can then be used to reduce the estimate on $|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s(y)|$ to the rank one case and an algebraic lemma of [@BCG1].
Item (1) is clear; we prove item (2).
By the hypothesis on $X$, the group $G=\operatorname{Isom}(X)$ can be written as a product $G=G_1\times G_2\cdots \times G_{\operatorname{rk}(X)}$, where each $G_i\neq
{\operatorname}{SL}(2,{{\mathbf \mathbb{R}}})$ is a simple rank one Lie group. Theorem \[theorem:support\] states that there exists $\xi\in{\partial}X$ so that for all $y\in Y$, the measure $\sigma^s_y$ is supported on some $G$-orbit $$G\cdot \xi=\{(G_1\times
G_2\cdots \times G_{\operatorname{rk}(X)})\cdot \xi\}$$
Hence $${\partial}_FX=G\cdot \xi={\partial}_FX_1\times\cdot\times {\partial}_FX_{\operatorname{rk}(X)}$$ Since each $X_i$ has rank one, ${\partial}_FX_i={\partial}X_i$ so that $${\partial}_FX={\partial}X_1\times\cdots\times {\partial}X_{\operatorname{rk}(X)}$$
Let $B_i$ denote the Busemann function for the rank one symmetric space $X_i$ with metric $g_i$. Then for $\theta_i\in {\partial}X_i\subset {\partial}X$ and $x,y\in X_i$ we have $B_0(x,y,\theta_i)=\alpha_i B_i(x,y,\theta_i)$. Since the factors $X_i$ are orthogonal in $X$ with respect to the metric $g_{\min}$, the Busemann function of $(X,g_{\min})$ with basepoint $p\in X$ at a point $\theta=(\theta_1,\dots,\theta_{\operatorname{rk}(X)})\in{\partial}_F X$ is given by $$B_0(x,\theta)=\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)} \frac{\alpha_i}{\sqrt{{\operatorname{rk}(X)}}} B_i(x_i,\theta_i).$$
Since $\nabla_{x}^{g_{\min}}B_i=\frac{1}{\alpha_i^2}\nabla_{x}^{g_{i}}B_i$, we may verify that $\left|\nabla_{x}^{g_{\min}}
B_0(x,\theta)\right|^2_{g_{\min}}=1.$ Similarly, $$\nabla_{x}^{g_{\min}} B_0=\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)} \frac{1}{\alpha_i
\sqrt{{\operatorname{rk}(X)}}}\nabla^{g_{i}}_{x} B_i$$ Differentiating again with respect to a fixed orthonormal basis of $T_xX$ with respect to $g_{\min}$ we obtain, $${{\rm Hess}}^{g_{\min}}_{x} B_0={\oplus}_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\frac{1}{\alpha_i\sqrt{{\operatorname{rk}(X)}}}{{\rm Hess}}^{g_{i}}_x B_i$$
Since $\sigma^s_y$ is supported on $G_1\times \cdots \times
G_{\operatorname{rk}(X)}\cdot \xi$, we can use product coordinates on $X$ to write the right hand side of as,
$$\left(\frac{s}{\sqrt{n}}\right)^{n} \frac{\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}
\left(\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i\right)\left(\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i\right)^*
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)^{\frac12}}{\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}
{\oplus}_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)} {{\rm Hess}}^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)}$$ where the superscript $*$ means transpose and we have cancelled the factor $\left(\frac{1}{\alpha_i\sqrt{{\operatorname{rk}(X)}}}\right)^n$ from the numerator and denominator.
Recall the following estimate for positive semi-definite block matrices, $$\det
\begin{pmatrix} A & B \cr B^* & C \end{pmatrix}\le \det(A)\det(C)$$ Then since the matrix $$\int_{{\partial}_FX} \left(\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i\right)\left(\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i\right)^* d\sigma^s_y(\theta)$$ is positive semi-definite, by iteratively using the above estimate (on sub-blocks) we obtain $$\begin{aligned}
\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX} \left(\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i\right)\left(\sum_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i\right)^*
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)\leq\\
\prod_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)} \det \left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}
(\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
)(\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i)^*d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)\end{aligned}$$ Also, we have $$\begin{aligned}
\det\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX} {\oplus}_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
{{\rm Hess}}^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)=\prod_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)} \det
\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}{{\rm Hess}}^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)\end{aligned}$$ Hence we have $$\begin{gathered}
|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s(y)|\leq \left(\frac{s}{\sqrt{n}}\right)^{n} \prod_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}
\frac{\det \left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}
\left(\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
\right)\left(\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}
B_i\right)^*d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)^{1/2}}{\det
\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}{{\rm Hess}}^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)}\end{gathered}$$
Since $B_i$ is the Busemann function of rank one symmetric space $X_i$, it follows that, setting the tensor $H_i=(\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta)} B_i)^2$, we have $${{\rm Hess}}^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)} B_i={\operatorname}{I}-H_i -\sum_{k=1}^{d_i-1}
J_kH_iJ_k$$ where the $J_k$ are the matrices representing the underlying complex structure of (the division algebra corresponding to) the symmetric space. Lemma 5.5 of [@BCG2] says that for any $n\times n$ matrix $H$ with $\operatorname{Tr\,}H=1$, the following holds: $$\frac{\displaystyle \det H^{1/2}}{\displaystyle\det \left({\operatorname}{I}-H-
\sum_{k=1}^{d_i-1} J_k H J_k\right)}\leq \left(\frac{\sqrt{n}}{n+d-2}
\right)^{n}$$ with equality if and only if $H=\frac{1}{n}{\operatorname}{I}$. Applying this estimate to each term of the above product now gives $$\frac{\det \left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}
\left(\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
\right)\left(\nabla^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
\right)^*d\sigma^s_y(\theta) \right)^{1/2}}{\det
\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}{{\rm Hess}}^{g_i}_{(F_s(y),\theta_i)}B_i
d\sigma^s_y(\theta)\right)}\leq
\left(\frac{\sqrt{n_i}}{n_i+d_i-2}\right)^{n_i}$$ with equality if and only if $H_i=\frac{1}{n_i}{\operatorname}{I}$. Hence $$|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s(y)|\leq \left(\frac{s}{\sqrt{n}}\right)^{n}\prod_{i=1}^{{\operatorname{rk}(X)}}
\left(\frac{\sqrt{n_i}}{n_i+d_i-2}\right)^{n_i}=\frac{s^n}{h(g_{\min})^n}.$$
If equality is attained then we have equality for each term. Let $Q_i\subset T_yY$ be the subspace which is mapped by $D_yF_s$ onto $T_{F_s(y)}X_i$. So for any $v_i\in T_{F_s(y)}X_i$ and any $u_i\in Q_i$ we have $$\begin{aligned}
\left|\left<D_yF_s(u_i),v_i\right>_{g_{i}}\right| & \leq \frac{
\sqrt{n}\sqrt{n_i}s\|v_i\|_{g_{i}}}{n_i+d_i-2}\left(
\int_{{\partial}_FX}dB_{y,\phi^{-1}(\theta)}(u_i)^2
d\sigma^s_y(\theta) \right)^{1/2}\end{aligned}$$
Recall that $\alpha_i= \frac{h_i}{\sqrt{n_i}}
\prod_{i=1}^{\operatorname{rk}(X)}\left(\frac{\sqrt{n_i}}{h_i}\right)^{\frac{n_i}{n}}.$ So multiplying each side by $\alpha_i^2$ we write the above with respect to the metric $g_{\min}$: $$\begin{aligned}
\left|\left<D_yF_s(u_i),v_i\right>_{g_{\min}}\right| & \leq
\frac{\alpha_i \sqrt{n}\sqrt{n_i}s\|v_i\|_{g_{\min}}}{h_i}\left(
\int_{{\partial}_FX}dB_{y,\phi^{-1}(\theta)}(u_i)^2
d\sigma^s_y(\theta) \right)^{1/2}\\
&=\sqrt{n}\|v_i\|_{g_{\min}}\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}\left(
\int_{{\partial}_FX}dB_{y,\phi^{-1}(\theta)}(u_i)^2
d\sigma^s_y(\theta) \right)^{1/2}.\end{aligned}$$ Hence for all $u\in T_yY$ we obtain $$\|D_yF_s(u)\|_{g_{\min}}\leq
\sqrt{n}\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}\left(\int_{{\partial}_FX}
dB_{y,\phi^{-1}(\theta)}(u)^2 d\sigma^s_y(\theta) \right)^{1/2}.$$
Now we follow Section 5 of [@BCG2]. It follows that for any orthonormal basis $\{v_i\}$ of $T_{F_s(y)}X$ we have $$\operatorname{Tr\,}(D_yF_s^*)\circ(D_yF_s)=\sum_{i=1}^n
\left<D_yF_s(v_i),D_yF_s(v_i)\right>_{g_{min}}\leq n
\left(\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}\right)^2.$$ Lastly it follows that $$\begin{aligned}
\left(\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}\right)^2=|{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s|^2&=\det
(D_yF_s)^*\circ (D_yF_s)\\
&\leq\left(\frac{\operatorname{Tr\,}(D_yF_s)^*\circ (D_yF_s)}{n}\right)\leq
\left(\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}\right)^2.\end{aligned}$$
The equality implies that $$\begin{gathered}
(D_yF_s)^*\circ (D_yF_s)=\left(\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}\right)^2{\operatorname}{I}.\end{gathered}$$ Hence $D_yF_s$ is a homothety of ratio $\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}$ as desired.
The equality case in item (3) will not be used in what follows, but will provide insight into what happens as we take limits $s\to h(g)$.
Finishing the proof of Theorem \[theorem:main\] {#section:finalproof}
===============================================
We now prove the statement given in Remark 1 after Theorem \[theorem:main\], from which the theorem immediately follows. We first establish that $F_s$ is homotopic to $f$:
\[prop:homotopy\] For any $s>h(g)$, the map $\Psi_s\colon [0,1]\times N\to M$ defined by $$\Psi_s(t,y)=F_{s+\frac t{1-t}}(y)$$ is a homotopy between $\Psi_s(0,\cdot)=F_s$ and $\Psi_s(1,\cdot)=f$.
From its definitions, ${\widetilde}{F}_s(y)$ is continuous in $s$ and $y$. Observe that for fixed $y$, $\lim_{s\to
\infty}\sigma^s_y=\nu_{\phi(y)}$. It follows that $\lim_{s\to
\infty}{\widetilde}{F}_s(y)=\phi(y)$. This implies the proposition.
The compact case
----------------
Suppose $M$ and $N$ are compact. Since for $s>h(g)$, $F_s$ is a $C^1$ map, we may simply compute the following using elementary integration theory:
$$\begin{aligned}
|{{\rm deg}}(f)| \operatorname{Vol}(M)&=|{{\rm deg}}(f)| \int_{M} dg_{\min}&=\left| \int_{N}f^*dg_{\min}
\right| \cr
& \leq\int_{N} \left| F_s^*dg_{\min} \right|&=\int_{N} \left|
{\operatorname{Jac}}F_s dg\right| \cr
& =\int_{N} \left| {\operatorname{Jac}}F_s\right| dg &\leq
\left(\frac{s}{h(g_{\min})}\right)^n \operatorname{Vol}(N)\end{aligned}$$
Letting $s\to h(g)$ gives the inequality in Theorem \[theorem:main\]. In the case when equality is achieved, after scaling the metric $g$ by the constant $\frac{h(g)}{h(g_{min})}$, we have $h(g)=h(g_{\min})$ and $\operatorname{Vol}(N)=|{{\rm deg}}(f)|\,\operatorname{Vol}(M)$.
We remark that in the notation used in [@BCG1] for the sequence of Lemmas 7.2-9 and Proposition 8.2, the measure $\Phi^2(y,\theta)d\theta$ is simply $\sigma_y^s$ in the rank one case (recall the Poisson kernel is $p_0(y,\theta)=e^{-h(g)
B_0(y,\theta)}$).
In higher rank this equivalence still holds so long as we replace $d\theta$ by the Patterson-Sullivan measure $\nu_p$ at the basepoint $p$. The proofs of Lemmas 7.2-9 and Proposition 8.2 then hold in our more general context once we replace the visual boundary by the Furstenberg boundary and $d\theta$ by the measure $\nu_p$ as the analysis is the same. These show that $F_s$ converges to a nonexpanding Lipschitz map $F$ as $s\to h(g)$. Applying Theorem C.1 from Appendix C of [@BCG1] we obtain Theorem \[theorem:main\].
The noncompact case {#sec:noncompact-case}
-------------------
We now consider the case when $M$ has finite volume but is not compact. In this setting, it is not known whether the limit in the definition of $h(g)$ always exists. For this reason we define the quantity $h(g)$ to be $$h(g)=\inf \left\{ s\geq 0 \left| \ \exists C>0 \text{ such that
}\forall x\in X, \ \int_X e^{-s d(x,z)}
dg(z)<C\right.\right\}.$$ In fact this agrees with the previous definition for $h(g)$ when $M$ is compact.
If $N$ has infinite volume the main theorem is automatically satisfied so long as $h(g)>0$. The main difficulty is that, in order for the proof given above to work, we need to know that $F_s$ is proper (and thus surjective since ${\operatorname}{deg}(F_s)={\operatorname}{deg}(f)\neq 0$). For this, we will need to prove higher rank analogs of some lemmas used in [@BCS] for the rank one case. For the basics of degree theory for proper maps between noncompact spaces, see [@FG].
We will show that $F_s$ is proper by essentially showing that the barycenter of $\sigma^s_x$ lies nearby a convex set containing large mass for this measure. This convex set is in turn far away from $\phi(p)$ whenever $x$ is far from $p\in Y$. We achieve this by first estimating the concentration of the mass of $\sigma_x$ in certain cones which will be our convex sets. One difficulty that arises in the higher rank is that these cones must have a certain angle when restricted to a flat. Another difficulty is that the ends of $M$ can have large angle at infinity. In fact our methods breakdown unless we control the asymptotic expansion of $f$ down the ends (see Remarks \[remarks:ends\]).
First, we localize the barycenter of the measure $\sigma^s_x$. Let $v_{(x,\theta)}$ be the unit vector in $S_xX$ pointing to $\theta\in{\partial}X$.
\[barycenter\] Let $K\subset X$ and $y\in Y$ be such that $(\phi_*\mu_y^s)(K)> C$ for some constant $1>C>\frac12$. Suppose that for all $x\in X$ there exists $v\in S_x X$ such that for all $z\in K$: $$\int_{{\partial}_F X}\left< v_{(x,\theta)},v \right>d\nu_z(\theta)\ge\frac1{C}-1$$ Then $$x\neq {\widetilde}{F}_s(y)$$
If ${\widetilde}{F}_s(y)=x$ then $\nabla_x \mathcal{B}_{s,y}(x)=0$. However, $\nabla_x \mathcal{B}_{s,y}(x)$ may be expressed as $$\int_{X}\int_{{\partial}_F
X}v_{(x,\theta)}d\nu_z(\theta)d\phi_*\mu_y^s(z)$$ where $v_{(x,\theta)}$ is the unit vector in $S_xX$ pointing to $\theta\in{\partial}_F X$. Then we have $$\begin{aligned}
\left\Vert D_x\mathcal{B}_{s,y}\right\Vert
&=\left\Vert\int_{X}\int_{{\partial}_F
X} v_{(x,\theta)}d\nu_z(\theta)d\phi_*\mu_y^s(z) \right\Vert \\
&\ge \left\Vert\int_K\int_{{\partial}_F X}v_{(x,\theta)}d\nu_z
(\theta)d\phi_*\mu_y^s(z)\right\Vert- \\
&\hspace{2cm} \left\Vert\int_{X-K}\int_{{\partial}_F X}
v_{(x,\theta)}d\nu_z(\theta)d\phi_*\mu_y^s(z)\right\Vert \\
&\ge \int_K\int_{{\partial}_F X}{\left\langle v_{(x,\theta)},v \right\rangle }d\nu_z
(\theta)d\phi_*\mu_y^s(z)-\phi_*\mu_y^s(X-K)\\
&\ge \phi_*\mu_y^s(K)\left(\frac1{C}-1\right)-1+\phi_*\mu_y^s(K)\\
&> C\left(\frac1{C}-1\right)-1+C=0\\\end{aligned}$$ The strictness of the inequality finishes the proof.
For $v\in S X$ and $\alpha>0$ consider the convex cone, $$E_{(v,\alpha)}=\exp_{\pi(v)}\left\{w\in T_{\pi(v)}X\ \vert\
\angle_{\pi(v)} (v(\infty),w(\infty))\leq \alpha \right\},$$ where $\pi:TX \to X$ is the tangent bundle projection.
Denote by ${\partial}E_{(v,\alpha)}\subset{\partial}X$ its boundary at infinity.
\[onethird\] There exists $T_0>0$ and $\alpha_0>0$ such that for all $t\geq T_0$, all $x\in X$, all $v\in S_xX$ and all $z\in E_{(g^{t}v,\alpha_0)}$, $$\int_{{\partial}_F X}{\left\langle v_{(x,\theta)},v \right\rangle }d\nu_z(\theta)\ge
\frac{\sqrt{2}}{3}.$$
Since the isometry group of the symmetric space $X$ is transitive on $X$ and for any isometry $\psi$, $d\psi(E_{(v,\alpha)})=E_{(d\psi(v),\alpha)}$, it is sufficient to prove the lemma for a fixed $x$ and all $v\in S_xX$.
For now choose $\alpha_0<\pi/4$. Take a monotone sequence $t_i\to
\infty$, and any choice $z_i\in E_{(g^{t_i}v,\alpha)}$ for each $t_i$. It follows that some subsequence of the $z_i$, which we again denote by $\{z_i\}$, must tend to some point $\theta\in {\partial}E_{(v,\alpha)}$.
Let $\nu_\theta$ be the weak limit of the measures $\nu_{z_i}$. From Theorem \[theorem:support\], $\nu_\theta$ is a probability measure supported on a set $S_\theta$ satisfying $$\angle_x(\theta,\xi) \leq \frac{\pi}4 \quad \forall \xi\in
S_\theta.$$
Therefore we have, $$\begin{aligned}
\label{eq:inner-product}
\int_{S_{\theta}}{\left\langle v_{(x,\xi)},v_{(x,\theta)} \right\rangle }d\nu_\theta(\xi)\ge\frac{\sqrt{2}}{2}\end{aligned}$$
Now whenever $\theta\in {\partial}E_{(v,\alpha)}$ then $v=v_{(x,\theta)}+\eps
v'$ for some unit vector $v'$ and $\eps\leq \sin(\alpha)$. Using either case above we may write $$\int_{{\partial}_F X}{\left\langle v_{(x,\xi)},v \right\rangle }d\nu_\theta(\xi)\ge \int_{{\partial}_F
X}{\left\langle v_{(x,\xi)},v_{(x,\theta)} \right\rangle }d\nu_\theta(\xi)
-\sin(\alpha).$$ So choosing $\alpha$ small enough we can guarantee that
1. any two Weyl chambers intersecting $E_{(g^tv,\alpha)}$ for all $t>0$ in the same flat must share a common face of dimension $\operatorname{rk}(M)-1$, and
2. for any $\theta\in {\partial}E_{(v,\alpha)}$, $$\int_{{\partial}_F X}{\left\langle v_{(x,\xi)},v \right\rangle }d\nu_\theta(\xi)\ge
\frac{\sqrt{2}}{2.5}.$$
Let $$E_{(v(\infty),\alpha)}=\cap_{t>0}{\partial}E_{(g^tv,\alpha)}.$$ By the first property used in the choice of $\alpha$ above, for any two points $\theta_1,\theta_2\in E_{(v(\infty),\alpha)}$, either $\theta_1$ and $\theta_2$ are in the boundary of the same Weyl chamber, or else there is another point $\theta'$ in the intersection of the boundaries at infinity of the closures of the respective Weyl chambers.
By maximality there is some $\theta_0\in E_{(v(\infty),\alpha)}$ intersecting the boundary at infinity of the closure of every Weyl chamber which intersects $E_{(g^tv,\alpha)}$ for all $t>0$. Hence, for every $\theta \in E_{(v(\infty),\alpha)}$, the support of the limit measure $\nu_\theta$ satisfies $S_\theta\subset S_{\theta_0}$. (While $\theta_0$ is not necessarily unique, the support $S_{\theta_0}$ of the corresponding limit measure $\nu_{\theta_0}$ is.)
As $t$ increases, for any $z\in E_{(g^tv,\alpha)}$, the measures $\nu_z$ uniformly become increasingly concentrated on $S_{\theta_0}$. Then applying the estimate to $\theta=\theta_0$, we may choose $T_0$ sufficiently large so that for all $z\in
E_{(g^tv,\alpha)}$ with $t>T_0$, $$\int_{{\partial}_F X}{\left\langle v_{(x,\xi)},v \right\rangle }d\nu_z(\xi)\ge
\frac{\sqrt{2}}{3}.$$
$F_s$ is proper.
By way of contradiction, let $y_i\in Y$ be an unbounded sequence such that $\{{\widetilde}{F}_s(y_i)\}$ lies in a compact set $K$. We may pass to an unbounded subsequence of $\{y_i\}$, which we again denote as $\{y_i\}$, such that the sequence $\phi(y_i)$ converges within a fundamental domain for $\pi_1(M)$ in $X$ to a point $\theta_0\in {\partial}X$. Since $K$ is compact, the set $$A=\bigcap_{x\in K}E_{(g^{T_0}v_{(x,\theta_0)},\alpha_0)}$$ contains an open neighborhood of $\theta_0$ and $d_X(A,K)\geq T_0$. Notice that $A$ is itself a cone, being the intersection of cones on a nonempty subset of ${\partial}X$.
We now show that $A$ contains the image $\phi(B(y_i,R_i))$ of increasingly large balls ($R_i\to\infty$). However, we observe from the fact that $A$ is a cone on an open neighborhood of $\theta_0$ in ${\partial}X$ that $A$ contains balls $B(\phi(y_i),r_i)$ with $r_i\to\infty$. By assumption $f$, and hence $\phi$, is coarsely Lipschitz: $$d_X(\phi x,\phi y)\leq K d_Y(x,y)+C$$ for some constants $C>0$ and $K\geq 1$. Therefore $\phi^{-1}(B(\phi(y_i),r_i))\supset B(y_i,R_i)$ where $K R_i+C> r_i$. In particular $R_i\to\infty$.
Hence, there exists an unbounded sequence $R_i$ such that $B(y_i,R_i)\subset \phi^{-1}(A)$. Furthermore, since the Ricci curvature is assumed to be bounded from above and the injectivity radius from below, we have that $\operatorname{Vol}(B(y_i,{\operatorname}{injrad}))$ is greater than some constant independent of $y_i$ and hence $\int_Y
e^{-s d(y_i,z)}dg(z)>Q$ for some constant $Q>0$. By choice of $s$ there is a constant $C_s$ depending only on $s$ such that $\int_Y
e^{-s d(y,z)}dg(z)<C_s$ for all $y\in Y$.
In polar coordinates we may write, $$\begin{aligned}
\int_Y e^{-s d(y,z)}dg(z)&=\int_0^\infty e^{-s t}\operatorname{Vol}(S(y,t))dt\\
&=\int_0^\infty e^{-s t}\frac{d}{dt}\operatorname{Vol}(B(y,t))dt\\
&=-\int_0^\infty \frac{d}{dt}\left(e^{-s t}\right)\ \operatorname{Vol}(B(y,t))dt\\
&=s\int_0^\infty e^{-s t}\operatorname{Vol}(B(y,t))dt.\end{aligned}$$ Using this we may estimate, using any $\delta<s-h(g)$, $$\begin{aligned}
\mu_{y_i}^s(\phi^{-1}(A))&> \mu_{y_i}^s(B(y_i,R_i))\\
&=1-\frac{\int_{R_i}^\infty e^{-s t}\operatorname{Vol}(B(y_i,t))dt}{\int_0^\infty
e^{-s
t}\operatorname{Vol}(B(y_i,t))dt}\\
&\geq 1-\frac{e^{-\delta R_i}\int_{R_i}^\infty e^{-(s-\delta)
t}\operatorname{Vol}(B(y_i,t))dt}{\int_0^\infty e^{-s
t}\operatorname{Vol}(B(y_i,t))dt}\\
&\geq 1-e^{-\delta R_i}\frac{C_{s-\delta}}{Q}.\end{aligned}$$
Therefore for all sufficiently large $i$, $$\mu_{y_i}^s(\phi^{-1}(A))> \frac{3}{3+\sqrt{2}}.$$ The constant $\frac{3}{3+\sqrt{2}}$ is the constant $C$ from Lemma \[barycenter\] such that $\frac{1}{C}-1=\frac{\sqrt{2}}{3}$.
Set $v_i=g^{T_0+1}v_{({\widetilde}{F}_s(y_i),\theta_0)}$. Recalling that $A\subset E_{(v_i, \alpha_0)}$ for all $i$, we have that for sufficiently large $i$, $$\phi_*\mu_{y_i}^s(E_{(v_i, \alpha_0)})> \frac{3}{3+\sqrt{2}}$$ but $d_X({\widetilde}{F}_s(y_i),E_{(v_i,\alpha_0)})>T_0$, contradicting the conclusion of Lemma \[barycenter\] in light of Lemma \[onethird\].
\[remarks:ends\]
1. In the proof of the above proposition, we used that ${\operatorname}{injrad}$ is bounded from below and ${\operatorname}{Ricci}$ curvature is bounded from above only to show that the volume of balls of any fixed radius are bounded from below. Hence this latter hypothesis can be replaced for the former in Theorem \[theorem:main\].
2. Ideas from coarse topology can be used to remove the coarse lipschitz assumption on $f$ in the case that the ends of $M$ have angle at infinity bounded away from $\pi/2$. Unfortunately, $M$ may have ends containing pieces of flats with wide angle (consider the product of two rank one manifolds each with multiple cusps, or for a complete classification of higher rank ends see [@Hat]). For such spaces it is possible to construct a proper map $f:M\to M$ such that for a radial sequence $y_i\to \infty$, $\phi$ maps the bulk of the mass of $\mu^s_{y_i}$ into a set (almost) symmetrically arranged about the point $p\in X$ thus keeping ${\widetilde}{F}_s(y_i)$ bounded. This explains the need for a condition on $f$ akin to the coarse lipschitz hypothesis.
The inequality in Theorem \[theorem:main\] now follows as in the compact case, with ${{\rm deg}}(f)$ and ${{\rm deg}}(F_s)$ suitably interpreted.
Now we complete the proof of the rigidity when we have equality in Theorem \[theorem:main\]. First we assume that $h(g)=h(g_0)$ by scaling the metric $g$ by the constant $\frac{h(g_0)}{h(g)}.$ We note that the proofs of the lemmas in Section 7 of [@BCG1] (done for the case $f=\operatorname{Id}$) are identical so long as we restrict the uniformity of Lemmas 7.5 and 7.6 to be uniform only on compact subsets. These proofs go through with only minor modification in the case that $f$ has (local) degree ${{\rm deg}}(f)\neq 1$; this is explained in Section 8.2 of [@BCG1]. In this case we obtain the general versions of Lemma 7.6 and 7.7 of [@BCG1],
There is a subsequence $s_i$ such that the maps $F_{s_i}$ converges uniformly on compact sets to a continuous map $F:N\to M$ such that $||d_yF_{s_i}||$ is uniformly bounded on compact subsets of $N$ and converges to $1$ almost everywhere.
The proof of Lemma 7.8 of [@BCG1] then goes through without modification to obtain
The map $F$ is Lipschitz with Lipschitz constant less than or equal to one.
Before we proceed we must show,
The map $F$ is proper.
By the previous lemma, $F$ is a contracting Lipschitz map.
We note that the local notion of $deg(F)$ given by $${{\rm deg}}F(x)=\sum_{y\in F^{-1}(x)} {\operatorname}{sign}({\operatorname{Jac}}F(y))$$ is well defined for a.e. $x\in N$. Let $P\subset M$ be the set of points which have unbounded preimage under $F$. The set $P$ is clearly closed and of measure 0, and $F$ acts properly on $M\setminus P$. Since $F$ is homotopic to $f$, ${{\rm deg}}F(x)={{\rm deg}}f(x)$ for a.e. $x$ in one connected component $U$ of $M\setminus P$, and ${{\rm deg}}F(x)=0$ a.e. on the other components. We note that Lemma C.2 and C.4 in [@BCG1] only require that the injectivity radius be bounded for any finite set of points. The proof of these two lemmas show that for every $x\in U$, ${\operatorname}{card}(F^{-1}(x)\leq {{\rm deg}}(f)$.
Now we will show that $F$ is proper on the closure of $U$. This implies that $U=M$.
If the map $F$ were not proper then there would be a sequence $y_i$ tending down an end of $N$ such that $F(y_i)\in U$ limits to a point $x_0\in P$. After pasing to a subsequence (also denoted $y_i$) we may find compact rectifiable curves of finite length which pass through all of the $F(y_i)$ and $x_0$. For any such $c$, by continuity, the pre-image $F^{-1}(c)$ is therefore contained in at most ${{\rm deg}}(f)$ curves $\alpha_1,\ldots,\alpha_{{{\rm deg}}(f)}$ one of which (say $\alpha=\alpha_1$) can be chosen to pass through the $y_i$.
By possibly slightly perturbing the points $y_i$, Fubini’s theorem guarantees that we can choose a curve $c$ such that the derivatives of $F\vert_{\alpha}$ on the pre-image curves $\alpha$ are a.e. equal to one. On the other hand, curves $\alpha$ are Lipschitz since $F$ is and therefore by the fundamental theorem of calculus it must have the same length as $c$ which is finite. This contradicts that the $y_i$ are unbounded.
To complete the equality case (riidity) we must prove the following,
Consider two $n$-dimensional complete oriented Riemannian manifolds of finite volume, $N$ and $M$. Suppose $F:N\to M$ is a proper Lipschitz map satisfying $d_M(F(x),F(y))\le d_N(x,y)$ for all $x,y\in M$. Then if $\operatorname{Vol}(N)=|{{\rm deg}}{f}| \operatorname{Vol}(M)$, the map $F$ is a Riemannian covering homotopic to $f$.
We establish this following Appendix C of [@BCG1] through two lemmas.
If we set $C(x)={\operatorname}{card}\left\{F^{-1}{x}\right\}$ The proof of Lemma C.2 in [@BCG1] establishes the following.
For almost every $y\in N$, and a.e. $x\in M$, we have $C(x)={{\rm deg}}(f)$ and $D_yF$ is an isometry between $T_yN$ and $T_{F(y)}M$.
Since $F$ is proper, the preimage set $\left\{ F^{-1}(x) \right\}$ is compact and hence lies in a region with injectivity radius bounded from below. The rest of the proofs of Appendix C can then be followed verbatim to obtain
For every $y\in N$, $C(y)={{\rm deg}}(f)$ and $F$ is a local isometry.
This lemma, in particular implies that $F$ is a Riemannian covering map. Taking limits in Proposition \[prop:homotopy\] establishes that $F$ is homotopic to $f$ and hence the Proposition follows. This also completes the proof of Theorem \[theorem:main\].
[ABCDEF]{}
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[to3em]{}, Minimal entropy and Mostow’s rigidity theorems, [*Ergodic Theory Dynam. Systems*]{} 16 (1996), no. 4, 623–649.
[to3em]{}, Volumes and rigidities of Riemannian manifolds, January 1999, in preparation.
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W. Ballmann, M. Gromov and V. Schroeder, [ *Manifolds of Nonpositive Curvature*]{}, Progress in Mathematics, Vol. 61, Birkaüser, 1985.
P. Eberlein, [*Geometry of nonpositively curved manifolds*]{}, Chicago Lectures in Math. Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996.
I. Fonseca and W. Gangbo, *Degree theory in analysis and applications*, The Clarendon Press Oxford University Press, New York, 1995, Oxford Science Publications.
Y. Guivarc’h, L. Ji, and J. C. Taylor, [ *Compactifications of symmetric spaces*]{}, Progress in Mathematics, Vol. 156, Birkaüser, 1998.
T. Hattori, Asymptotic geometry of arithmetic quotients of symetric spaces, [*Math. Z.*]{} 222 (1996), no. 2, 247-277.
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Christopher Connell:\
Dept. of Mathematics, University of Illinois at Chicago\
Chicago, IL 60680\
E-mail: [email protected]
Benson Farb:\
Dept. of Mathematics, University of Chicago\
5734 University Ave.\
Chicago, Il 60637\
E-mail: [email protected]
[^1]: Supported in part by an NSF postdoctoral fellowship.
[^2]: Supported in part by NSF grant DMS 9704640 and by a Sloan foundation fellowship.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | ArXiv |
Q:
Will insert and update wait while a table is being vacuumed?
I want to vacuum a table in PostgreSQL version 9.1 which will take between 10 to 12 minutes. This needs to be done in real-time, in production use.
I just want to know that if any INSERT or UPDATE query comes, will they wait for the lock to be lifted, or will they time out?
NOTE: The Java code that will fire the query has not specified any timeout.
A:
The documentation says the following:
ROW EXCLUSIVE
Conflicts with the SHARE, SHARE ROW EXCLUSIVE, EXCLUSIVE, and ACCESS EXCLUSIVE lock modes.
The commands UPDATE, DELETE, and INSERT acquire this lock mode on the target table (in addition to ACCESS SHARE locks on any other
referenced tables). In general, this lock mode will be acquired by any
command that modifies data in a table.
SHARE UPDATE EXCLUSIVE
Conflicts with the SHARE UPDATE EXCLUSIVE, SHARE, SHARE ROW EXCLUSIVE, EXCLUSIVE, and ACCESS EXCLUSIVE lock modes. This mode
protects a table against concurrent schema changes and VACUUM runs.
Acquired by VACUUM (without FULL), ANALYZE, CREATE INDEX CONCURRENTLY, and some forms of ALTER TABLE.
There is no conflict between the two lock types involved. This means that neither INSERT/UPDATE blocks VACUUM, nor the other way around. This means furthermore that your queries should succeed without timeouts. Most probably the I/O activity of vacuuming won't do you any harm.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
Q:
Broken power window switch on 1998 Outback
I've got a 1998 Subaru Outback with a broken driver's power window switch. The plastic switch just cracked and it will no longer stay in place; it falls out. If I hold it in place, it can still operate the switch mechanism below. I'm leaning towards just putting a big gob of JB Weld in there and sticking it back on, but before I do that I'd like to hear if anybody has other ideas or experience replacing these kind of switches.
The whole unit can be replaced for about $50-80, but I'm pretty sure it's a pain to take the door apart, and I'd rather not replace a perfectly good unit just because a piece of plastic cracked. Here's a photo I grabbed off eBay of the whole unit; it's the plastic knob on the driver's window switch that's broken:
Update: I've added the following two photos, which show where the switch is broken off and the broken part. The rest of the plastic is missing; it must have fallen off inside the panel or gotten lost elsewhere.
A:
Can you post a picture of how it has cracked? It is hard to propose how to repair without seeing the specific damage.
As for taking the door apart. Taking an inner door panel off isn't a very difficult or time consuming task in most vehicles it may take 30minutes if you are new to it. It shouldn't be required usually power window switches can be accessed by popping off the armrest in the door in some way. It will be different for every vehicle but most dont require removing the door panel to access it maybe check the service manuals for your vehicle. You can usually find them online.
As for repairs. If you want quick and simple either use super glue or JB weld to glue the broken pieces back together or if you want a professional repair you could could secure the pieces together then bondo, sand, and repaint the piece. Again it all depends where the piece was cracked.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
Ken Finkleman and the Art of Being Derivative
Like many series of the mid-90s, 1996’s The Newsroom began as an imitator of The Larry Sanders Show. The latter show opened the door for the cruelty and self-absorption that are the hallmarks of great sitcoms since. The former was huge on Canadian television (and eventually aired on PBS), but it was just one of many series created by Ken Finkleman. Finkleman’s longtime avatar, George Findlay, served as a means of exorcising his own demons, and the shows were indicators of what comedy Finkleman was watching (usually modern experimental sitcoms). It’s fair to accuse Finkleman of being derivative, but his shows are much more than simple imitation.
If you’ve heard his name before, it’s likeliest because of his work in Hollywood in the 80s – he wrote the cult favorite Grease 2, and wrote and directed Airplane II: The Sequel. He found the studio system so dispiriting he soon returned to Canada, where since 1995 he’s produced bracing, barbed satire about a man named George Findlay.
In a 2011 interview, Finkleman explained inventing the last name Findlay when shooting pool in Winnipeg in the late 50s-mid 60s. If people knew his name was Finkleman, he faced anti-Semitic violence. So he went by Findlay, a goyische enough name to spare him a beating. His Jewish identity, and his thorough hatred of his origins in Winnipeg, are running themes in his work – episodes of The Newsroom and Good God involve old friends from Winnipeg appearing in Toronto to demand he confront his own past, and possibly spot them a few thousand dollars.
Findlay’s first appearance in a Finkleman series was Married Life, a clear descendant of Real Life (itself a comic takeoff on An American Family): a documentarian attempts to capture the day-to-day lives of a family. In Real Life, Albert Brooks’s protagonist, Albert Brooks, pushes so hard to create drama that he ends up setting the host family’s home on fire. In Married Life, Findlay (played by Finkleman) is so dissatisfied by the central couple that he hires writers for them, then actors to play them and himself, and allows the making-of-the-documentary to take a more central role than the original family story. It’s an early, embryonic work, but it demonstrates Finkleman’s interest in journalistic sensationalism and the comic possibilities of exploding boundaries between fiction and documentary.
In 1996, Finkleman created the series for which he’s best-known: The Newsroom. Set in a Toronto TV news program, The Newsroom took the toxicity of The Larry Sanders Show to a more respected world than late night talk shows. The pilot opens with an exchange deciding how to use people’s fear of piranhas to sell a news story about a train derailed in the Congo, and give it a local bent (“Perhaps one Canadian may have been eaten by flesh-eating fish.”).
Later in the season, George agrees to run year-old tape from an ebola (!) story for a new story about a different virus in a different African country, because “I just don’t think we have to paint ourselves into a factual corner over some footage from Africa.”
In addition to TV news, The Newsroom satirized many facets of show business. Canadian celebrities (e.g., Alex Gonzalez, Cynthia Dale, and David Cronenberg), appeared to spoof themselves (à la The Larry Sanders Show), and Findlay prioritized big ratings and sleeping with subordinates above getting the news out. By the end of the first season, however, it was clear this wasn’t just a ripoff (though it also leaned heavily on Fellini and Goddard). The season ended with a three-parter about George’s inability to deal with an impending nuclear meltdown, and his obsession with figuring out how to package it as a news story (“I’m guessing the audience is going to want upbeat … Replace the nuclear explosions with Cosby,” he tells the graphics editor). Finally, the fourth wall breaks, and the camera turns from the action to The Newsroom’s AD (or an actor playing him), rushing the story along so George can deal with his issues with his mother.
Finkleman’s followup, 1998’s More Tears, saw Findlay trying to direct a movie about right-wing politicians getting drunk and sexually assaulting and murdering journalists and cops. Here, too, he borrowed heavily from 8 ½, but Finkleman also began to dive deeply into what would be a running theme in his work: the fascist celebration of police, particularly funerals-as-patriotic-celebrations. This would culminate in an episode of his 2012 series Good God, in which Findlay produces a tribute to a fallen officer cut with footage of Nazi propaganda film (borrowing from and name-checking The Apprenticeship of Duddy Kravitz). This theme also makes its way into Finkleman’s interviews, like this one with Jian Ghomeshi (currently accused by, as of this writing, nine women of sexual assault and battery). Finkelman all but refuses to discuss his work, and instead takes the CBC to task for their coverage of a police funeral following tremendous police abuses during the G20 summit. He also compares the funeral to Nazi Germany, another of Finkleman’s obsessions: in The Newsroom, Findlay can’t have a conversation with his BMW dealer without accusing the salesman of being a Nazi, and in his 2011 series Good Dog, Findlay keeps bringing up Nazi collaboration with his girlfriend’s Austrian au pair.
Finkleman also works through more of his misogynist issues in More Tears, but with a little more self-awareness than the extremely typical misogynist male auteur. Findlay’s wife can only see what Findlay actually wants from women (vapidity and huge breasts) through his casting choices. In interviews, Finkleman decries his own inability to understand women, but he also rarely casts more than two recurring women per series, and almost never as a comic character other than a classic blonde ditz.
The events following 9/11 offered a tremendous opportunity for Finkleman to revisit his news satire and Finkleman went big with it. Escape from the Newsroom’s story about Atom Egoyan being taken hostage hostage is interrupted when CBC is evacuated due to a threat of anthrax in the building. The movie becomes a mockumentary, following Finkleman and actors playing his crew as they struggle to salvage their movie if Egoyan walks. On their way out of the building, the “producer” of The Newsroom asks Finkleman if he wanted the hostage storyline to copy The King of Comedy. “I didn’t want to copy anything!” Finkleman protests.
The scene becomes meta-commentary on the movie itself, as well as further anti-police screed: The producer suggests that CBC’s problem with the movie is Finkleman’s insistence on costuming Toronto cops as Nazis. “It’s too didactic for a comedy,” a “writer” protests. Finkleman responds with a didactic monologue about the history of police and Nazi uniforms, “uniforms designed by Hugo Boss and modified by Central American dictators and torturers.” When his producer insists that, post-9/11, he cannot be critical of the police on television, Finkleman responds by demanding they read a poem by Brecht. While Finkleman could “escape” from The Newsroom by breaking the fourth wall, his need to comment on the state of the news was inescapable.
Indeed, in 2004, The Newsroomreturned, and was perhaps more vicious. The show’s anchor, Jim Walcott, briefly joins an American morning show, where he gets applause every time he references the troops or God, so he begins inserting them into every conversation. Finkelman also begins to borrow from The Office – the new season ended with a documentary crew entering the newsroom’s offices, and The Office’s talking heads rhythms punctuated the story.
The Newsroom’s to-date final season ended with another homage to Fellini, in the form of an animated story about a swan who becomes a woman (who dies because of her love for a man). As a character in an earlier episode tells Findlay when he (per usual) fails upward, “Don’t try to make sense of the sequence of events … There’s no clear narrative line to these elements. … No clear cause and effect. Just events unfolding in a relatively random way.”
Findlay returned in 2011’s Good Dog, rich, semi-retired, and trying to pitch a reality show about his life dating a thirty-year old woman. When the network tells him that the show would work only if he were living with his girlfriend, he immediately proposes she move in with him (Findlay is always willing to bend reality for TV’s sake). The show, a more-scripted ripoff of Curb Your Enthusiasm, had Findlay trying to fly to L.A. to get Larry David’s blessing to use the word “enthusiasm” in the title of his reality show. At the airport, a stranger recognizes Findlay from his work in The Newsroom. If you’re trying to reconcile the show-within-the-show, you could suggest that the man is referring to the documentary shot in the newsroom in its 2004 season. But it may also just be an admission that Findlay and Finkleman are not distinct individuals.
Good Dog has its moments, but it’s the least pointed of any of Finkleman’s work. It also reveals a major weakness: writing Gentiles. Findlay’s best friend Doug, ostensibly a Catholic, has all the traits and neuroses of a stereotypical Jew. Similarly, Noah, the protagonist of Finkleman’s only novel, Noah’s Turn, is ostensibly a WASP, but he obsesses over the Holocaust more than any WASP I’ve ever met – his obsession is matched only by Findlay’s, and Finkleman’s own.
The last series Findlay has appeared on, 2012’s Good God, returned him to a newsroom, now running a right-wing news network, based on the US’s FOX News. At its best, it is as insightful as The Newsroom. At its worst, it’s obvious and easy shots at conservative programming (though it may be fair to say that Glenn Beck and Bill O’Reilly are difficult targets for satire, being themselves absurd), and more of Finkleman’s chauvinism (in one episode, Findlay takes a medication that causes him to hallucinate that attractive women in the office are naked and propositioning him for sex). | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Unknown God
In Acts 17:23 (St. Paul's speech in Athens) the American Standard Revised Version reads: "I found also an altar with this inscription, To AN UNKNOWN GOD. What therefore ye worship in ignorance, this I set forth unto you." the King James Version and the English Revised Version margin translate "to the Unknown God," owing to the fact that in Greek certain words, of which theos is one, may drop the article when it is to be understood. In the present case the use of the article. is probably right (compare Acts 17:24). In addition, the King James Version reads "whom" and "him" in place of "what" and "this." The difference here is due to a variation in the Greek manuscripts, most of which support the King James Version. But internal probability is against the King James Version's reading, as it would have been very easy for a scribe to change neuters (referring to the divine power) into masculines after "God," but not vice versa. Hence, modern editors (except yon Soden's margin) have adopted the reading in the Revised Version (British and American).
Paul in Athens, "as he beheld the city full of idols," felt that God was truly unknown there. Hence the altar with the inscription struck him as particularly significant. Some Athenians, at any rate, felt the religious inadequacy of all known deities and were appealing to the God who they felt must exist, although they knew nothing definite about Him. No better starting-point for an address could be wished. What the inscription actually meant, however, is another question. Nothing is known about it. Altars dedicated "to unknown gods" (in the plural) seem to have been fairly common (Jerome on Titus 1:12; Pausanias, i.1,4; Philaster, Vita Apoll., vi.3), and Blase (Commentary ad loc.) has even suggested that the words in Ac were originally in the plural. But this would spoil the whole point of the speech, and the absence of references to a single inscription among thousands that existed can cause no surprise. Those inscriptions in the plural seem to have been meant in the sense "to the other deities that may exist in addition to those already known," but an inscription in the sing. could not have this meaning. Perhaps a votive inscription is meant, where the worshipper did not know which god to thank for some benefit received. That a slur on all the other Athenian objects of worship was intended is, however, most improbable, but Paul could not of course be expected to know the technical meaning of such inscriptions. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
This girl has tons of videos of her rubbing her pussy and cumming. This one is one of my favs tho. Let me know if you want more of her +25 videos she has.
Published by OMGWEBCAM | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
[Mitochondrial anomalies in oculopharyngeal muscular dystrophy].
Oculopharyngeal muscular dystrophy (OPMD) was described by Taylor in 1915. This autosomal dominant inheritance affection begins at the age of 40-50 years associating bilateral ptosis and dysphagia. In 1980, Tome and Fardeau described rimmed vacuoles and typical intranuclear tubulo-filamentous inclusions in the muscle biopsy. We report two cases (brother and sister) of clinical and histological OPMD with mitochondrial abnormalities (Ragged red fibers) associated with classical OPMD lesions. Those observation remind the question already vised since a long time by some authors, of the signification of mitochondrial abnormalities in OPMD. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Abstracts |
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Raven in a Locket by Yellow kiwi reviews Sasuke has to deal with his emotions and pain when his brother returns after years of being apart. Unconscious and Moaning by Mainki Akuma reviews "Foolish little brother. It's going to be hard as he tries to get answers to his brothers actions, and he's own new feelings. I smile as stretch my arm to you awaiting for my medication. Sasuke ceased to exist, and in a desperate attempt to find his brother, Itachi allowed himself to be captured. I don't want you ever to find out what this dream is and I don't want it ever to become a reality as we would stop being brothers. But was Itachi worth saving?
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How do they fare and what's happening back in the Narutoverse as a result? I will make sure you can enjoy the experience tonight all the way and not pass out at least a tiny bit longer. Itachi was forced to do the unthinkable, in order to save his relationship with the one who mattered most. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
The ClubPlanet Interview: AFROJACK
by DJ Ron Slomowicz
06.16.2014
It’s hard to believe that Afrojack just recently released his debut artist album. He's been releasing tracks since 2006, and his big commercial crossover “Take Over Control” and entry into the DJ Mag list were in 2010. The album ‘Forget the World’ is a song-driven album featuring collaborations with a wide variety of artists – Sting, Snoop Dogg, Matthew Koma, Chris Brown. Listening to him, either through his music or when he speaks, you can tell his is a very emotional personal with strong convictions and not afraid to speak his mind. Hearing what he has to say, unfiltered, you get a true idea of what he thinks.
RS: I was walking down Lincoln Road and I saw your display at the RAW store. How did your second collaboration with the clothing line come together?
Afrojack: We had the first one and it was a tiny and gigantic success in the sense of what it could have been. It was sold out in the store in two days and in two minutes online. I never really created merchandise because I didn’t want to just start selling shitty shirts that said Afrojack on them for $50. I felt like that would degrade my name, so I waited and waited and finally I have started my worldwide full clothing line and we are now in 350 G-Star stores now.
RS: We were very lucky to hear a preview of your upcoming album the other day. The reactions have been overwhelmingly positive.
Afrojack: I was doing an interview and they said the previews had gone up, I had no idea. I have been so busy here in Miami that I forgot the previews from my album came out online. People are finally able to put the pieces together. I have no idea what people are saying and I shouldn’t read the comments, you just have to tell me!
RS: Let me share one with you, this is from Holly who is an artist manager. “I love the movement Afrojack is creating, he literally shocked me. “Ten Feet Tall” and “Illuminate” have an amazing message. I love that he is sending a message about being authentic and living for what makes you happy and doing what you love and not what society expects you to do. At that moment he inspired me to remember what is important in life, being true to yourself.” Is that kind of where you are going?
Afrojack: Yeah. I am happy that she understood. I got a little emotional back at the listening session because I have always had a hard time explaining myself in a way that other people would understand. For the first time ever I finally have my own voice, no one is speaking for me and no one is talking about something that I supposedly said. It is all coming from me and now I get to speak to everybody and people finally understand.
RS: It almost feels like you have been reborn as a new spirit. Were there any other changes that came along with this new album?
Afrojack: It doesn’t feel like I have been reborn; it feels like I have just been born. I have been in the fetal position for the last 6 years and now the connection is finally direct. I have had a connection with a handful of friends and a couple hundred fans around the world that I speak to on Twitter and Facebook but now my message has finally gotten out to everyone.
RS: I loved the message of “The Spark,” were you involved with the writing of the lyrics to that song?
Afrojack: No, the lyrics were already there but I chose the song out of hundreds of songs. I have great picking ability, which is why I am a really cool producer. Honestly the credit goes to Spree Wilson; all I did was create the music around it.
RS: On the album you have two tracks with Matthew Koma, what about his voice inspires you to work with him?
Afrojack: His voice is really special; I am going to be honest though, the first time that I heard his voice on “Keep Our Love Alive” I thought that it was a female’s voice. When you get to see him sing you see how beautiful his voice really is. It is not just his voice though, it is also his writing. He writes really different, he wrote “Illuminate” and “Keep Our Love Alive.” He is very unpredictable with his sounds and that is why I love working with him so much.
RS: How did you meet up with Sting for the album?
Afrojack: I met him through Martin Kierszenbaum of Cherrytree Records; he is a good friend of Sting's. I wrote the song with a couple of friends and it was really creative. We were talking about who would sing on the song and one guy said Sting. We all started laughing because he was the last person that I thought I would have the honor to work with. A couple weeks later I played the song for Martin and he said that he thought it would be a song for Sting. He called him and 3 months later I was in the studio in New York with him, it was pretty crazy.
RS: That’s crazy, what is also crazy is the Thirty Seconds to Mars remix. How did that come about?
Afrojack: I met Jared and Shannon backstage during their concert in Amsterdam and they were really cool. The Universal team was there too and they said that we should work together for “Do Or Die.” They thought it was a great song, but they thought the format was wrong for the radio. They sent it over to me and I stayed in touch with Jared and we worked on it for a couple of weeks. It became the ” Do Or Die” remix. It is also a collaboration because Jared and I sort of did the remix together. It was funny to work with someone just like me, we both wanted to change everything and push all the buttons.
RS: One of the things that I really respect about you is that you have the guts to take on a legendary project like Donna Summer’s “I Feel Love” or Michael Jackson’s “Bad.” When you approached these records, how did you do it?
Afrojack: I always have to think about what my parents taught me, when someone asks you to do something for them if you respect them you say yes. Michael Jackson’s estate, label, and family asked me to remix it and I couldn’t say no. It would be disrespectful to them and Michael if I had said no; it was an honor to be able to do it. You will always receive slack for doing something like remixing such a legend like Michael Jackson but they asked me to do it. It was the same thing with Donna Summer’s record; it is such a legendary record. The crazy thing about it is that Giorgio asked me himself. He didn’t want anyone else to remix it besides me. It’s Giorgio, if he asks you to do the dishes you do the dishes, if he asks you to remix Donna Summer, you say “yes sir!”
RS: This is a sensitive topic that you addressed in your presentation this week. You talked about how all the EDM music is starting to sound the same. What do you have to say about that and how do you think you can change it?
Afrojack: It doesn’t matter, there are a lot of young kids that produce what they hear works. When you start producing you want to make something that’s cool but you also want to make something that is effective so that the crowd goes crazy. That is what a lot of kids have started doing and that is why a lot of music has started to sound the same. The essence of the effectiveness of EDM is really obvious right now. They use their brain; they know that if they make a song that is just like every other song they will be on stage DJing. If they will end up in Miami and have someone pay for their ticket and get to play for a crowd, they would rather do that then create a creative, original song. I believe that is why tracks have started to sound the same. Avicii just took everything to a whole new level and so did Calvin and David Guetta, we are all trying to move forward and create new music. I think it is just a waiting game at this point. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
**RACE UNMASKED**
**MICHAEL YUDELL**
**RACE UNMASKED**
Biology and Race in the Twentieth Century
**FOREWORD BY J. CRAIG VENTER**
**COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS**
**NEW YORK**
Columbia University Press
_Publishers Since 1893_
New York Chichester, West Sussex
cup.columbia.edu
Copyright © 2014 Michael Yudell
All rights reserved
E-ISBN 978-0-231-53799-5
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Yudell, Michael.
Race unmasked : biology and race in the twentieth century / Michael Yudell.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-231-16874-8 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-231-53799-5 (electronic)
1. Eugenics—History—20th century. 2. Race—History—20th century. 3. Human biology—History—20th century. I. Title.
HQ751.Y83 2014
363.9'2009'04—dc23
2013043152
A Columbia University Press E-book.
CUP would be pleased to hear about your reading experience with this e-book at [email protected].
Cover design: Mary Ann Smith
References to websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Neither the author nor Columbia University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared.
_To Gerald Gill, for all that you gave_
**CONTENTS**
_Foreword_
_Acknowledgments_
INTRODUCTION
1. A EUGENIC FOUNDATION
2. CHARLES DAVENPORT AND THE BIOLOGY OF BLACKNESS
3. EUGENICS IN THE PUBLIC'S EYE
4. THE NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL AND THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RACE
5. COLORING RACE DIFFERENCE
6. BIOLOGY AND THE PROBLEM OF THE COLOR LINE
7. RACE AND THE EVOLUTIONARY SYNTHESIS
8. CONSOLIDATING THE RACE CONCEPT IN BIOLOGY
9. CHALLENGES TO THE RACE CONCEPT
10. NATURALIZING RACISM: THE CONTROVERSY OVER SOCIOBIOLOGY
11. RACE IN THE GENOMIC AGE
EPILOGUE: DOBZHANSKY'S PARADOX AND THE FUTURE OF RACIAL RESEARCH
_Notes_
_Bibliography_
_Index_
**FOREWORD**
**J. CRAIG VENTER, PH.D.**
**T** he concept of race is a deeply embedded historical challenge for human societies, one that Michael Yudell clearly illustrates in this excellent book. In my research on the human genome, we have also found race to be a social construct, not a scientific one. Despite the many claims otherwise, science and scientists _are not_ infallible or unbiased when it comes to conceptualizing race. After all, as this book shows, some very notable scientists, even some from recent history, have espoused "scientific theories" to support their racial beliefs. Classification of species has been a part of science for centuries; thus scientists have struggled with these ideas for centuries.
Only recently, however, have we learned to measure the genetic code quantitatively and acknowledged that most of the previous classification was based primarily on visual differences. This type of behavior is clearly a human trait. We like people who look like us. We view the "same" as safe and reinforcing, and difference as foreign and potentially dangerous. One of the many ironies of this overly simplistic, crude classification system is that at some point in human history there may have been a selective advantage for being wary of the potentially disease-carrying stranger coming to your cave, village, or town. Perhaps that is one reason such narcissistic genetic traits are with us today. Yet despite these tendencies toward self-liking, our genomes show evidence of extensive interbreeding going back tens of thousands of years.
One of the reasons I moved into molecular biology and genomics is that it is a quantitative field. You either have the DNA sequence or you don't. It is either accurately measured or it is not. And the discovery that our genetic code carries within each of us our entire genetic history, as well as human evolutionary history, permits for the first time a quantitative basis for deciphering our history, our evolution, and our similarities with and differences from each other.
All modern humans originated in Africa, but some Africans migrated out 300,000 to 400,000 years ago and evolved into the Neanderthals. Not that long ago, it was a hotly debated question whether Neanderthals and modern humans interbred. Based on the incredible work of Svante Paabo and colleagues sequencing several Neanderthal genomes from bone fragments found in the Vindija Cave in Croatia, we now know that a group of modern humans that migrated out of Africa interbred with Neanderthals between 40,000 and 90,000 years ago. Paabo's findings show that 1 to 4 percent of the genomes from East Asians and Europeans are of Neanderthal origin. Neanderthal genes contributed changes in skin and hair that perhaps helped these populations adapt to colder climates.
The Neanderthal–modern human interactions are only a single example of how human populations have interacted and intermixed throughout history. Hellenthal and colleagues reported this year in the journal _Science_ (343 [2014]: 747–751) that admixture has been "an almost universal force shaping human populations." Their work also highlights the impact of the Mongol empire, the Arab slave trade, and the Bantu expansion in influencing humanity's genetic code.
Our genomes have been mixed and remixed with every generation, so much so that the notion of any "pure" human population is absurd. In my talk at the White House in 2000 to announce the completion of the first draft of the human genome, I said that race has no basis in the genetic code. The results of genome sequencing over the last thirteen years only prove my point more clearly. It is a fact that there are greater genetic differences between individuals of the same "racial" group than between individuals of different groups. The problem we face with the emergence of so-called race-based medicine is the same problem as with applying average or "normal" clinical values to any individual. They just don't work well.
Genomics is about understanding that the uniqueness of each and every one of us cannot be determined by the broad general groups to which we appear to belong. Generalizations might work for clinical values and for populations, but not at the individual level. As human genome sequencing becomes a standard part of clinical practice over the next few decades, we will find that we all belong to a multitude of different human populations in terms of disease risk, drug responses, and differences in drug metabolism. Some of these differences might date back to the Neanderthal–modern human mating that increased the risk for Type 2 diabetes over that of people who came out of Africa much later. Or they could derive from ancestors from Bedouin tribes whose lifestyle selected for Type 2 diabetes as a survival advantage.
We know that with all the admixture that has occurred throughout human history, skin color will not predict what will be found in your genetic code. Race and race concepts will not stand the test of time. The socially driven attitudes and biases that have for too long found a home in science will slowly be replaced. Unfortunately, in the case of the scientific race concept this has indeed happened slowly.
**ACKNOWLEDGMENTS**
**I** t may be cliché, but it is nonetheless true that a book is much more than the singular effort of its author. In the case of this book, I can confirm this—I could not have completed this work without the nurturing, encouragement, patience, and assistance of many good friends, colleagues, and family members.
I feel like I began this project in a different lifetime. Indeed, it was a long time ago that the inspiration for this book began at the City University of New York Graduate Center in a class on the history of public health with David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz. David has played a unique role in my intellectual life. He guided me through too many years of graduate school, all the while remaining a patient and dedicated mentor who encouraged me every step of the way. From David I learned that not simply does history matter, but that matters of history can be the basis for living an intensely political, satisfying, and moral life.
One of David's most important contributions to my career was introducing me to Rob DeSalle at the American Museum of Natural History, and Rob and I have been close friends and collaborators ever since. Rob invited me to join his molecular laboratory as a student (in conjunction first with my studies at CUNY and later at Columbia), and we made a deal; I would bring to him history of science, medicine, and public health texts that we would read together and he would teach me genetics. From that beginning, Rob and I would go on to write two books together, with a third on the way, and my years in his lab helped me develop into the scholar I am today.
So much of the conceptual framework of this book was developed in conversation with friends both inside and outside academia. Kelvin Sealey not only read the entire text and offered his careful edits but he also provided both intellectual and emotional support during this long process. Kelvin and I started as graduate students together at the Graduate Center, CUNY, and together migrated to separate departments at Columbia. Over the course of that time we have supported one another in both friendship and intellectual pursuits.
James Colgrove, with whom I began my studies at Columbia and who is now a colleague and collaborator, read and discussed parts of the book and deserves special thanks. Joanna Radin, who is herself emerging as one of the most thoughtful historians of science, now at Yale, read the entire manuscript and helped me think through some of the challenges inherent to this topic. Her detailed comments made this a richer book.
Others, including Avi Patt, Bette Begleiter, Paul Messing, Bill Shein, Elizabeth Robilotti, Neil Schwartz, Cindy Lobel, Terrence Kissack, Tracy Morgan, Ariel De, Howard Rosenbaum, Michael Russello, Rick Baker, James Bonacum, Jorge Brito, Stuart Zicherman, Greg Moss, the late Myra Frazier, Jonathan Mannina, Sandy Kandel, and Seth Krevat, have, at various times, been forced to discuss or read the material herein and deserve my gratitude.
Many of the ideas and impulses in this book can be traced back to Colin Palmer, who as an early mentor pushed me to consider not just the idea of race in science but also the relationship of that idea to both the lives of African Americans and to African American history. While I am not satisfied that this project does enough on both counts, this is a better book because of him.
Others still were incredibly generous with their time and advice on the manuscript, including Keith Wailoo, Richard Lewontin, Susan Reverby, Ruth Schwartz Cowan, Merlin Chowkwanyun, Arthur Caplan, Janet Golden, Richard Sharp, and David Barnes. Additionally, Amy Fairchild, Gerald Markowitz and Elizabeth Blackmar read the entire manuscript and made extensive comments in its dissertation stage. Finally, very special thanks to Dr. J. Craig Venter for taking time to write the foreword to this book and for his work challenging scientists to reconsider their use of race as a variable in research.
To the many librarians and archivists who helped me along the way I cannot say enough thank-yous. Rob Cox, formerly the chief librarian at the American Philosophical Society and currently the head of the Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, was my guide to the collections at both repositories. Rob's keen insight into the history of genetics and eugenics was invaluable. A Library Resident Research Fellowship from the American Philosophical Society during the summer of 2004 provided me with the resources to complete most of the primary source research for this project. At the society Valerie-Ann Lutz, Joseph-James Ahern, Roy Goodman, Charles Greifenstein, and the entire staff provided invaluable assistance to me and my work. The librarians at the American Museum of Natural History library and archives offered their careful assistance to this project. Finally, Leonard Bruno, science manuscript historian at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., helped me navigate the as yet unprocessed E. O. Wilson papers, and the staff at the Stanford University Archives helped me navigate the then unprocessed Stephen Jay Gould papers.
My colleagues at the Drexel University School of Public Health have been supportive as I have worked to complete this book. My former dean, Marla Gold, my former and current department chairs Lisa Ulmer and Ann Klassen helped me carve out time in a busy schedule of teaching and other research responsibilities to complete the manuscript. I also owe special thanks to the now nine years of students who have heard me lecture on this subject and whose thoughtful reactions to this material forced me to think more carefully about it. Aaron Pankiewicz, Geoffrey Vargish, Jamie Earnest, Nicole Gidaya, Deb Langer, John Donovan, and Lilliam Ambroggio were especially helpful. Extra special thanks to Phoebe Jones, whose editing skills and insight were invaluable as I completed the book. Finally, thanks to several current and former colleagues who read and talked about sections of the book: John Rich, John Rossi, Craig Newschaffer, Lisa Bowleg, Randall Sell, Augusta Villanueva, Marcus Kolb, and Hernando Perez.
I am grateful to have worked with Patrick Fitzgerald and his team at Columbia University Press, including Kathryn Schell, Bridget Flannery-McCoy, Leslie Kriesel, and Mike Ashby. Patrick was a wonderful editor, working closely with me every step of the way, and I am thankful for all that he did as he pushed me and guided me to make this a better book.
My mother and late father, Jane and Allen Yudell, instilled in me the progressive values that are at the core of my professional goals, and they deserve my deepest gratitude and love. My sister, Andrea Yudell-Nandi, has always been a loving friend in our journey through life. And my in-laws, Alan Rick and Debra Sacks, who came into my life in the middle of this long project, have offered only their deepest support.
My wife, Jacqueline Rick, whom I met on the downtown 1 train in New York City while we were both doctoral students at Columbia, is the center of my life, and this work was driven as much by her interest in my ideas as it was by her insistence that I finish the damn thing. Thank-you is not enough for her. Only my dedication to her as a husband and father of our daughters can begin to account for all that she has given me.
This book is dedicated to my mentor and friend, the late Gerald Gill. It was Gerald who inspired me (and several generations of undergraduates at Tufts University) to dive headfirst into the past in his seminars on the civil rights movement, the history of the American South, and African American history. Gerald was inspirational in the way he embraced the past. He did so with rigorous scholarly resolve and basic human decency with the hope of carving out a better future. This, along with his wry sense of humor and party trick–like encyclopedic recall, earned him the love and respect of his students, colleagues, and friends. For me, I saw the way Gerald lived his life as a scholar and teacher, and I wanted to be like him. I hope this book is another step in that direction.
**INTRODUCTION**
Race, while drawn from the visual cues of human diversity, is an idea with a measurable past, identifiable present, and uncertain future. The concept of race has been at the center of both triumphs and tragedies in American history and has had an unmistakable impact on the human experience. It is a term used both casually and scientifically; a way people and groups choose to describe themselves and their ancestors; a way scientists and societies have chosen to describe and interpret the complexity that is human diversity and difference; and a way that doctors and public health officials make decisions about our health, both individually and collectively. It can be a source of pride, self-understanding, and resistance. Also of oppression and carnage. It is indeed an idea that has shaped the dreams and lives of generations.
This book tells the history of the formulation and preservation of the race concept and explores the role that science, particularly genetics and related biological disciplines, played in the making of America's racial calculus over the course of the twentieth century. In so doing, it shows where commonly held beliefs about the scientific nature of racial differences come from and examines the origins of the modern idea of race. The book also examines how ideas about race developed into a biological concept during the twentieth century, and how that concept has persisted in various incarnations as accepted scientific fact into the twenty-first. This is not, however, a story of the triumph of rational science over ignorance and racism. Instead, this book considers how this history shaped a contemporary paradox in thinking about the biological race concept; that is, that race can be understood to be both a critical methodological tool for biologists to make sense of human genetic diversity and, at the same time, widely believed _not_ to be a particularly accurate marker for measuring that diversity.
The race concept in biology can be traced to eighteenth- and nineteenth-century debates about slavery, colonialism, and the nature of citizenship, which were driven by the sciences of polygeny, phrenology, and craniometry. But its early twentieth-century manifestation, in the work of those considered the finest scientists of the time—primarily eugenicists and geneticists—marked an important change. Whereas nineteenth-century race concepts were rooted in theories of racial distinctiveness based on measurable and observable physical traits such as cranial capacity and skin color, in the early decades of the twentieth century the biological sciences conceived of race as a reflection of unseen differences attributed to the then recently discovered factors of heredity, also known as genes. If polygeny, social Darwinism, and craniometry were the scientific backbones of a nineteenth-century understanding of race, then in the twentieth century eugenics and genetics played that same role, providing the formative language of modern racism. Hence, beliefs about racial differences became rooted primarily in biology rather than in social or economic ideologies. Over the twentieth century, the race concept had various incarnations in biology. It was modified and abandoned, embraced and repudiated by scientists. Yet it survives into the twenty-first century, persisting largely as a biological concept in both science and society. This book shows how scientists, even with the best intentions of modernizing or modifying the concept to keep with the scientific practices of the time, wound up reinforcing it and helping to ensure its survival.
Race has been called man's most dangerous myth, a superstition, and, more recently, a social construction. Race concepts are rooted in the belief that the people of the world can be organized into biologically distinct groups, each with their own discrete physical, social, and intellectual characteristics. Changes to and variations in race concepts are themselves products of a range of variables, including time, place, geography, politics, science, and economics. As much as scientists once thought that race was a reflection of physical or biological differences, today social scientists, with help from colleagues in the natural sciences, have shown that the once seemingly objective race concept is in fact historically contingent and has had an unmistakable impact on the American story. Two interwoven histories—the introduction of and consequent use of the term "race" in the study and explication of human difference and the general use of the race concept—inform the evolution of the race concept in twentieth-century biological thought.
The historian Bruce Dain reminds us, "Race itself was a monster if ever Americans conceived one, but a monster hidden in their minds, not, as many of them came to think in the reality of a nature behind their appearances." And, as Dain is quick to point out, "that reality was obscure, shifting, and complex." But one constant in that reality is that since the late eighteenth century science has played a critical role in the formulation of racial views in the United States, and racists and racial theorists have often turned to science to both justify their beliefs and to provide a scientific vocabulary for explaining human difference. In the twentieth century, it was primarily the discipline of genetics from which racial scientists freely exploited both language and prestige. This legacy can be explained largely by the history of genetics itself, which at its founding was inseparable from eugenic theories that were mired in examining hereditary traits both within and between human races. The fields of genetics and eugenics would begin to diverge as early as the second decade of the twentieth century as geneticists in the United States sought to develop a more rigorous and less politically intent field. But despite this growing split between the two disciplines, the imprint of eugenical thinking on genetics remained strong, as did the field's reliance upon genetics. Even today, the typological thought characteristic of eugenicists at the turn of the twentieth century—that is, the way eugenicists correlated both skin color and nationality with a wide array of physical, behavioral, and intellectual traits—continues to be present in beliefs about human difference.
Although a genetic approach was novel to racial scientific thought in the early twentieth century, race thinking about human difference in both science and society was definitely not. The roots of race thinking had been growing in Western thought for centuries. To be sure, American ideas about race difference have been constructed in a variety of ways from numerous corners of social and scientific life, including legal, anthropological, cultural, and sociological conceptions of racial difference. There are, in fact, many race concepts. So when this book refers to _the_ race concept, as it often does simply for the purpose of literary parsimony, I recognize that there are others and that the concept described in this book has existed on shifting terrain, even within the nomenclature of the biological sciences. Ultimately, as this book argues, in the twenty-first century, understanding the way race was constructed within the biological sciences, particularly within genetics and evolutionary biology, is essential to understanding its broader meanings.
In many ways, this book documents the process of "racecraft," a term recently coined by Karen Fields and Barbara Fields in their eponymously named book— _Racecraft_ —meant to convey the "mental terrain" and "pervasive belief" from where racism and our stubborn belief in race emanate. In other words, racecraft reflects both how these ideas are sewn into our individual and collective identities and how deeply embedded in those identities are the self-reflexive assumptions that these ideas are true. Racecraft is a way of seeing, understanding, and reflecting upon our world, even when there is no rational basis for a certain worldview. The history of the race concept in American scientific thought reflects just this: the persistence of long-standing social conceptions of the meaning of difference in the thinking, theorizing, and actions of America's scientific minds. Fields and Fields's description of racecraft implicitly recognizes its permeation into scientific thought, which they explain by stating, "The term highlights the ability of pre- or non-scientific modes of thought to highjack the minds of the scientifically literate." Both the eugenicists and racists who sought to utilize the race concept to buttress a discriminatory status quo _and_ the liberal scientists who fought to modernize the concept were equally involved in the perpetuation of racecraft.
Histories of the race concept in American scientific thought have generally told the story of two conflicting and competing ideologies seeking to define the meaning of race within the biological sciences. On one side of this morality tale are racists, working both in and outside of scientific fields to formulate ideas about the meanings of human diversity and to propagate them under the scientific guise of racial difference. While not necessarily self-avowed racists, their agenda and actions have supported white supremacy. From Thomas Jefferson's musings on the subject in the late eighteenth century, in which he theorized that the difference between the races "is fixed in nature" and hypothesized that blacks were "originally a distinct race," to Samuel Morton and the American School of Anthropology's nineteenth-century theories about a racial hierarchy of intelligence and of separately created races (the theory of polygeny), to eugenics and the racialized theories of IQ over the course of the twentieth century, racists have sought to utilize science to further their causes.
On the other side of this divide have been liberal-minded scientists and their allies who have battled the forces of racism through their scientific work and popular writings. Theirs is a story of the rise and fall of racial science and of the race concept itself. At the outset of the twentieth century scientific minds like W. E. B. Du Bois and Franz Boas showed that the race concept was a social construction by illustrating how race was a much more fluid and complex phenomenon than had previously been thought, and that culture and economic circumstances played a more significant role in creating the disparities between racial groups that had been attributed to biological differences. At midcentury, anthropologists like Ashley Montagu and sociologists like Gunnar Myrdal fought against the race concept in their work. In 1950, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) issued its first statement on race, proclaiming, "For all practical social purposes 'race' is not so much a biological phenomenon as a social myth." These scientists battled the racist and eugenic forces in scientific practice to push racial science to the margins and show that it was a social construction. In other words, a biological understanding of race has been constrained by the social context in which racial research has taken place.
This idea that there was a struggle between two fairly well-defined groups of scientists, that racial science rose pre–World War I and waned post–World War II, and that in this same time line race shifted from a concept rooted in typology to one rooted in population genetics does not hold up upon closer examination. This history, it turns out, is not so simple and not so hopeful. The notion that the race concept and racial science have somehow withered, or that the concept is being resurrected by genomics and the work of the Human Genome Project, is rooted in the post–World War II era liberal hope that by showing race to be a social construction, the seemingly intractable problem of racism could be overcome. The premise of a rise and fall is central to what the sociologist of science Jenny Reardon calls "the canonical narrative of the history of race and science." It is a "dominant narrative," as she calls it, one that "truncates history."
In his book reimagining the John F. Kennedy assassination, _11/22/63_ , Stephen King describes history as "obdurate"—a nearly immovable force that itself fights change. The same could be said of historiography, which is also obdurate. It changes, in many ways, more slowly than the history from which it seeks to extract truths and meanings. By truncating our understanding of the evolution of the race concept, the "canonical narrative" hides a richer and much more disturbing past—one that roots a modern race concept in eugenical thought, one that examines how the race concept in biology survived many challenges (from both within science and without) and was an animating force in science throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first, and one that considers how even those thought to be antiracist scientists helped preserve a concept they thought they were contesting.
Scholars have begun to contest this canonical narrative. Works by Jenny Reardon on the history of the Human Genome Diversity Project, Gregory Dorr on the relationship between eugenics and segregation in Virginia, and Lee Baker on the role that anthropologists have played in the reformulation of concepts of race all reframe how we think about this history. In this book I build on these works and others, arguing that the biological race concept, as we understand it today, originated with eugenic theories of difference and was re-created and integrated into modern biological thought by population geneticists and evolutionary biologists in the 1930s and 1940s during the evolutionary synthesis in biology (the union of population genetics, experimental genetics, and natural history that reshaped modern biology).
While important changes in the biological approach to race did occur as early as the 1930s, particularly as an increasing number of geneticists, anthropologists, and social scientists began moving away from typological and eugenic descriptions of human difference to view races through the lens of population genetics and evolutionary biology, the shift away from typology was not as complete and was much more complicated than the canonical narrative suggests. Contrary to so much of the literature on the race concept, the field's shift on race was not simply the liberal triumph of science over ignorance. Instead, it was first a struggle to find meaning for the concept within taxonomic nomenclature and the evolutionary synthesis, and, second, a struggle to find alternative ways to explain human genetic diversity. And it was in this contradictory space that a growing group of scientists found themselves as they struggled to both find meaning for a race concept in science and fight against racial science and racism more generally.
Many, in fact, came to reject a eugenic and typological notion of fixed genetic differences between so-called racial groups and instead understood human races as dynamic populations distinguished by variations of the frequency of genes between them. By rooting the meaning of race in genetic variation it became more difficult (though still possible) to root race in eugenic conceptions of difference and to argue that one race or another had particular traits specifically associated with it, or that one individual was typical of a race. Furthermore, the four or five racial groups identified by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century scientists now varied depending upon the genes and traits examined by geneticists. Theodosius Dobzhansky, the evolutionary biologist whose work between the 1930s and 1970s had a tremendous influence on the way that scientists thought about race, concluded that the number of human races was variable depending upon what traits were being examined. In fact, Dobzhansky believed the race concept in the context of population genetics and evolutionary biology was simply a tool for making genetic "diversity intelligible and manageable" in scientific study. In other words, while human differences are real, the way we choose to organize those differences is a methodological decision and not one that reflects an underlying evolutionary hierarchy.
This new approach was brought about by novel findings in genetics that demonstrated that genetic variation was much more common within species than once thought, and by the development of the evolutionary synthesis, which rejected eugenic notions of difference between and among species. Changes in the race concept were also influenced by a growing cadre of scientists who were generally more liberal on matters of race than their predecessors had been, as well as by a gradual liberalization on matters of race in post–World War II America. Indeed, as this book documents, this was a two-way street—the scientists involved in conceptualizing a race concept in biology were as much a product of the scientific culture in which they were trained as they were a part of the social milieu in which they lived their lives. Unfortunately, what was believed to be the methodological utility to evolutionary biologists and population geneticists of this new race concept would help reinforce confusion about the term, even within the field, and it would quickly be exploited and manipulated by racists from both within and outside the field. By the 1960s, Dobzhansky, whose work helped re-create race in the framework of population genetics and evolutionary biology, came to the conclusion that despite race's utility as a tool for classification and systematization—"devices used to make diversity intelligible and manageable"—that investigation into human diversity had "floundered in confusion and misunderstanding." He also came to believe that the scientific and social meanings of race were inseparable, and that "the problem that now faces the science of man is how to devise better methods for further observations that will give more meaningful results."
Racial science did not simply end with the decline of the eugenics movement in the 1930s and 1940s, which was brought down by advances in scientific thinking that recognized the fallacy of the eugenic proposition and by a worldwide reaction to Nazi eugenical horrors. Nor did it recede in the wake of statements on race and racism by UNESCO in the early 1950s—statements that were critical of the race concept and helped to shape thinking in this area among both natural and social scientists. Nor did the psychologist Kenneth Clark's studies illustrating the effects of segregation and white supremacy on African Americans, studies that figured prominently in the Supreme Court's 1954 landmark _Brown v. Board of Education_ ruling, bring an end to racial science. Instead, racial science and the race concept have survived many intellectual and political challenges. The historian William Stanton once said of the race concept that "man was being fitted into a system of immutable law." When biologists at midcentury reaffirmed the race concept in the context of modern genetics, they were, intentionally or not, preserving racist ideas in science for both scientific and extrascientific purposes.
A history of the race concept in biology would be incomplete without understanding the role that eugenics played in its development. To a reader well versed in the eugenic literature, many of the characters and issues raised in chapters 1 and of this book will seem quite familiar. While it is true that a major objective of the eugenics movement was to keep the "unfit" from reproducing, it is also true that the movement and its architects helped develop a new language of difference and, therefore, of race in the twentieth century. This facet of eugenics has been largely overlooked in the historical literature. It would not be accurate, however, to suggest that eugenicists simply reflected the deeper racial anxieties and animosities of the nation in the early decades of the Jim Crow era. This book shows how, instead, eugenicists actually helped shape the way in which those animosities were incorporated into the scientific lexicon of the times.
A rereading of eugenic-era primary source materials reveals that incorporation and revises that history by showing how beginning in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries eugenics focused intently on the black-white divide in American society and sought to explain that divide in eugenic terms. It also shows how the attention of eugenicists to what they believed to be fundamental differences between whites and blacks provided a foundation for rethinking the race concept during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Eugenicists, as this book shows, devoted considerable resources to the study of black-white differences from the beginning of the movement in the late nineteenth century. Yet historians have painted eugenics as largely incidental to the formulation of ideas of race in science, focusing instead on the history of eugenic institutions, on the relationship between eugenics and emerging conceptions of ethnicity among immigrant white groups, and on the impact of eugenic policies (in particular sterilization programs and immigration restrictions). These approaches overlook the links between eugenic thought and ideologies of race and racism and their impact on African American history.
Attention to the impact of racial science on African Americans during the twentieth century has focused heavily on two histories: the Tuskegee Experiments (Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male) and IQ studies. By telling these stories separately, historians have often missed a bigger picture—a narrative exploring how, beginning with eugenics, biology has been used to buttress and rationalize American's changing view of African Americans, and that thinking in the natural sciences has influenced the continued evolution of racist ideology in the United States.
It is also significant that before 1924 explanations of racial difference by eugenicists and geneticists, according to most historians, were focused primarily on differences among what we would now consider white ethnic groups. Eugenics was not just about preserving whiteness from ethnics but was also about the construction of scientifically justified color differences. In the wake of the Johnson-Reed Act of 1924 (also known as the Immigration Act of 1924), which severely restricted immigration into the United States (legislation urged and supported by eugenicists), the focus of many eugenicists and other racial scientists shifted toward examining black-white racial differences. An examination of the discussions and debates taking place at this time among and between eugenicists, geneticists, evolutionary and population biologists, and anthropologists reveals how academic thinking helped to formulate the science behind ideologies of race and racism.
The race concept has had a marked impact on the practice of science and on the social understandings of human difference from eugenics to genomics. By examining the history of the biological race concept during the twentieth century, historians have borne witness to the ways in which the biological sciences have helped to shape thinking about human difference. The historian Charles Rosenberg reminds us that "science has lent American social thought a vocabulary and supply of images." This book describes the role that scientific thought, particularly genetics, played in developing a language and methods used to measure the meaning of human difference in the form of race. The philosopher Kwame Anthony Appiah explains that the diffusion of scientific ideas and concepts into the general population took place by a process he calls "semantic deference"; "that is, with the increasing prestige of science, people became used to using words whose exact meanings they did not need to know, because their exact meanings were left to the relevant experts." Through these processes, during the twentieth century biology and genetics became an arbiter of the meaning of the race concept.
An examination of the history of the biological race concept reveals that race is not what most people think it is. Ultimately, as this book illustrates, race is neither a static biological certainty nor a reflection of our genes. Instead, race is a historical and cultural phenomenon—an analysis of human biological difference mediated by the politics, culture, and economics of a given historical moment and by the individual or society in that moment. For America, the corrupting power of racial thought remains embedded in its social structures. We see it in disparities in health, in housing, and in employment and social opportunities. This work does not claim to expose the nature of these disparities or how to mitigate them; this work focuses instead on the ideas behind the race concept. But by examining the historical and intellectual bases for the race concept, we can, it is hoped, begin to understand its origin and develop news ways of thinking about the meanings of human diversity.
This book shows how the biological race concept came to be what it is today and why, because of this history, race continues generating controversy as a classificatory tool.
**1**
**A EUGENIC FOUNDATION**
" **T** here is, unquestionably, a larger popular interest in races and racial traits now than ever before," claimed Charles Davenport in 1921. A biologist by training, Davenport was the leader of the American eugenics movement during the first three decades of the twentieth century and wrote and lectured widely on the subject. "For some people race seems to be equivalent to European country of origin," declared Davenport, echoing in his statement what at the time was a race concept that conflated skin color with nationality. Those, for example, of Italian, Polish, and German descent were popularly and often scientifically believed to belong to Italian, Polish, and German races. Davenport also described how the "Immigration Bureau recognizes 'races or peoples' such as Hebrew" and how "the U.S. census has classified the population by 'mother tongue,'" which, he asserted, was "biologically slightly more significant than country." In recognition of these seeming contradictions, Davenport worried that "ultimately little attention is paid to the question: what is a race and how do you define any particular race." "There would seem to be a need for a reconsideration of the idea of race and the definition of particular races," Davenport asserted, concluding that "men of science are looked to for such clearer ideas and definitions." It would be from the eugenics movement, led in Britain by Francis Galton in the late nineteenth century and in the United States by Davenport during the first three decades of the twentieth century, that "men of science" would address the challenge of defining this problematic concept.
While ideas about biological distinctiveness were a part of the racial lexicon since the early nineteenth century, eugenics offered a scientific explanation for racial difference. Eugenicists correlated certain negative and deviant social behaviors—including criminality, insanity, and feeblemindedness (a term that captured any number of mental disorders)—with particular ethnic and racial populations, and claimed these behaviors to be inherited via the gene. In the first three decades of the twentieth century eugenicists and their supporters applied such ideas about racial difference to immigration, reproductive, and racial policies. The geneticization of race—the idea that racial differences can be understood as genetic distinctions in appearance and complex social behaviors between so-called racial groups—came about in the wake of the eugenics movement.
Eugenicists differed on how best to repair what they saw as a dysgenic society filled with what they believed to be genetically unfit groups, including most prominently immigrants from eastern and central Europe, who were outreproducing Americans of northern European ancestry. Whereas positive eugenicists sought to increase breeding among the American social elite, negative eugenicists, in contrast, discouraged breeding among the lower classes. During the heyday of the eugenics era in America, popular culture and policy enactments were dominated by the theories of negative eugenicists. Positive eugenics was the terrain primarily of socialist intellectuals who believed that eugenics would facilitate the emergence of a socialist utopia in the United States.
Sterilization laws across America were inspired by negative eugenic sentiment, and in 1907 the state of Indiana established the country's first sterilization law. By the early 1930s over twenty-nine other states would pass similar laws, leading at that time to the sterilization of approximately 30,000 so-called feebleminded Americans. That figure would rise to total more than 63,000 sterilizations by the 1960s. Criminals and those accused or convicted of sexual offenses were the primary concern of these eugenic enactments. Advocates of criminal sterilization wrote, "Criminals should be studied for evidence of dysgenic traits that are germinal in nature. Where found in serious degree parole should not be granted without sterilization."
In the first three decades of the twentieth century eugenicists and many geneticists promoted the idea that mental and physical traits differed hereditarily by race. They also claimed that race crosses were harmful. Well-respected geneticists wrote openly that "miscegenation can only lead to unhappiness under present social conditions and must, we believe, under any social conditions be biologically wrong." In the late 1920s Davenport wrote, "We are driven to the conclusion that there is a constitutional, hereditary, genetical basis for the difference between the two races [whites and blacks] in mental tests. We have to conclude that there are racial differences in mental capacity." In their influential text _Applied Eugenics_ , Paul Popenoe and Roswell Hill Johnson, who endorsed segregation as a "social adaptation," wrote that "the Negro race differs greatly from the white race, mentally as well as physically, and that in many respects it may be said to be inferior when tested by the requirements of modern civilization and progress." Moreover, they suggested that "Negroes, both children and adults, have been found markedly inferior to white in vital capacity....Differences in temperament and emotional reaction also exist, and may be more important than the purely intellectual differences." Through eugenics, genetics gave race and racism an unalterable permanence; neither education, nor change in environment or climate, nor the eradication of racism itself could alter the fate of African Americans or those labeled as belonging to nonwhite races.
There were, to be sure, even in the eyes of the most racist thinkers, exceptions to black genetic inferiority. But eugenicists and other scientific racists explained these "aberrations" by noting that genetic material from white ancestry set them apart. W. E. B. Du Bois's success was, for example, attributed to the blood he inherited from his white ancestors. In this context, it is not hard to see how eugenics provided a modern scientific language, rooted in the burgeoning field of genetics, that both proffered and buttressed contemporary racial theories. The legacy of eugenics therefore is not simply about sterilization laws, anti-immigration statutes, or its impact on Nazi racial theory. Those events, important issues in their own right, have been explored by numerous historians. Ultimately, eugenics in an immigrant and ethnic context was about social control. But in a black versus white context eugenics was also about defining (with the latest scientific theory and jargon) the nature of the social and biological differences believed to be reflected by skin color.
**FRANCIS GALTON AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE BLACK-WHITE BIOLOGICAL DIVIDE**
From the works of Francis Galton in England from the 1860s to the 1900s, to the corpus of writings of Charles Davenport in the United States from the 1900s to 1930s, eugenicists showed a keen and consistent interest in using their ideas and methodologies to understand racial differences between blacks and whites on both sides of the Atlantic, and thus played a fundamental role in the construction of American concepts of race and racism in the early decades of the twentieth century. The focus of eugenic ideas on hereditary differences between whites and blacks has been part of the eugenic literature since the earliest days of the movement.
Galton, founder of eugenics, published his first essay in the field, "Hereditary Talent and Character," in _Macmillan's Magazine_ in 1865. Interestingly, when Galton wrote the _Macmillan's_ article he had not yet even coined the term "eugenics." The article focused primarily on his early ideas about how human traits passed between generations, on which Galton wrote, "Our bodies, minds and capabilities of development have been derived from them [our forefathers]." In the late nineteenth century the secrets of heredity had not yet been revealed except for the relatively obscure work of the monk-scientist Gregor Mendel, whose laws of heredity would not be rediscovered until the first years of the twentieth century.
As the scion of a prominent family that included his maternal grandfather, the great physician, inventor, and naturalist Erasmus Darwin, and his cousin, the celebrated naturalist and architect of evolutionary theory, Charles Darwin, Galton believed biological heritage to be of profound importance in his life. Through eugenics, he theorized that heredity exerted a singular influence on all the social characteristics of humankind. With such bloodlines, it seems no coincidence that Galton's "inquiries into hereditary genius...show the pressing necessity of obtaining a multitude of exact measurements relating to every measurable faculty of body or mind, for two generations at least, on which to theorize." With this information Galton hoped to improve the world through selective breeding. Karl Pearson, Galton's star pupil, a famed eugenicist himself, and founder of the Galton Laboratory at the University of London, summarized what he believed to be Galton's vision of a eugenic world: "Democracy—moral and intellectual progress—is impossible while man is burdened with the heritage of his past history. It has bound mankind to a few great leaders; it has produced a mass of servile intelligences; and only man's insight—man breeding man as his domesticated animal—can free mankind."
From a very young age, according to biographer Raymond Fancher, Galton's parents, "who collected and saved documents as evidence...regarding Francis's precocity in their diaries," had high intellectual expectations for young Francis, and he was "cast firmly in the role of family academic from the time of his first glimmerings of scholarly aptitude." The young Galton's intellectual feats were self-recorded in a letter to his older sister when he was four: "I am four years old and can read any English book. I can say all the Latin Substantives and Adjectives....I can cast up any Sum in addition and can multiply by 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 7, 8, 9, 10." Tutored by his older sister until he was five, Galton was educated at prep schools until sixteen, when he became an apprentice to William Bowman, a young surgeon. Galton began his academic medical training in 1839 at King's College, London, but at the urging of his cousin Charles Darwin, Galton left King's in 1840 to pursue mathematics and classics at Cambridge. After three years at Cambridge, having failed to qualify for honors, Galton left for London to continue his medical studies. But that, too, Galton left incomplete, never becoming licensed, and his departure from medical training brought his "formal" academic career to an end.
Galton, according to Fancher, spent much of the next six years living "the life of the idle rich," going on "a carousing tour of Egypt and the Middle East," where he practiced his hunting and shooting skills. His transformation into a man of science, according to one apocryphal account, suggests that his life began to take shape only after a London phrenologist suggested he could build character and strength through military service in the British colonies. With money from his family inheritance, Galton set out to explore and map regions of what is now Namibia in southwestern Africa. For that effort, in 1854, Galton was awarded a gold medal from the Royal Geographic Society.
Galton's time on the African continent, according to historian Daniel Kevles, "exemplified the joining of foreign adventure with scientific study," and certainly shaped his attitudes toward Africa, Africans, and the descendants of that continent. In his memoir, _Memory of My Life_ , Galton's earliest connections between race and breeding are unequivocal. Of his encounter with the Damara people in southern Africa, Galton wrote that they "were for the most part thieving and murderous, dirty, and of a low type; but their chiefs were more or less highly bred." Galton's assessment of African intelligence was also severe. Of his visits with the Herero people in southern Africa Galton wrote, "Whatever they may possess in their language, they certainly use no numeral greater than three. When they wish to express four, they take to their fingers....They puzzle very much after five, because no spare hand remains to grasp and secure the fingers that are required for the 'units.'" But Galton, like many of his contemporaries, expressed his views about race through science, and as his eugenical ideas took shape, his social prejudices became scientific ones. Galton's personal observations about Africans would, in the coming years, evolve into more careful scientific thinking on the subject. His racism would also be obvious in many of his writings, including his two seminal works, _Hereditary Talent and Character_ and _Hereditary Genius_.
Galton accepted the idea that physical and social traits were associated, despite his not having any evidence to support this point. Galton extended this idea to human racial types, writing in his 1865 essay on heredity in _Macmillan's_ , "Mongolians, Jews, Negroes, Gipsies, and America Indians severally propagate their kinds; and each kind differs in character and intellect, as well as in colour and shape from the other four." In the _Macmillan's_ article Galton paid careful attention to blacks, suggesting, for example, "the Negro has strong impulsive passions, and neither patience, reticence nor dignity." Galton also maintained that "the Negro" is "warmhearted, loving towards his master's children and idolized by the children in return. He is eminently gregarious, for he is always jabbering, quarrelling, tom-tom-ing and dancing. He is remarkably domestic, and is endowed with such constitutional vigour, and is so prolific that his race is irrepressible." It would be easy to dismiss these racist musings as simply a reflection of Victorian views on race, which prevailed among both British and Americans at this time. Some have even argued that Galton's writings on Africans and blacks "occupied only a minuscule fraction of his writings on human heredity." But Galton's attention to race, specifically as it concerned blacks, was, in fact, significantly developed and nuanced, and as the founder of a movement of which the "betterment of the race" was a core principle, Galton's writings on this matter would have been read widely with considerable effect on the shaping of eugenics.
In mid to late nineteenth-century England, Galton probably had few direct interactions with persons of African ancestry. Galton's experiences with blacks came from his earlier travels in Africa and what we must assume to be his limited contact with the few blacks living in London at the time. The black population of London shrank during the latter part of the eighteenth and into the first several decades of the nineteenth century following the ending of the slave trade in 1807 and the subsequent absorption of Africans and their descendants into English society. Great Britain itself was certainly not immune to the struggles around issues of slavery that had plunged the United States into civil warfare during the time Galton began to spell out his eugenical theories in his writings. The impact of both domestic and international racial conflict would be significant on Galton's thinking in this area.
On the effect of slavery on Britain's views of black Africans, Sir Richard Burton, the renowned nineteenth-century British adventurer and explorer, declared, "Before the Wilberforcean age, he was simply a Negro. That trade which founded in Liverpool, and which poured five million pounds of sterling into the national pocket, marked him to the one class a Man and a Brother, to the other a Nigger." Views of blacks would change little after the emancipation of African slaves in Great Britain in 1807. In 1849, an anonymous author published an essay in _Fraser's Magazine_ titled "The Nigger Question." The writer believed the typical black to be the lowest of the human species and wrote of their future, "Decidedly you will have to be servants to those that are born wiser than you, that are born lords of you; servants to the whites, if they are (as what mortal can doubt they are?) born wiser than you." In the succeeding issue of _Fraser's_ the philosopher John Stuart Mill offered a challenge to racist theories, writing that racial differences between blacks and whites were produced by circumstance, not nurture. Just a year earlier, Mill had written about the nature of the racist argument, stating, "Of all vulgar modes of escaping from the consideration of the social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing the diversities of human conduct and character to inherent original natural differences."
Galton, who joined the Ethnological Society of London in the early 1860s, was likely influenced by debates at the society on the origin of human races. At that time, its members were arguing about the scientific legitimacy of a polygenic view of mankind—whether or not blacks and other racial groups were actually a distinct species. In 1863, for example, the president of the society, in an address called "The Negro's Place in Nature," argued in favor of a polygenic view, concluding that blacks were a distinct race, were intellectually inferior to whites, and that European civilization was "not suited to the Negro's requirements or character." Polygenic theories were popular on both sides of the Atlantic at this time, driven largely by the efforts of Samuel Morton and the American School of Anthropology.
In the closing decades of the nineteenth century, Britain's colonial involvement in Africa grew deeper, justified in large part by such anthropological and biological ideas. Galton's prejudices against Africa were on full display as he weighed in on the colonization debate in an essay published in the _Edinburgh Review_ in 1878. He hoped for Africa that "men of other races than the negro, such as the Chinese coolie," would "emigrate, and, by occupying parts of the continent...introduce a civilisation superior to that which at present exists." On the interplay between politics and race on the African continent, Galton suggested, "The recent attempts by many European nations to utilise Africa for their own purposes gives immediate and practical interest to inquiries that bear on the transplantation of races. They compel us to face the question as to what races should be politically aided to become hereafter the chief occupants of that continent." Ultimately, in Galton's mind, the inferiority of Africans predetermined that outcome as he expected that "it may prove that the Negroes, one and all, will fail as completely under the new conditions as they have failed under the old ones, to submit to the needs of a superior civilisation to their own; in this case their races, numerous and prolific as they are, will in course of time be supplanted and replaced by their betters." It is worth considering whether the British sociologist Michael Banton was correct in concluding that "the imperialist philosophy could ever have taken such a hold upon the nation's mind had it not been for the development of certain anthropological and biological doctrines."
Galton was a prolific author, and his writings helped him popularize the study of the betterment of racial groups through eugenics. In his first book-length work, _Hereditary Genius_ , published in 1869, Galton's primary concern was "whether or no genius be hereditary," and claimed "to be the first to treat the subject in a statistical manner." The book received mixed reviews in both the scientific and popular press. Writing in _Nature_ , Alfred Russel Wallace, who, along with Charles Darwin, is jointly credited with uncovering the mechanisms of evolution, wrote that those "who read it without the care and attention it requires and deserves, will admit that it is ingenious, but declare that the question is incapable of proof." The _London Daily News_ embraced the book, writing that "Galton undertakes to show, and to a large extent undoubtedly succeeds in showing, that genius is equally transmissible, and that ability goes by descent." Both the _London Times_ and the _Saturday Review_ were unflattering in their reviews. The _Times_ reviewer wrote, "Galton is a little too anxious to array all things in the wedding garment of his theory, and will scarcely allow them a stitch of other clothing." The _Saturday Review_ 's assessment suggested that Galton "bestowed immense pains upon the empirical proof of a thesis which from its intrinsic nature can never be proved empirically." Galton's attraction to studying questions of heredity was influenced, in large part, by the work of his cousin Charles Darwin. While Galton had accepted Darwinian evolutionary theory, he searched for alternative methods by which evolution occurred. Whereas Darwin theorized that evolution was gradual and continuous, Galton believed it to be abrupt and discontinuous. Some have even speculated that modern theories of heredity, including eugenics, were launched to either challenge or complete Darwin's theory of evolution.
In a chapter in _Hereditary Genius_ with the title "The Comparative Worth of Different Races," Galton proposed that "every long-established race has necessarily its peculiar fitness for the conditions under which it has lived." It is therefore at the level of racial groups that intelligence will have its most significant impact. "Among animals as intelligent as man, the most social race is sure to prevail, other qualities being equal," suggested Galton. In measuring the "worth of races," Galton made "use of the law of deviation from an average," a law that was both the centerpiece of eugenics and also represented Galton's lasting contribution to the field of mathematical statistics. Only the "Australian type" made out worse than the "African negro," the former considered by Galton to be one grade below the residents of the African continent and their descendants.
Galton introduces the reader to "comparative racial worth" by comparing "the negro race with the Anglo-Saxon, with respect to those qualities alone which are capable of producing judges, statesmen, commanders, men of literature and science, poets, artists, and divines." While Galton acknowledged "the negro race is by no means wholly deficient in men...considerably raised above the average of whites" (citing as proof, for example, Toussaint Louverture, leader of the Haitian Revolution), he concluded that "the average intellectual standard of the negro race is some two grades below our own." Galton also cited a statistic suggesting "the number of negroes of those whom we should call half-witted is very large." Recalling his own visit to Africa, Galton remarked that "the mistakes the negroes made in their own matters, were so childish, stupid, and simpleton-like, as frequently to make me ashamed of my own species." Galton's rhetoric on this subject offers no statistical "proof" or data for these assumptions, yet reading his observations about the "lowest" or "highest" races, one is struck by the language of statistical certainty permeating his writing.
Fourteen years later, with the publication of _Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development_ , Galton expanded his hereditary focus to also include physical, social, and mental traits. Although he had been writing about the idea of eugenics for the almost two decades since the publication of his _MacMillan's_ essay, in _Inquiries_ Galton first offered a definition for his burgeoning field of investigation. Early in the text of the book, he introduced eugenics simply as "the cultivation of race." Just below the definition, however, in an extended footnote, Galton notes the Greek origins of the word and shares with the reader his enduring vision for the field, writing that "we greatly want a brief word to express the science of improving stock, which is by no means confined to questions of judicious mating, but which, especially in the case of man, takes cognisance of all influences that tend in however remote a degree to give to the more suitable races or strains of blood a better chance of prevailing speedily over the less suitable than they otherwise would have had. The word _eugenics_ would sufficiently express the idea."
In _Inquiries_ Galton wrote with conviction about what he believed to be the "fact" that "the very foundation and outcome of the human mind is dependent upon race, and that the qualities of races vary, and therefore that humanity taken as a whole is not fixed by variable, compels us to reconsider what may be the true place and function of man in the order of the world." To satisfy that conviction, Galton used the pages of _Inquiries_ to begin to develop a program (that is, of course, eugenics) by which to improve different races of humanity. "My general object has been to take note of the varied hereditary faculties of different men, and of the great differences in different families and races," wrote Galton. He hoped to use this information to investigate the "practicability of supplanting inefficient human stock by better strains, and to consider whether it might not be our duty to do so by such efforts as may be reasonable." For Galton, his supporters, and many of his peers, eugenics was a utopian method through which to breed better humans. A reviewer in _Science_ noted and endorsed the utopian nature of Galton's proposed method, writing, "If we want human stock to grow better through voluntary effort, we must undertake to study and improve pre-natal and ancestral influences yet more than we try to better the influences of education."
Ultimately, however, the language and content of eugenics could be about using the scientific method for advancing and preserving white supremacy. Where _Hereditary Genius_ established a eugenic hierarchy of races, _Inquiries_ offered explanations for why this was so and why it would stay this way. Galton believed that "so long as the race remains radically the same, the stringent selection of the best specimens to rear and breed from, can never lead to any permanent result." Galton likened the struggle to improve a low race through noneugenic means to "the labour of Sisyphus in rolling his stone uphill; let the effort be relaxed for a moment, and the stone will roll back." Instead, the only way to improve a low race was by allowing only "the few best specimens of that race...to become parents, and not many of their descendants can be allowed to live." This chilling passage, the spirit of which was adapted in the 1930s by the Nazis as part of their Final Solution, is the eugenic extreme. Similarly, this new scientific view of race was adopted and perpetuated by Galton's acolytes, by racists, and by white supremacists on both sides of the Atlantic for more than a century.
It is fairly easy to show through documentary evidence how Galton theorized about racial differences and, more specifically, about what he believed were black and white racial differences. There is more than sufficient evidence illustrating this point. However, even more important than his eugenical thinking about blacks is to recognize that Galton and his eugenic followers fundamentally changed the meaning and study of race and racism. If the historian Ruth Schwartz Cowan is right, and "Galton changed the study of heredity by changing the meaning of the word 'heredity,'" then we must also consider how Galton and his eugenicist disciples also changed the study of race by changing the meaning of the word "race." Schwartz Cowan argues that "heredity," prior to Galton and eugenics, was "a word which had long been poorly, if not vaguely, defined." Prior to Galton's writings, words like "inheritance" and "hereditary" were used to generally describe intergenerational legacies. But according to Cowan, "the passage from 'inheritance' to 'heredity' meant passing from an extremely flexible definition, one which was so vague as to be of little scientific value, to an extremely concrete definition, one which may have been overly rigid but which was nonetheless quantifiable, explorable and researchable."
Galton's writings exerted a similar influence on race, and, as with his impact on the study of heredity, he and a generation of eugenicists redefined the term and its study. If eugenics was, at its core, about quantifying heredity, then through the lens of eugenics, race became the most important quantifiable human trait to study in a hereditarian context. Galton was not alone in believing that the "survivorship of the fittest" would occur at the level of race. The term "race" itself had long been the subject of debate among the nineteenth century's anthropologists, biologists, and philosophers. Whereas nineteenth-century anthropology failed to offer a lasting scientific vision of racial difference through the theory of polygeny—polygeny posited a divine hierarchy of separate creations, a theory that contradicted the Bible—eugenicists found a way to quantify and reify racial attitudes without undermining or challenging accepted religious mores. Galton's success was in developing mathematical methods to study human diversity in the context of heredity. Galton called eugenics "the science which deals with all influences that improve the inborn qualities of a race; also with those that develop them to the utmost advantage." By pairing heredity and race under the banner of eugenics, Galton was able to redefine how race was employed in a scientific context.
Nineteenth-century anthropologists, including most prominently Samuel Morton, based theories of racial distinctiveness on measurable and observable physical traits. Their approach to measuring human difference was typological, under the belief that traits like cranial capacity and skin color were correlated with specific intellectual and behavioral characteristics. Eugenicists took a different approach; they shifted to seeing and measuring race as a reflection of unseen differences they attributed to heredity, an area of study they would help to create in the final decades of the nineteenth and early decades of the twentieth centuries. This shift, from the seen to the unseen, which in today's genetic parlance would be from the phenotypic to the genotypic, was the eugenicists' most significant contribution to redefining the meaning of race. By the early twentieth century, as genetics became the field through which to study heredity, eugenicists helped to geneticize the study of human diversity.
Rooting human variation in blood or in kinship is a relatively new way to categorize humans. The idea gained strength toward the end of the Middle Ages as anti-Jewish feelings, which were rooted in an antagonism toward Jewish religious beliefs, began the long evolution into anti-Semitism, which rationalized anti-Jewish hatred as the hatred of a people. For example, Marranos, Spanish Jews who had been baptized in the Church, were still considered a threat to Christendom because they could not prove purity of blood to the Inquisition. Despite an outward acceptance of Christ, a Jew would always be a Jew.
During the Enlightenment, ideas of this type took root and were more directly applied to explaining the diversity of humankind. The integration of social and cultural notions of personhood into a belief in static human communities came to fruition at this time, driven in part by the experiences with new peoples during colonial exploration, the need to rationalize the inferiority of certain peoples as slavery took hold in a protocapitalist world, and the development of a modern scientific taxonomy that provided a new type of language to assess and explain human and organismal diversity.
The progenitor of modern taxonomic classification, Swedish botanist and naturalist Carolus Linnaeus, devised his _Systema Naturae_ (1735), in which "all living forms" are classified by "genus" and "species." Linnaeus defined species as "fixed and unalterable in their basic organic plan," while varieties within the species could be caused by various external factors such as climate or temperature. Linnaeus divided the human species into four groups: _Americanus_ , _Asiaticus_ , _Africanus_ , _and Europeaeus_. And to these groups (he did not refer to them as races) he ascribed both physical and behavioral characteristics. Members of _Americanus_ were "reddish, choleric, and erect; hair black...wide nostrils...obstinate, merry, free...regulated by customs." Those of _Asiaticus_ were "melancholy, stiff; hair black, dark eyes...severe, haughty, avaricious...ruled by opinions." _Africanus_ were "black, phlegmatic...hair black, frizzled...nose flat; lips tumid; women without shame, they lactate profusely; crafty, indolent, negligent...governed by caprice." Finally, those of the _Europeaeus_ category were "white, sanguine, muscular...eyes blue, gentle...inventive...governed by laws."
Linnaean taxonomy was infused with judgments of inferiority and superiority. The idea of a "Great Chain of Being"—a vision of the universe that in a hierarchical fashion ranked forms of life from the simplest to the most complex—is reflected in Linnaeus's characterization of human diversity. This Great Chain of Being "was the conception of the plan and structure of the world which, through the Middle Ages and down to the late eighteenth century," according to Arthur Lovejoy, and was accepted "without question" by "many philosophers, most men of science, and, indeed, most educated men." The integration of human diversity into the Great Chain also reflected "the growing influence of a certain type of thinking, which presumed that each species had qualities of behavior or temperament that were innate." Linnaeus's own experience with different peoples was limited primarily to reports from others who had spent time in the colonies. The perceptions of these observers, according to anthropologist Audrey Smedley, "flowed into the scientific establishment and fueled its speculations."
Out of this Enlightenment mix of exploration, colonization, science, and slavery emerged a modern notion of race. But this Great Chain lacked a unifying term to connote the innate sense of being (referring to both physical and social traits) in populations of peoples that Linnaeus and others beginning in the fifteenth century were trying to describe, first throughout Europe and eventually to define and rank the peoples on the continents the Europeans colonized. Scholars are in general agreement that etymologically "race" was a latecomer to Romance and other Western languages, and that it originated in the Middle Ages as a term used primarily in domestic animal breeding to describe breeding lines or groups of animals bred for similar uses. Yet its use then, as now, remained confused and often contradictory. It could be a term simply to describe a group of people united by common characteristics, or it could be used when classifying different human groups, sometimes even in place of the term "species." It was thus not unusual to see the term describe different things: the white race, the race of Englishmen, the human race, or its use to describe family lineage.
And it is from this etymological disorder that the term "race" was introduced into the natural sciences in 1749 by the French naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, in _Natural History_. Buffon saw clearly demarcated distinctions between the human races that, he believed, were caused by varying climates. On the one hand, Buffon recognized the unity of mankind as a species, and the ability of humans to thrive while breeding between races. Buffon wrote, "The Asiatic, the European, and the Negro produce equally with the American. Nothing can be a stronger proof that they belong to the same family, than the facility with which they unite to the common stock." And Buffon also believed that while "the blood is different" between peoples, "the germ is the same." Thus, despite outward differences in physical type, and even differences in the blood, Buffon believed that the "germ" of humanity was ultimately identical. Nevertheless, Buffon's climatological theory of difference was infused with notions of European superiority. In _Natural History_ he wrote, "As if, by any great revolution, man were forced to abandon those climates which he had invaded, and return to his native country, he would, in the progress of time, resume his original features, his primitive stature, and his natural color." To Buffon, this natural state of humanity was derived from the European, a people that "produced the most handsome and beautiful men" and represented the "genuine color of mankind."
The impact of German scientist Johann Blumenbach's racial classifications, developed toward the end of the eighteenth century in his book _On the Natural Variety of Mankind_ , continue to have a significant impact on the idea of race in modern times. Whereas Linnaeus suggested four racial types, Blumenbach offered five: Caucasian, Mongolian, Ethiopian, American, and Malay. Blumenbach's addition, noted paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould, "radically changed the geometry of human order from a geographically based model without explicit ranking to a double hierarchy of worth oddly based upon perceived beauty and fanning out in two directions from a Caucasian ideal." Even though Blumenbach "stoutly defended the mental and moral unity of all peoples," his "racial geometry" was imbued with a sense of white superiority. And while racial differences were fast becoming part of the scientific vernacular, prejudice and discrimination based on skin color both preceded and complemented scientists' providing a vocabulary to racial ideology.
Galton had no way to directly measure the "unseen" differences he attributed to racial difference. However, his theory of heredity assumed them to be real reflections of the physical and social differences that he claimed he could measure. In _Inquiries into Human Faculty_ Galton wrote that "we cannot but recognise the vast variety of natural faculty, useful and harmful, in members of the same race, and much more in the human family at large, all of which tend to be transmitted by inheritance." Galton's methods of measuring racial difference ultimately differed little from the anthropological and typological approaches that preceded him. After all, the technologies of genetics were still a few decades away when Galton began theorizing on heredity. But what Galton did do was shift thinking about difference itself to a hereditarian worldview. While "race" remained a term with a multitude of definitions, Galton and the eugenicists succeeded in simultaneously quantifying the study of race through eugenics—Galton and his colleagues developed statistical methods to measure mental, physical, and social traits that their data showed varied by racial groups—and, paradoxically, using the term "race" in a multitude of ways that were often contradictory.
Thus, given the term's etymological and scientific history, that the inconsistent use of the term "race" is universal in the eugenic literature should not be surprising. In an 1878 article Galton wrote, "The negro may himself disappear before alien races, just as his predecessors disappeared before him; or the better negro races may prevail and form nations and exclude the rest." Galton, of course, contradicts himself. In the first part of his definition he defined the negro as a race, but then wrote about "the better negro races." Are we then to assume that Galton meant that "race" can be used to define a whole group as well as its subgroups? Are there better and worse races within a single race? In _Inquiries into Human Faculty_ Galton tries to address these contradictions, what he calls "our ethnological ignorance," noting "the absence of a criterion to distinguish between races and sub-races...makes it impossible to offer more than a very off-hand estimate of the average variety of races in the different countries of the world." Galton suggests that "on the average at least three different recognised races were to be found in every moderately-sized district on the earth's surface." Galton goes on to define races in a surprisingly heterogeneous way, one that seemingly contradicts the absolute terms in which he spoke about blacks and Africans more generally. For example, on the diversity of races in Africa he writes "that an invasion of Bushmen drove the Negroes to the hills....Then an invasion of a tribe of Bantu race supplanted the Bushmen, and the Bantus, after endless struggles among themselves, were...pushed aside...by the incoming Namaquas, who themselves are a mixed race. This is merely a sample of Africa, everywhere there are evidences of changing races." But just as surely as Galton wrote of the diversity of races in Africa, he could write just a few pages later that the industrious "yellow races of China" would become a colonizing force in Africa and "extrude hereafter the coarse and lazy Negro from at least the metaliferous regions of tropical Africa." As much as Galton redefined race in a hereditary context, the nature of human diversity precluded him from providing a clear and consistent definition for race itself. Eugenics as a whole suffered from this problem—eugenic literature is rife with multiple definitions and explanations for the nature and meaning of race and how eugenic policy should address these differences.
For Galton, race improvement was "so noble in its aim" that it rose to the level of "religious obligation." By proposing methods for breeding a better race, Galton sought just that. Another of Galton's lasting contributions to the study of race was his proposal to use twins to understand hereditary differences, a research program he began in earnest in 1875. Galton outlined his method for twin studies in _Inquiries into Human Faculty_ in 1883, proposing that twins offer "means of distinguishing between the effects of tendencies received at birth, and of those that were imposed by the special circumstances of their after lives." By studying twins who were "closely alike in boyhood and youth" to "learn whether they subsequently grew unlike, and, if so, what the main causes were," and, conversely, to study "the history of twins who were exceedingly unlike in childhood, and learn how far their characters became assimilated under the influence of identical nature," Galton hoped to show the primary impact of nature (versus nurture) on humanity.
**2**
**CHARLES DAVENPORT AND THE BIOLOGY OF BLACKNESS**
If Francis Galton was the theoretician of eugenics, then Charles Davenport was its engineer and American torchbearer. In the United States, from the turn of the twentieth century until his death at age seventy-seven in 1944, Davenport was both the public and academic face of eugenics. Through his writings, speeches, and indefatigable advocacy on behalf of eugenic doctrine, Davenport established himself as the doyen of the American eugenics movement. Though Davenport lived just long enough to witness his field in decline in the United States (and its horrific successes on the European continent), during his lifetime he oversaw an expansion of eugenic ideas into both social and scientific spheres that are salient still today.
A New Yorker by birth who prided himself in his colonial birthright, Davenport was the last of eleven children. His father, Amzi Davenport, a real estate man, traced his family line in a multivolume genealogy to eleventh-century England but was more recently descended from Congregationalist ministers in both England and New England. Davenport's love of science was imparted by his mother, Jane, so much so that he dedicated his first book to her, writing an inscription that read, "To the memory of the first and most important of my teachers of natural history—my mother." Davenport's passion for science took him to Harvard, where he earned his Ph.D. in biology in 1892 and afterward became an instructor there. He departed Harvard for the University of Chicago in 1899, taking a position as an assistant professor, where he stayed on until the opening of the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory on Long Island in 1904. Davenport's success in persuading the Carnegie Institution of Washington to endow Cold Spring with ten million dollars as a laboratory for the study of evolution marked what one biographer noted was Davenport's early signs "of being an energetic organizer." This attribute would help Davenport prosper throughout his long career.
Davenport is most often remembered for seeking to quantify the heritability of social and mental traits as they varied by group, and for the way in which he linked questions of heredity with the challenges of immigration. As the director of the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory for almost forty years, Davenport built the infrastructure of American eugenics at his beachfront laboratory on the north shore of Long Island. From there he oversaw an expansion in the study of "the germinal differences that affect not only form and color and details of physical features but also instincts and temperament." In a speech in 1920, Davenport warned, "It is not sufficient that a community or a state should purge itself of the 'inferior strains.' It must guard itself against the immigration into the community of persons carrying bad germ plasm."
In the years before the passage of the anti-immigrant Johnson-Reed Act of 1924, which radically limited the entry of legal immigrants into the United States, eugenicists like Davenport and his colleagues Madison Grant, Lothrop Stoddard, and Harry Laughlin stoked anti-immigration fervor by intensely lobbying public and political interests with eugenic rationales for a closed-door policy. American nativism would reach a peak in the 1920s, declining once the doors to most immigrants were firmly shut in the wake of Johnson-Reed. The rise of anti-immigrant fervor in the United States dated back to at least the 1880s, which saw the beginnings of an explosion of immigration from southern and eastern Europe. The challenge to the old order, brought about by these new immigrants, would stoke nativism and anti-immigration fervor for decades to come. In 1882, for example, 1.2 million souls turned up on America's shores, more than 80 percent of whom had begun their journeys in southern or eastern Europe, prompting one nativist to worry that America was allowing "every nation to pour its pestilential sewage into our reservoir."
It is no coincidence that the rise of eugenics corresponded closely with the social transformations brought about by immigration, both real and perceived, that occurred during these times. By the early years of the twentieth century, the work of eugenicists would offer scientific rationales and solutions to the fears of a white elite that was concerned about its and the nation's decline. In the 1920s, for example, Henry Fairfield Osborn, president of the American Museum of Natural History and an ardent eugenicist, lobbied Congress to pass sweeping immigration restrictions. In May of 1924, for example, just a few weeks before the passage of the act, Osborn wrote to Congressman Albert Johnson, cosponsor of Johnson-Reed, congratulating him on the success of the bill in committee, which he believed to be "one of the most important steps taken in the whole history of our country." To Osborn and other supporters, this legislation would spread "throughout the country appreciation of the sacred duty of every American citizen to maintain the character of our country though elevating the character of its people." Osborn had been in contact with Johnson on immigration matters for at least five years prior to the passage of the 1924 act, and his thinking on this matter changed over time. In a December 1919 exchange with nativist and eugenicist Madison Grant, Osborn chastised Grant for his narrow views on immigration, which included quotas by trade and occupation. Osborn suggested instead that "the men, women, and children whom we desire to admit to this country will be tested by their character, their physical health, their willingness to work and their unqualified loyalty." For those who were disloyal to the United States, Osborn proposed immediate deportation. Furthermore, Osborn opposed limiting entrance to select races and proposed instead that eugenics standards could be successfully applied to "men of whatever race." Just a few years later, Osborn's ideas began to take on a nativist tone, urging that a sentinel force be used to prevent undesirables. Osborn wrote to Congressman Johnson in 1922, "My ideas about the future of America are derived not from reading but from personal observation....I think that there are good and desirable immigrants to be found in every country. But all these countries are now striving to keep the desirable people at home, and are sending the undesirables, especially the Jews, to America. This is why it would pay the United States to have observers at all consulates abroad."
The impact of the push to integrate eugenic theory into American immigration policy by Osborn and others was considerable, and the consequences of this pursuit had measurable damaging effects on both immigrants to the United States and eventually on those who died in the Nazi genocide against the Jews in Europe. Federal immigration restrictions were, as such, buoyed by eugenicist sentiment. Harry Laughlin, the superintendent of the Eugenics Record Office at the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, appeared before Congress several times in the early 1920s promoting the belief that immigration was foremost a "biological problem." As Davenport's number two at the laboratory, Laughlin fervently promoted the eugenics cause, maintaining, for example, that recent immigrants from eastern and southern Europe were afflicted "by a high degree of insanity, mental deficiency, and criminality." In his testimony before the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, Laughlin pleaded with the congressmen to restrict immigration so America would be allowed to "recruit and to develop our racial qualities." Laughlin believed that the "American Race"—a race of white people from northern and western Europe—was being polluted by a high rate of "inborn social inadequacy" from new immigrants. To be sure, eugenics was not the only catalyst behind immigration restriction legislation. Nationalistic fervor, anti-Semitism, and a more general anti-immigration predilection all combined to advance the restrictive legislation. But eugenics was, in many ways, the most compelling ideology generating support for the bill, particularly because the anti-immigrant prejudices of many in Congress were consistent with eugenic pronouncements on the subject. Science has been a source of tremendous authority in twentieth-century American social and political thought. Scientific claims were used by activists to either bolster or discredit reform efforts. Eugenicists worked hard to capitalize on the rhetorical power of science and its authority in their claims about immigrants. Harry Laughlin, for example, during his congressional testimony in 1923, backed his eugenical vision with what he called scientific facts and criticized attacks on his work as being biased "because its conclusions are displeasing."
Davenport was involved in lobbying on behalf of immigration restriction. In correspondence with Congressman Johnson, cosponsor of the 1924 immigration act, Davenport paid careful attention to the impact of the Johnson-Reed Act on black immigrants from other parts of the Americas. "Could you tell me in a word," Davenport wrote, "whether there is some treaty requirement that makes it necessary to admit Negro immigrants from the West Indies, Brazil and other parts of the Americas....I believe you will recognize the undesirability of admitting thousands of alien Negroes from any source." Johnson replied, "To date, Negroes have been admitted because of the wording of the Naturalization Act which admits to naturalization free white persons and African Negroes."
The relationship between eugenics, race, and immigration in the 1920s was complex, and scholars have examined how the Johnson-Reed Act, in addition to effectively closing America's immigration doors, also played a role in reconceptualizing racial categories. This redrawing differentiated and ranked Europeans based on their "desirability." Non-European immigrants, including Japanese, Chinese, and Mexicans, were considered unassimilable into American society. Some scholars have suggested that following the passage of Johnson-Reed, the decrease in European immigrants post-1924, along with the migrations of African Americans from the Deep South to the upper south, north, and west, forced black-white racial issues to the forefront.
While eugenicists post-1924 did systematically pay more attention to black-white differences, the idea that the Johnson-Reed Act produced a new racial binary between black and white both overstates the racialized status of white ethnics and fails to acknowledge the longer history and power of the black-white racial binary throughout American history. A new racial alchemy certainly developed during the twentieth century—influenced to varying degrees by social, cultural, political, and economic changes—but this binary was not novel to the twentieth century, nor did it take on a radical new form post-1924. Indeed, evidence from legal history shows that the black-white binary was legally maintained long before the passage of Johnson-Reed, and even long before the consolidation of segregation through passage of Jim Crow laws in the 1890s. An 1851 ruling in Alabama, for example, defined an individual as black "as long as one of his or her great-grandparents was a 'Negro.'" The "Redemption" of the South in the late 1870s and 1880s marked a postemancipation transition to reducing the rights of black citizens. Following the withdrawal of federal troops from the South, the nation abandoned the attempt to guarantee freedmen and -women their civil rights and relinquished control of the political infrastructure to white southerners. The Jim Crow laws of the 1890s legally consolidated the disenfranchisement of African Americans. Furthermore, evidence from the Commonwealth of Virginia shows how eugenics was put in service of the black-white divide as early as 1900, and continued in practice through at least the 1950s.
In the second decade of the twentieth century much of Davenport's research in this area suggested a scientific curiosity about the nature of human diversity, albeit driven by a desire to flesh out these differences in a biological context. But beginning in the latter part of that decade there was a fundamental shift toward asking social questions about human difference, and, as he did in the context of debates about national origin and immigration, Davenport also came to these research questions with the hope of influencing national and regional political debates. Maybe this change would occur in Davenport because the scientific question concerning the genetic nature of skin color would be satisfactorily answered for the eugenicists, and Davenport and others could instead focus on the policy implications of their studies. Or, maybe, as concern diminished in the wake of Johnson-Reed about the eugenic impact of white ethnics on American society, Davenport and others could dedicate more of their resources to the black-white racial binary.
Either way, Davenport's fascination with black-white differences appeared early in his writings, and throughout his long career he struggled with the nature of human variation in a biological context. An undated address titled "A Biologist's View of the Negro Problem," probably delivered sometime in the second or third decade of the twentieth century, confirms Davenport's social prejudices toward blacks in his application of eugenic doctrine to racial difference. "For the present in North Carolina, I am informed these advantages are designed for white persons only," Davenport wrote referring to eugenics, "but for the sake of the progress of society, that socially inadequate persons with darker skin also shall be segregated and kept in happiness but kept from reproducing their kind." "Pity the people that has to depend on laborers, operators, and domestics upon the feebleminded!" he lamented. Finally, he concluded that "as the worst grade is eliminated and a higher grade takes their place at the bottom of the social scale, we shall have our unskilled labor and housekeep service performed by persons who are able to give better service....Thus, then, by eliminating the undesirable and socially inadequate strains without rigard [ _sic_ ] to color the state may hope to rise an efficiency, morality, and the happiness of the whole people."
But Davenport's views of blacks and race went far beyond this straightforward application of eugenic doctrine to segregation. From early in his career, Davenport's attitudes toward black Americans were much more than conformity to the racism of the times; indeed, a significant portion of his eugenic research program would examine black-white differences. As early as 1906, Davenport was considering the nature of these differences, particularly in the context of offspring between whites and blacks, and between those whom he repeatedly refers to as mulattoes. In a November 1906 letter written to Aleš Hrdlička, the first curator of physical anthropology at the United States National Museum (which became the Smithsonian), Davenport sought "information concerning the offspring of two mulattoes." He was interested in both the skin color produced by this mating but also wanted to know if mulattoes were fertile and if their children were "vigorous." Hrdlička's response seems to have whetted Davenport's appetite for research in the area. "The question of mixed-blood of whites and Negroes and of their progeny," Hrdlička wrote, "still awaits scientific investigation." Throughout his long career Davenport would repeatedly revisit this line of inquiry.
Davenport's first known published effort to explore the issue of black-white differences came in 1910 in two articles that appeared in the _American Naturalist_. Cowritten with his wife, Gertrude, a former graduate student in zoology, "Heredity of Skin Pigmentation in Man" sought to "provide a more extended, less biased treatment" of "the phenomena of inheritance of human skin color." The essay is written, save one short passage, as a dispassionate and objective exploration of this research problem. It is heavy on data, with numerous figures, and concludes that "skin color in negro X white crosses is not a typical 'blend' as conceived by those who oppose the modern direction of research in heredity, but that...the original grades of heavy and slight melanogenesis segregate in the germ cells." The Davenports' conclusion that skin color was a Mendelian trait that segregated was part of an effort by eugenicists and geneticists to lay claim to unanswered questions about the nature of human heredity. Historian of science William Provine suggests that as Mendelians helped uncover mechanisms of heredity through plant and animal crosses, they believed that the laws of inheritance could also be studied through their experimental work, including "an objective appraisal of race mixture in humans." The Davenports' study was the first serious effort in this area by Mendelians.
There are three pieces of evidence, however, that suggest that the Davenports' interest in this research problem was also motivated by their social views, by the racial mores of the times, and, ultimately, by an intent to further the development of the modern science of race and racial difference. First, by "showing" that skin color was a Mendelian phenomenon, the Davenports and other eugenicists and racists biologized race in a modern genetic context. Their paper is one of the earliest examples of a racial characteristic coming under the scrutiny of genetics research and, as such, was a direct intellectual descendant of Galton's research program concerned with redefining race in a hereditary and biological context. If skin color followed Mendel's laws, then, as Davenport would argue in future papers, other traits associated with race must also be genetically heritable. Furthermore, in making a case for Mendelian segregation, Davenport also provided fodder for racial segregation. The Davenports' evidence that blacks who were light skinned would have offspring that "will show the various intermediate grades due to diverse combinations of the black and white units" confirmed racist beliefs (backed up by biological laws) about the indivisibility of blackness. Genetics thus supported the rationale behind segregation and antimiscegenation laws. Eugenicists Paul Popenoe and Rosewell Hill Johnson wrote in support of antimiscegenation laws in their seminal text _Applied Eugenics_ , calling these laws "desirable." The authors worried that the "disharmonies" produced by interracial matings would produce offspring that "will usually be inferior to those resulting from a better-assorted mating." In correspondence four years before the publication of _Applied Eugenics_ , Davenport wrote to Popenoe highlighting his findings that skin color was a Mendelian trait.
Second, the data analyzed by the Davenports was provided by H. E. Jordan, a noted eugenicist and racist and professor of histology and embryology at the University of Virginia. In his research Jordan addressed "the eugenic aspect of the Negro question" and suggested that the "pure Negro" was inferior to the mulatto because of mulattoes' white blood. He determined to solve "our Negro problem" by "conserving the present mulatto stock and employing it as a leaven in lifting the colored race to a higher level of innate mental and moral capacity." The introduction of white blood would (somehow) predispose these offspring to "know their place."
Davenport and Jordan corresponded for nearly ten years, from 1906 through 1914, on a variety of eugenic topics, including their work on what Jordan repeatedly referred to as "the study of the Negro problem." In a July 1913 letter to Davenport, Jordan describes the receipt of a Phelps Stokes University of Virginia fellowship to study this "problem" and seeks Davenport's cooperation in this area of work. In an August 1913 letter, Davenport agrees, writing that it "would be a fine thing if we could demonstrate the heredity of such matters as serve to differentiate the two races; such as the alleged difference to resistance to cancer; to tuberculosis...to educability; to sex control. Then there might be something definite to say about the consequences of miscegenation."
The Davenports never made their own explicit claims in the _American Naturalist_ paper about the relationship between the social and physical traits of those under study. They instead let Professor Jordan express those connections. In the article the Davenports introduced Jordan's observations and data, writing, "We may now consider the pedigrees of skin color collected by Dr. Jordan." Quoting Jordan, they described the "pedigrees" of his study subjects: "One man is a minister, one principal of the colored school, one a thriving merchant, and one a barber, and all seem considerably above the grade of morality and intelligence of the ordinary stupid and irresponsible Negro." In private correspondence a year later, Jordan proposed to Davenport a study of "the relative mental capacity of Negro, mulatto and white school children," asking him, "Don't you think this is a very important field of work?" In his reply Davenport concurred, and he would go on to address this question nearly fifteen years later in _Race Crossing in Jamaica_. The Davenports concluded their discussion of Jordan's data and deductions by telling the reader that "those who know Dr. Jordan will appreciate the better the great weight to be given his conclusion." The Davenports, after all, had to have been aware of Jordan's position on the nature of mulattoes and of his pioneering work bridging the worlds of eugenics, science, and racism. Trading on Jordan's reputation and expertise in matters of race, science, and society bolstered the Davenports' own credentials in the scientific study of black-white differences. The _American Naturalist_ paper was one of the first papers published in the twentieth century conflating science and sociology in the study of race.
Third, and finally, Davenport published widely on the nature of black and white mating throughout his long career. Davenport followed his initial foray into the study of race with the publication of his first book on the subject, _Heredity of Skin Color in Negro-White Crosses_ , published in 1913 by the Carnegie Institution of Washington. The study, funded by E. H. Harriman, who several years earlier had endowed the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor, was conducted in Jamaica and Bermuda. Davenport's conclusions were nearly identical to his earlier work in this area, though he did pay more careful attention to several of the issues mentioned in the _American Naturalist_ essay, including "passing" for white by individuals with "a certain dilution with white blood" and the "matter of great social moment" of "the possibility of a reversion in the offspring of a white-skinned descendant of a negro to the brown skin color."
In a 1917 essay published in the _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ titled "The Effects of Race Intermingling," Davenport again addressed the challenges of studying race, and also articulated policies to deal with America's racial diversity. Davenport's definition of race is especially worth noting, for it was, like Galton's, both confusing and inconsistent. Davenport offered what he called a modern geneticists' definition of race—that is, "a more or less pure bred 'group' of individuals that differs from other groups by at least one character, or, strictly, a genetically connected group whose germ plasm is characterized by a difference, in one or more genes, from the other groups." Davenport's example suggests that every small group of individuals who shared similar traits was its own race. He cites "the blue-eyed Scotchman" who belongs to a "different race from some of the dark Scotch." (Despite this distinction, Davenport refers to the race of Scotch just a page later, prompting the reader to consider whether he is now conflating the blue-eyed and the dark Scotch or is still maintaining them as distinct groups.) Davenport even goes as far as suggesting that "as the term is employed by geneticists," racial groups "may be said to belong to different elementary species." This definition, if applied willy-nilly, as its spirit suggests, would make it impossible to quantify difference between any group. The consequences of this approach highlight Davenport's inability to use the race concept consistently and with discrete meaning. Davenport's own studies of the heredity of skin color that recognized that traits were not fixed in a race contradicted such assertions.
"The Effects of Race Intermingling" also highlighted what Davenport believed to be the greatest danger to the sanctity of races—miscegenation. In Davenport's view the offspring of such relations would, "despite the great capacity that the body has for self adjustment," fail to "overcome the bad hereditary combinations." Davenport believed that the hybridization of races was a threat to the social and political fabric of America, so much so that Davenport worried it would weaken the nation. Only through a program that restricted immigration, promoted "selective elimination," and sponsored "eugenical ideals" (i.e., acknowledging that "miscegenation commonly spells disharmony") would "our nation take front rank in culture among the nations of ancient and modern times."
Into the 1920s Davenport continued to struggle with a "scientific" definition of race. In a 1921 lecture he affirmed the role that scientists would play in developing this definition, writing that the "larger popular interest in races and racial traits now more than ever before" necessitated "a reconsideration of the idea of race and the definition of particular races." In that same speech Davenport illustrated the eugenic consequences of what he referred to as "hybridization between a dominant and a subordinate race" and, as such, offered scientific legitimacy to the development of antimiscegenation laws that were, in the 1920s, being passed by southern legislatures. By 1929, when Davenport cowrote _Race Crossing in Jamaica_ , his opus on race and genetics, his research had confirmed for him what he had been moving toward for almost twenty years, that there existed "fundamental differences in mental capacity between...Negroes and Europeans."
In the Jim Crow era there were manifold ways of enforcing America's racial customs, and the diffusion of eugenic thought into laws across the American South was complemented by the dissemination of eugenic ideas into extralegal racist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan. It was discovered in 1923, for example, that the historian and eugenicist Lothrop Stoddard was advising the Ku Klux Klan on matters of race. Stoddard's bile-filled popularization of eugenic rhetoric, _The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy_ , argued that the colored peoples of the world—yellow, brown, and black—were on the verge of overwhelming white supremacy through rapid population growth, the demise of colonialism, and poor white breeding practices. Stoddard reserved special antipathy for the black peoples of the world, writing that at "first glance we see that, in the negro, we are in the presence of a being differing profoundly not merely from the white man but also from those human types which we discovered in our surveys of the brown and yellow worlds. The black man is, indeed, sharply differentiated from the other branches of mankind." Not only were blacks distinct from other nonwhite groups, they also had "no historic pasts. Never having evolved civilizations of their own, they are practically devoid of that accumulated mass of beliefs, thoughts, and experiences which render Asiatics so impenetrable and so hostile to white influences....The negro, on the contrary, has contributed virtually nothing. Left to himself, he remained a savage, and in the past his only quickening has been where brown men have imposed their ideas and altered his blood." Finally, Stoddard's antimiscegenation rhetoric asserted that "crossings with the negro are uniformly fatal."
In January 1923 Stoddard was exposed by the magazine _Hearst's International_ to have been offering advice to, and been a member of, the Ku Klux Klan. The article included reprints of letters confirming Stoddard's relationship with the Klan. In addition, the _Hearst'_ s article reprinted a letter imploring members of the Klan to read Stoddard's book: "Any white man that reads this book will have the fear of God put into him over the race question. Every Klansman should read it, and be able to quote the high spot." In a letter to Henry Osborn soon after the article's publication, Stoddard described his disdain at "the radical-Jew outfit" who "has determined to 'get me' and discredit me if possible." "Through the theft of some papers from the correspondence files of 'The Searchlight,' the organ of the KKK," Stoddard continued, "they have discovered that I have been advising the leaders of that organization on racial and radical matters."
While Davenport never showed direct support for racist organizations like the KKK, his work confirmed and reinforced what Jim Crow customs had claimed for several decades: that the offspring of interracial relationships always resulted in children who were members of "the subordinate or inferior race." Davenport pointed out that, in the United States, "thus negro-white crosses are generally called negroes" and that "this custom has developed with the aim, more or less conscious, of protecting by this classification the superior or dominant race from legal marriage with the inferior stock—from a dilution of their stronger stock by the weaker traits."
A major exhibit and conference at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City would provide the public with an opportunity to learn firsthand the science of eugenics at the Second International Congress of Eugenics, held at the museum in the fall of 1921. The intersection of eugenics and American racism would be on full display at the congress. Eugenicists hoped that the museum event would be a momentous opportunity for the public to learn about their science.
**3**
**EUGENICS IN THE PUBLIC'S EYE**
" **I** doubt if there has ever been a moment in the world's history when an international conference on race character and betterment has been more important than the present," said Henry Fairfield Osborn, the noted paleontologist and American Museum of Natural History president, in his opening remarks to the Second International Congress of Eugenics. The congress, held at the museum in September of 1921, was a gathering of prominent American and European eugenicists who came together to promote and popularize a eugenical vision of the world. To Osborn and his heredity-minded colleagues, eugenics was a social movement that could have a profound impact upon human populations through the improvement of genetic stock. Said Osborn, "To know the worst as well as the best in heredity; to preserve and to select the best—these are the most essential forces in the future evolution of human society."
Charles Davenport gave one of the keynote speeches at the congress. In it he reinforced the idea that "not only our physical but also our mental and temperamental characteristics have a hereditary basis." Consequently, Davenport hoped that "the study of racial characters will lead men to a broader vision of the human race and the fact that its fate is controllable." The museum event was eugenics in its prime; it was an articulation of racial theories that, during the first third of the twentieth century, impacted far beyond the narrow confines of the academic circles where eugenics was widely celebrated. A strange mix of proceedings characterized the events at the museum, and ideas about eugenics—both its social and its scientific meanings—were on prominent display.
Presentations at the congress were delivered by such rising stars in genetics as Sewell Wright and L. C. Dunn. Although Wright did present at the congress, he never embraced eugenics. His biographer, William Provine, believes that though Wright "had no theoretic objections to eugenics," he "never published on eugenics" and "steered clear of the subject." Part of Wright's resistance "was his belief that human heredity was very complicated and little understood, giving little scientific basis for a eugenics movement at that time." Dunn briefly flirted with eugenics in the 1920s but quickly dropped any association with the movement, displeased with its methodology and unnerved by its overtly prejudiced mission.
Thomas Hunt Morgan, a father of modern genetics, had been an early participant in the eugenics movement as a member of the Committee on Animal Breeding of the American Genetics Association. Morgan, however, was uncomfortable with the eugenic conception of race, and in correspondence with Charles Davenport, he pointed out that human races share more genes in common than not. In 1915, a full six years before the congress, Morgan officially resigned from the committee, citing "reckless statements and the unreliability of a good deal that is said" by eugenicists.
But the vast majority of those who attended the congress were committed eugenicists who would stay with the movement until its dying days two decades later. Charles Davenport, the director of the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, and Leonard Darwin, son of Charles Darwin and president of the Eugenics Education Society of Great Britain, were the two most prominent eugenicist luminaries at the congress. The divide between eugenics and genetics had begun to develop in the previous decade. But eugenicists did make some important advances in the study of human heredity. Alexander Graham Bell, remembered best for inventing the telephone, was at the congress as an exhibitor. At the crossroads of eugenics and genetics, Bell's presentation examined "the relation between age of fathers at death, age of mothers at death and longevity of the offspring." Bell's data was an attempt to examine complex intergenerational traits in a hereditary context. However, it was when eugenicists began making claims about the genetic nature of personality traits, intelligence, and complex social behavior that many geneticists left the movement, realizing, as Thomas Hunt Morgan had six years earlier, that such claims were not based on scientific study but on speculation rooted in social beliefs.
The museum itself figured prominently in the congress. Not only were its president, several distinguished members of its Board of Trustees, and members of its curatorial staff involved in the planning and execution of the congress, but also many in the museum community were fervent eugenicists who considered the meeting "the most important scientific meeting ever held in the Museum." Osborn persuaded the Board of Trustees, with little opposition, to host the congress. The museum's 1921 _Annual Report_ highlights their institutional position on the congress: "Inasmuch as the World War left the finest racial stocks in many countries so depleted that there is danger of their extinction, and inasmuch as our own race is threatened with submergence by the influx of other races, it was felt by all present and especially by our foreign guests that the American Museum of Natural History had rendered a signal service in providing for the reception and entertainment of the large number of distinguished men and women who attended the Congress."
Opposition to Osborn and the museum's eugenic position didn't arise until two years later, following the publication in 1923 of the third edition of the eugenic tome _The Passing of the Great Race_ , by Madison Grant. Grant, a museum trustee and close friend of Osborn's, raised the ire of another museum trustee, the banker Felix Warburg. Warburg was outraged by both Osborn's laudatory introduction of Grant's book and the anti-Semitism infusing the work. Osborn was a notorious anti-Semite and an active booster of Nazi Germany, once writing to a colleague who had recently resigned from the Galton Society for its increasing anti-Semitism that "the only way to learn the truth about Germany is to spend a summer there and freely mingle with these wonderful people who have so much to teach us." Warburg requested that the Board of Trustees investigate Osborn's anti-Semitism and his work with Grant, and described the ideas contained in _The Passing_ as "scandalous" and "shameful." A committee of trustees investigated the matter but decided that Osborn's and Grant's ideas were opinions—not scientific statements—and wrote that "there was no need for anyone to feel offended." Osborn, it should be mentioned, later made an "enthusiastic" trip to Nazi Germany. In 1934 Osborn received an honorary degree at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University.
The museum, one of the world's leading institutions for anthropological thought, was heavily entangled in the racial debates of the times. Early in the century, Columbia University professor Franz Boas, a former museum curator who went on to international renown as the world's preeminent anthropologist, had attempted to move the museum away from typological racial thought. Unable to initiate the institutional change he sought, Boas left for Columbia University in 1905. During the ensuing decades the museum remained split between the racists and a growing stable of more progressive anthropologists, until the mid-1920s, when it began to move slowly toward Boasian anthropology.
Boas's position on race was not popular at the second congress. Earlier in 1921, in an essay titled "The Problem of the American Negro," published in the _Yale Review_ , Boas offered a sharp rebuff of the thinking of the eugenicists and white supremacists who gathered at the museum to discuss eugenics. Where eugenicists and racists like Madison Grant believed that "moral, intellectual and spiritual attributes are as persistent in nature as physical characters and are transmitted substantially unchanged from generation to generation," and that races were the units of this intergenerational legacy, Boas countered that "when we talk about the characteristics of the race as a whole, we are dealing with an abstraction which has no existence in nature." Boas believed the idea of race disregarded "the variability of individuals" and in doing so neglected "the differences from the ideal picture in bodily form and make-up among the persons that compose each people." Boas was at once arguing against racial typology and hereditary notions of racial difference and also maintained that insights in neither biology nor psychology could offer "justification for the popular belief in the inferiority of the Negro race." In Boas's estimation, racial prejudice was social in nature and was "founded essentially on the tendency of the human mind to merge the individual in the class to which he belongs, and to ascribe to him all the characteristics of his class." Upon the publication of the _Yale Review_ essay, Walter White, head of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People wrote to Boas expressing his "hearty and sincere thanks for [the] splendid article." White considered the essay "not only as a genuine scientific treatise of great merit but as a distinct contribution to the problem not of the Negro alone but of the welfare of America."
Early in his career Boas had embraced the biological race concept, although he did so with a bit of an egalitarian streak. In an 1896 lecture called "The Races of Man," Boas acknowledged the then commonly held belief that "the brain of the Negro does not grow and develop as long as that of the white man. In this he is decidedly at a disadvantage." But Boas insisted that "we must not interpret the fact as meaning that the Negro cannot attain a culture such as the one which we now possess." Boas also recognized early on that despite what he believed to be the general superiority of whites to blacks, "there will be a vast number belonging to both races who will be equal in all aptitudes" and that therefore "we must take care not to overestimate the amount of this difference." Just eight years later Boas, invited by W. E. B Du Bois to deliver the commencement address at Atlanta University, offered a changed vision of race difference to the graduates: "To those who stoutly maintain a material inferiority of the Negro race and who would dampen your ardor by their claims, you may confidently reply that the burden of proof rests with them, that the past history of your race does not sustain their statement, but rather gives you encouragement....That there may be slightly different hereditary traits seems plausible, but it is entirely arbitrary to assume that those of the Negro, because perhaps slightly different, must be of an inferior type." Boas spent his career developing alternative theories to the dominant racial discourse, "lines of thought" that anthropologist Lee Baker calls "inimical to the consensus about racial inferiority held by people in the mass media, the academy, southern state legislatures, and each branch of the federal government."
As much as Boas and his antiracist contemporaries sought to utilize science as a force for altering the racialized status quo, racial thinking in the early 1920s remained firmly dominated by eugenics and other variants of racist thought. The proceedings at the second congress at the American Museum of Natural History were an example of this continued dominance in American scientific and social thought. The public's access to this thinking was through a temporary eugenics exhibition held in conjunction with the congress. The exhibit, which ran from September 22 through October 22, 1921, drew between 5,000 and 10,000 visitors, according to museum estimates, and took up space on two museum floors. In the Hall of the Age of Man, where the "principle meetings of the Congress were held," the exhibit focused mainly on "early man and his culture." The design of this segment of the exhibit was simple—it integrated well with the museum's overall approach to natural history and seemed to try hard not to offend noneugenically minded visitors to the congress. The permanent collection on display in the hall included anthropoid skulls and heads. For the congress these specimens were shown in "new positions for the purpose of coordinating and emphasizing geological history of the human species." The temporary exhibit included displays showing "Man's Place Among the Primates" and "The Most Ancient Human Races."
The first-floor exhibition space, held in both the Darwin and Forestry halls, was quite different. There the tools and data of eugenics were on display. The exhibit, as described by attendee Harry Laughlin, "comprised mainly embryological and racial casts and models, photographs, pedigree charts and tables, biological family histories and collective biographies...maps and analytical tables demonstrating racial vicissitudes, anthropometric instruments, apparatus for mental measurements, and books and scientific reprints on eugenical and genetical subjects." Eighteen thematically organized booths were filled with 131 exhibits. The attendees were "college and university professors, investigators in scientific institutions, physicians and field workers in institutions for the socially inadequate, statisticians and research departments of the great life insurance companies, scholars and authors of independent means...." Indeed, they were a distinguished group.
Examples of the booths' topics were "Eugenical Organization," "Human Heredity," "Anthropometry," and "Mental Testing, Psychiatry." One booth, designated "Genetics and Heredity," sought to secure genetics at the center of eugenic theory, speaking of it as "an important foundation factor in eugenics or the improvement of the human race through a knowledge of heredity and its application to selection and fecundity."
Race was a theme in all the booths. Two separate booths on the "Races of Man"—booths dealing specifically with race as a black-white issue—were prominent in the conference exhibition. One "race" booth explored "the history of the origin and development of races and the analysis of the...determination of the hereditary nature of specific traits." The other "race" booth focused on the "elementary qualities" of races and their role in human progress. Other booths touched on black-white racial dynamics. Dr. Thomas Garth of the University of Texas, Austin, presented his research under the title "Curves Showing Racial Differences in Mental Fatigue." Garth's research showed that black students fatigued more quickly when working on mental tasks as compared with whites.
Another University of Texas at Austin faculty, the zoologist Theophilus S. Painter, presented an exhibit called "The Chromosomes of Man." Painter, one of the world's leading geneticists at the time and a pioneer in _Drosophila_ studies, exhibited pictures of chromosomes of a white and of a black man alongside each other so as to show that they were "alike in general form and in number." This photographic display, however, intended something different; it was presented to illustrate a subtle, if not significant, difference between black and white genes. These genetic differences were further highlighted in the presentation by Dr. A. H. Schultz of the Department of Embryology, Carnegie Institution of Washington. Dr. Schultz's exhibit, "Comparison of White and Negro Fetuses," examined the "racial differences during prenatal development of man." Measuring the alleged differences in fetal development between the races, according to Schultz, could visually show just how different blacks were from whites. In the exhibit, finger, leg, thigh, and arm shape and length were all different between the two fetuses. The brain was smaller and the face larger in the black fetuses.
One of the congress's headliners, American Museum trustee Madison Grant, was the vanguard of early twentieth-century racial science. His books sold widely, and his influence was felt beyond the confines of academic eugenics. Author of _The Passing of the Great Race_ —one of the most infamous eugenic texts of the era—was a successful corporate lawyer who dabbled in zoology and anthropology and held positions in these fields, including time spent as the head of the Wildlife Conservation Society of the Bronx Zoo. Grant's work as a naturalist propelled him to the forefront of the American conservation movement. He was one of the founders of the Save the Redwoods League in California and successfully lobbied the government to make Mount McKinley into a national park. Grant was also head of the overtly anti-Semitic and anti-Catholic Immigration Restriction League (later renamed the Eugenics Immigration League) and a member of the Galton Society and the Committee on Eugenics. Grant believed his work in conservation and eugenics to be closely related; both were, he wrote in a letter to Osborn, "attempts to save as much as possible of the old America."
At the second congress, _The Passing of the Great Race_ was on display as Exhibit 51—"the principal feature of this exhibit consisted of enlarged copies of the several maps which appeared in the exhibitors book." Grant's work, now known for the influence it would have on Nazi ideology, "enjoyed considerable vogue in the nineteen-twenties." It is not hard to see why the Nazis embraced Grant's work. _The Passing_ argued that the successes and failures of the civilizations of Europe could be correlated to the amount of a nation's Nordic "blood." Grant surmised that both Europe and America were facing imminent demise because their Nordic bloodlines were fast becoming contaminated by the genetic stock of inferior races. In _The Passing_ Grant noted, surely to Hitler's later delight, that "only in a few cases, notably in Sweden and Germany, does any large section of the population possess anything analogous to true race consciousness."
Grant extended his opprobrium to the "darker races" of man. It is in these passages of _The Passing_ where the unmistakable rankness of racial theory grounded in emerging eugenic ideas about the biology of race difference can be found. To Grant and his eugenically minded colleagues, it was non-Nordic racial groups in Europe who presented the most immediate threat. Nevertheless, the fear of diluting the white race with black blood was unmistakable. Grant feared black-white racial amalgamation was creating a "population of race bastards in which the lower type ultimately preponderates." But the perceived threat from blacks was not as real as the possibility of the amalgamation of blood from white immigrants. After all, black-white miscegenation was already illegal in most states, and culturally proscribed in the rest. Moreover, Grant deemed blacks incapable of threatening the Nordic race, writing, "Negroes have demonstrated throughout recorded time that they are a stationary species, and that they do not possess the potentiality of progress or initiative from within. Progress from self-impulse must not be confounded with mimicry or with progress imposed from without by social pressure, or by the slavers' lash." Finally, Grant believed that blacks were a "valuable element" in European and American societies, worth being preserved as a "servient race." Any attempt at social equality, he concluded, "will be destructive to themselves and to the whites."
To these pernicious thoughts about blacks Grant applied his eugenic conviction. That is, that "the great lesson of the science of race is the immutability of somatological or bodily characters, with which is closely associated the immutability of physical predispositions and impulses." Grant's race-centered worldview asserted that "race lies to-day at the base of all the phenomena of modern society." This outlook, one that combined a view that accepted race as based in biology, transmitted at the level of the gene, with a belief that racial problems dominate the political and social landscape, was the intellectual force behind eugenics. Its impact on American racial thought was explicit, and its consequences enduring. And its application to black Americans was neither accidental nor indirect. But because he was not a scientist and because his ideas may have been publicly distasteful to some, Grant is often cast as an outsider compared with more "mainstream" eugenicists like Charles Davenport or Harry Laughlin. To the contrary, Davenport and Grant were close allies in the movement, both socially and politically. Davenport worked with Grant on anti-immigrant campaigns and Grant was a funder of and a fundraiser for Davenport's work at Cold Spring Harbor, introducing him to the New York City social fundraising circuit, where, historian Elazar Barkan notes, "bigotry and racism was a popular recreation."
In addition to the exhibition and booth presentations at the congress, 108 papers were presented during the six-day meeting. Presentations were given on a wide variety of subjects, ranging from "The Effects of Inbreeding on Guinea Pigs," presented by Sewell Wright, a leading geneticist, to a paper titled "Individual and Racial Inheritance of Musical Traits" by Carl E. Seashore of the National Research Council. Many of the event's papers confirm that eugenics was not just about race in the context of immigration. These presentations, like many of the booth exhibits, highlighted the emerging new language of a genetic racial science, specifically as it would apply to black Americans. And while many of the papers dealt generally with the race concept, almost 10 percent dealt in a direct way with black-white differences.
R. Bennett Bean, a leading anatomist and physical anthropologist at the University of Virginia, who made seeking to quantify black-white differences in physiognomy his life's work, presented a talk titled "Notes on the Body Form of Man." Bean had published widely on the nature of the relationship between the physical and mental inferiority of black Americans for several decades. Trained at Johns Hopkins under the leading anatomist Franklin Mall, Bean quickly established himself as a leading authority of black and white anatomical differences and published widely on the subject. Through a series of papers during the first decade of the twentieth century, Bean argued that black brain structure revealed significant differences between blacks and whites in cognitive ability. Bean believed that these differences made blacks and whites "fundamentally opposite extremes in evolution." _American Medicine_ , a leading medical journal, editorialized in support of Bean's thesis, writing that "no amount of training will cause that [black] brain to grow into the Anglo-Saxon form," and suggested that his studies proved "the anatomical basis for the complete failure of Negro schools to impart the higher studies." In 1909, Franklin Mall, Bean's medical school mentor, sought to verify Bean's measurements of black and white brains, and could find no significant differences between black and white brain structures. "I have now had considerable experience in the dissection of the Negro and have yet to observe that variations are more common in the Negro than in the white," Mall wrote in a rebuttal in the _American Journal of Anatomy_. Still, Bean's ideas about racialized anatomy quickly became the scientific and popular norm, while Mall's work had little impact.
In "Notes on the Body Form of Man," presented at the second congress, Bean compares stature and sitting height in groups he labeled American whites, Negroes, and Filipinos in an attempt to show a hierarchy of physical differences between races. According to Bean's data and analysis, blacks are consistently "discernible by reason of the lower index." Bean includes a long description of the striking physical differences between blacks and other groups and describes what he believes is "the true Negro," a person having "a shortened torso and relatively long legs." The data presented, however, do not represent this "true Negro," since "the records are of Africans with a large admixture of European blood." It is on this point, at the intersection of physiology and blood, that Bean's typology becomes eugenic in nature and is thus used to suggest the permanence of racial bloodlines.
Several other presentations at the congress offered fresh support for a geneticization of the black-white divide. The distinguished anthropologist E. A. Hooton presented a paper titled "Observations and Queries as to the Effect of Race Mixture on Certain Physical Characteristics." Hooton, who spent his entire teaching career at Harvard University and was associated, but never closely affiliated with, the eugenics movement, wrote about the morphological differences between major racial groups and "observed" the effects of racial hybridization in crosses between blacks and whites. "Distribution and Increase of Negroes in the United States," by W. F. Willcox, an economics professor at Cornell, and "The Problem of Negro-White Intermixture and Intermarriage," by Frederick Hoffman, an actuary for the Prudential Insurance Company of America and author of the racist tract _Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro_ , explored the demographic trends of African Americans. Willcox claimed in his essay that while in the South the birth rate for blacks exceeded their death rate, in the North the reverse was true. Thus, the increase in the northern black population was due entirely to immigration. Willcox believed that urbanization was killing America's blacks at a high rate, and that their rate of growth as a population would decline rapidly, to the point that "20,000,000 should be accepted as the maximum limit of the Negro population of the United States at the end of the century." Willcox's data and conclusions suggested, as did Hoffman's earlier conclusions in _Race Traits and Tendencies_ , that blacks as a group were deteriorating, or as Hoffman put it, "The colored race was on a downward grade," leading toward "extinction," a conclusion the distinguished sociologist and leader W. E. B. Du Bois called "absurd." This decline would be attributed, in both Willcox's and Hoffman's work, to biological, and not environmental factors.
In his speech opening the eugenics congress, Henry Osborn articulated the new scientific language of race and racism. Osborn expressed this emerging ideological consensus on race, saying, "The reason that these races are so stable and maintain their original character so stoutly is that the most stable form of matter which has thus far been discovered is the germ plasm on which heredity depends." Eugenic research throughout the 1920s continued to integrate this idea into its political advocacy, increasingly in the area of black-white difference. The language of science and the language of heredity were integrated into the American zeitgeist to become the intellectual justification behind the pernicious ideology of American racism. In the remainder of the 1920s, with eugenics at its most popular and powerful, the followers of the movement continued the work begun by Francis Galton in the 1860s. Charles Davenport, of course, led the way, helping to lay a foundation for a century of research into black-white differences by eugenicists and geneticists, as well as by other fields drawing on their scientific findings. While Galton laid out the theoretical basis for the relationship between heredity and black-white differences, Davenport developed methodologies to test and measure these differences.
Davenport's connection between his study of black-white differences and his involvement in this issue as a policy maker became only more pronounced during the 1920s. His research into black-white differences in Jamaica, for example, grew into an international research project that, in 1928, was published as _Race Crossing in Jamaica_. The work was funded by Wickliffe Draper, whose interest in racial science would, in the 1930s, grow into his founding of the Pioneer Fund, an organization that still funds racial research today. Davenport and other eugenicists would also continue to research other areas of black-white differences, including a study proposed by the National Research Council to look at the educability of black children as compared with white children by setting up "identical" but separate orphanages to test for racial difference.
The 1920s also saw the beginnings of a comprehensive response to racial science by geneticists, biologists, and anthropologists, as well as by social scientists, who would come to play an increasingly important role in developing research in support of or, alternatively, in challenging the accuracy and assumptions of racial science. At the National Research Council of the National Academies, a series of committees were formed to study race that today provide insight into the evolving race concept and the scientists deeply involved in negotiating its meanings. It is also in these committees that we can see the deepening of eugenicists' interest in the nature of the social and biological differences between blacks and whites, an interest that had been overshadowed by eugenics' attention to immigration and ethnicity.
**4**
**THE NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL AND THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RACE**
The final report of the Joint Commission on Racial Problems capped more than a decade of efforts by the National Research Council of the National Academy of Sciences to grapple with the scientific and sociological meanings of race in America. In his final report in 1931, committee chairman and Columbia University psychologist Robert S. Woodworth described a plan to build racial orphanages to study the biological, psychological, and sociological meanings of race in controlled environments. According to the report, this "comprehensive study of child development in different races would be an important contribution to the study of race differences." The orphanages, one white and one black, would provide an "excellent environment, with opportunities for scientific study, organized to receive a sample of negro children, for example, soon after birth, and to retain them for several years at least." Though this study was never funded, it is not coincidental that at the same time the notorious "Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male" was in its earliest stages (interestingly, a small study in England in the 1970s found that black and white children raised together in an orphanage did, in fact, have different outcomes in IQ scores—the black children's mean IQ was slightly higher). Both studies assumed significant roles for federally sponsored science and both assumed that traits unique to blacks and whites were worthy of study and expense.
During the 1920s the National Research Council convened, in Washington, D.C., a series of investigatory committees to study the biological and social aspects of race difference in the United States and sponsored research to that effect. Beginning with the Committee on Race Characters in 1921 and ending with the Committee on Racial Problems in 1928, four separate National Research Council (NRC) committees brought together prominent geneticists, biologists, eugenicists, anthropologists, psychologists, medical doctors, and others to explore the impact of human difference on the United States' social, political, and economic systems. While the racial groups studied by the NRC changed over the course of the decade (a shift from European ethnics to African Americans), an interest in the way human difference was shaping 1920s America remained strong throughout.
At the outset of the 1920s, the Committee on Race Characters studied the assimilation of European immigrants into American society. In 1921, Clark Wissler, an anthropologist at the American Museum of Natural History in New York and a member of the Committee on Race Characters, wrote in urgent support of funding NRC projects in this area "since the most complex situation confronting our nation today is the assimilation and Americanization of the large and diverse racial groups now present in our population." The Committee on Racial Problems focused instead on race as primarily an issue of black-white differences. This evolution, from the study of white ethnics to blacks, from concerns about immigration's impact on the racial character of the United States to concerns over a demographically changing African American population, is unmistakable when examining the NRC committees' records and indicates both the shifting priorities of a changing nation and continued attention to long-standing antiblack prejudices.
The biological and sociological assumptions about racial difference that drove the work of the NRC race committees during the 1920s were not the only efforts to pathologize black Americans, nor were eugenic and other scientific manifestations of racial science the only components of white supremacist thought. Sociologists and other social scientists also developed nonbiological rationales for the inferiority of African Americans and other racial groups. For example, social scientists claimed the black personality to be damaged, a theory embraced by both sides of the political spectrum. On the one hand, as historian Daryl Michael Scott argues, conservatives utilized findings of a damaged black psychology to "justify exclusionary policies and to explain the dire conditions under which many black people live." On the other hand, liberals "seeking to manipulate white pity...used damage imagery primarily to justify policies of inclusion and rehabilitation."
Racist cultural depictions of African Americans also fueled the belief that they were not fit for citizenship. In the early decades of the twentieth century, literary and cinematic nostalgia for the plantation South helped popularize derogatory images of African Americans. For example, Thomas Dixon's novels, which included the best-selling _The Clansman_ , surely reflected and influenced many whites' views of blacks. _The Clansman_ , later made into D. W. Griffith's 1915 film _Birth of a Nation_ , according to historian Philip Dray, "combined technical and artistic brilliance with a controversial rendering of Reconstruction that rehashed many of the most enduring and painful Southern myths about black Americans." President Woodrow Wilson, who had federalized Jim Crow segregation during his administration, hosted both Dixon and Griffith as guests at the White House to screen the film.
African American intellectuals were prominent among those who responded to the growing chorus of racist thinking and action at this time. This same period saw the formation of civil rights groups, including the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) (1909) and the National Urban League (1910). African American intellectuals played a prominent role in responding to antiblack attacks. Kelly Miller, dean of Howard University in Washington, D.C., in response to Thomas Dixon's popular antiblack tirade _The Leopard's Spots: A Romance of the White Man's Burden, 1865–1900_ , asserted the common humanity of all peoples, writing that "since civilization is not an attribute of the color of skin, or curl of hair, or curve of lip, there is no necessity for changing such physical peculiarities."
The attention to black-white differences by eugenicists and the consequent changes to ideas about race and black-white differences occurred at a time of considerable upheaval in African American history. A eugenic position on racial matters must be seen in this context. When the historian Rayford Logan wrote in 1957 that the time from the end of the nineteenth century through World War I was "the nadir" of race relations in the United States, he was referring to the disenfranchisement of African Americans across the American South, the rise of the Jim Crow system of segregation, an escalation in racial violence against African Americans, including lynching and race riots, and the migrations of more than one million blacks out of the South and into segregated northern cities. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were difficult and changing times for African Americans and for America's racial mores more generally. Writing in 1920, at the end of this period, a frustrated W. E. B. Du Bois lamented that "instead of standing as a great example of the success of democracy and human brotherhood America has taken her place as an awful example of its pitfalls and failures, so far as the black and brown and yellow peoples are concerned." The advent of Jim Crow laws across the American South in the 1890s institutionalized white supremacy, effectively nullifying whatever progress had been made toward racial reconciliation during the era of post–Civil War Reconstruction.
Huge demographic shifts also affected African American communities and their relationship with fellow citizens. In all, from the turn of the century through the beginning of World War II, more than one million African Americans moved out of the Deep South. Historian Nell Painter writes that the movement of blacks from South to North during the early twentieth century represented "both immigration and freedom" to African Americans. For those who wanted a life other than Jim Crow's, change brought with it hope, but not always opportunity. And this Great Migration from South to North, from rural to urban, from the Deep South to the upper South, and from farmland to industrial, would come to have an important impact on the nation's racial calculus as formerly disenfranchised southern blacks gained the vote in their new northern homes. These migrations surely forced the federal government to take new notice of the black community and helped lay a foundation for a civil rights movement for African Americans.
The National Academies took careful note of this demographic shift and other phenomena it believed fell under the rubric of racial research, and it assigned a committee to investigate their impacts on "interbreeding" between whites and blacks, the fertility rates of black-white racial crosses, the birth rates and death rates of these crosses, and the variables that might be influencing the results.
THE COMMITTEES' WORK
The NRC was an ideal institution for the bold and large-scale studies that would be proposed, and in some cases funded, through its various committees on race. As a division of the National Academy of Sciences (NAS), the NRC shared in its scientific prestige and benefited from its political muscle. The NRC had its origins in 1916 when the NAS helped coordinate nongovernmental scientific and technical resources with military agencies as the United States prepared for entry into World War I. As early as 1863, the Civil War had "brought about the organization of the National Academy for the assistance of the Government." A May 11, 1919, executive order by President Woodrow Wilson officially incorporated the National Research Council as a division of the NAS. The articles of organization of the NRC state its purpose as follows: "To promote research in the mathematical, physical and biological sciences, and in the application of these sciences to engineering, agriculture, medicine and other useful arts, with the object of increasing knowledge, of strengthening the national defense, and of contributing in other ways to the public welfare." In addition to its study sections and committees, postdoctoral fellowships and grant funding helped round out the work of the NRC. Between 1919 and 1933 the NRC funded approximately 850 fellows.
The work of the NRC was underwritten both by government funds and by significant monies from the Carnegie and Rockefeller foundations, institutions that also funded eugenics and other forms of racial science at the time. As historian Roger Geiger has noted, these relationships underscored the NRC's role as the nexus "for private, elite authority over American science in the 1920s." To this group—a gathering of "the elite of American science, the heads of the philanthropic world, research directors and corporate leaders of the major research-based firms of the day, and certain key figures from public life"—the direction of American science under the administration of the NRC was entrusted.
The importance of philanthropy to eugenics was recognized in the earliest days of the movement. Just after the turn of the century the Harriman estate was the first to fund Charles Davenport's exploits at Cold Spring Harbor. At a 1914 conference sponsored by the Kellogg family, the relationship between philanthropy and eugenics was highlighted. At the conference, Leon J. Cole, a geneticist at the University of Wisconsin, presented a paper with the title "Biological Eugenics: Relation of Philanthropy and Medicine to Race Betterment" that called for special study of "what medicine and philanthropy are doing for the race" and endorsed studying this research problem "from our knowledge of general biological laws." Cole, in whose name an endowed chair lives on at the University of Wisconsin, recognized the importance of philanthropy in furthering the integration of eugenics into the American landscape. And while he understood that "it might seem odd that philanthropy and medicine should be classed together," he believed that they had the following in common: "The one tends to relieve the want, the other the suffering, and both often to prolong the life of the recipient."
The Carnegie Institution's interest in issues of race and eugenics dated back to the turn of the century. Davenport's first major eugenic project, the Station for Experimental Evolution at Cold Spring Harbor, also known as the Department of Experimental Biology of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, received the foundation's financial largesse and institutional support beginning in 1903. In 1913, the Carnegie Institution published Davenport's first book on black-white differences, _Heredity of Skin Color in Negro-White Crosses_. Finally, the Carnegie Institution funded the Eugenics Record Office, for which Carnegie provided $474,014 for its operating budget between 1918 and 1939.
At the turn of the century, knowledge was quickly becoming, like land and capital, an important resource in the American economy. The Rockefeller and Carnegie foundations both backed the development of racial science through what historian Ellen Lagemann has called "the politics of knowledge." Through their ability to "exercise significant influence on decisions about public problems," determining how and what information "experts would communicate with nonexperts," and by controlling "who could and would gain entrance to the knowledge-producing elites that emerged and proliferated as the United States became a more nationally and bureaucratically organized society," in Lagemann's analysis, wealthy foundations became a vehicle to "define, develop, and distribute knowledge."
While the foundations benefited many, there were also those who expressed concern about concentrating control of knowledge in the hands of a few powerful groups. Much in the same way that monopolies in the production and distribution of oil and steel were attacked, critics also assailed the construction of "cultural empires" in the world of ideas. Still others have suggested that philanthropy has been the "American equivalent of socialism," intending to relieve class tension. In the case of eugenics and the funding of racial science, however, the impetus was less about relieving class and racial tensions than about solidifying them.
It should come as no surprise then that having played such a significant part in the development of eugenics, these foundations, especially Carnegie, both believed in and sought to preserve white supremacy. The funding of eugenics and other racial scientific initiatives through the NRC was a significant way for foundations to support and bolster this point of view. Beginning in 1917 the Carnegie Corporation provided significant grants toward NRC activities. In August of 1919, the Carnegie Corporation approved a $5 million grant to be a permanent guarantee of income "for general expenses [that] would make the Council a going concern, and enable it to secure additional contributions." That same year the Rockefeller Foundation promised $500,000 for five years for postdoctoral awards funded from the NRC.
The Division of Anthropology and Psychology, formed in October 1919, undertook all racial research at the NRC during the 1920s. In a description of the NRC's mission, the Division of A&P (as it is referred to in NRC correspondence), was directed to coordinate the research activities at the NRC in related fields, to train students in these fields, to foster research in anthropology and psychology, and to "act in an advisory capacity on research projects within our fields, when such counsel is requested by duly constituted agencies." That racial research took place under the direction of this division rather than the Division of Biology and Agriculture seems meaningful only in the context of the research generated by the two committees: the Division of Biology and Agriculture, organized officially in 1919, grew out of an NRC committee on agriculture, and thus most of its research was focused on agricultural biology. Research in marine biology, as well as a project on radiation biology, also fell under the aegis of the Division of Biology and Agriculture, whereas human biological and sociological research fell under the control of the Committee on A&P.
It would not be fair to conclude that the racial research projects at the NRC during the 1920s themselves altered the ways in which scientists and the public understood the biology of human difference. Indeed, the committees' work more likely reflected a growing consensus among mainstream scientists that genetics and biology could be used to test prevailing social ideas about difference. However, that this line of work took place under the imprimatur of the National Academies certainly amplified its impact for three reasons: because of the National Academies' status in American science and politics, because the NRC committees funded racial scientific research, and because the NRC became a hothouse for emerging ideas in the area of racial science throughout the decade.
Two A&P committees focused on the study of race in America during the first half of the 1920s: the Committee on Race Characters and the Committee on Human Migration. In 1923 A. E. Jenks, the chairman of the Committee on Race Characters and a professor of anthropology at the University of Minnesota, wrote to Robert M. Yerkes on Yerkes's acceptance of membership on the committee. Yerkes, a comparative psychologist, is best remembered for his primatology research and for the development of U.S. Army mental tests used "for the classification of men in order that they may be properly placed in the military service." Although the army limited its use of the tests after World War I, this testing was a watershed, opening the door to mass IQ testing in schools and business and shifting the public's perception to one that embraced such testing as an accurate measurement of innate intelligence. The army tests were used in defense of racial segregation and were also cited in support of immigration restriction in the early 1920s.
In his letter to Yerkes, Jenks identified the "need for scientific knowledge (about races) for the benefit of the national strength and well-being," and believed that his committee was poised to "make contributions" toward that end. Jenks offered his a priori assessment of racial difference to Yerkes, admitting that he believed "the so-called races greatly differ" in ways that were primarily genetic in origin. Jenks also did not identify specific racial groups in his assessment of group difference. Rather, he was interested, as the committee's funding patterns would later show, in a general understanding of the racial matters of the nation. Jenks outlined six "measurable matters" by which races differed: (1) "physically as breeding animals, due to gametic differences"; (2) "physically in susceptibility to certain diseases"; (3) "temperamentally, due, perhaps, to differences of balance between the action of the glands of internal secretions"; (4) "psychically in pathologic reactions, due originally, perhaps, to unhappy racial experiences"; (5) "both physically and psychically in capacities and attitudes...due to heredity, and to geographic, human and cultural environment, etc."; and (6) "in America, psychically in instinctive and often also in deliberate racially-normal reactions to many fundamental phases of characteristic American life, due to such varied things as history, content of education, ideals, etc."
While Jenks's description of the nature of race difference offered a variety of explanations, ultimately it was biological and genetic reasons that would receive the most attention by the committee. In the foreword to the committee's "Research Outline" of 1923, the committee laid out its goal: "It should be the purpose of racial researchers to arrive at the facts as to the existing race traits, to measure the traits of each race studied so that in due time it may be known what characteristic strengths and weaknesses for America the various races possess." Furthermore, the committee acknowledged that until this point, "though races are exhibited before all eyes, they are not defined scientifically, but almost entirely subjectively....The result is much confusion, disagreement and often bitterness."
The committee outlined six research projects, based primarily on the recommendations of Paul Popenoe, to begin the scientific study of race difference. The proposed studies, "Study of Normal Race Traits in a Selected Few Races," "Typical Pure-Blood Races for Research," "Other Pure-Blood Groups," "Mixed-Blood Groups," "The Old-Line American Groups," "The Negro," and "The Assembling of Existing Race Data," complemented each other in an attempt to examine a range of races from an "unbiased observation of facts, from the presentation of the facts in unevasive language without exaggeration or argument, and from the inevitable conclusions to be drawn from the facts." The proposed studies were organized to examine race traits as distinctly physical, intellectual, moral, and social entities. Because the studies were based on the idea that races shared bloodlines, the methodology suggests that the traits under study were hereditary (through genes) in origin. The committee's report implies as much, stating that "it is the intention in these studies of the normal race traits to produce model studies in race traits, and also in human heredity."
The studies also reveal a great deal about how race was defined in the early 1920s. Pure-blood races included "the Mexican race," "the south Italian race," the Russian Jewish race," and "the Finnish race," while unidentified mixed-blood groups were considered a by-product of racial "hybridization" that in America "is going on in larger and more complex way[s] than elsewhere in the world." The project on "The Negro" acknowledged only a cursory understanding of individuals grouped under that racial banner. Its proposal, for example, stated that "no race group is less authentically and commonly understood in America than the Negro." Project organizers also expressed interest in studying what it called the three classes of blacks: "those of pure African descent," those who shared "Negro and general white ancestry" ("those commonly known as mulattoes"), and "those of accurately ascertained bi-racial parentage—as Negro X Chinese, Negro X Indian, Negro X Swede." The distinction made between mulattoes and biracial blacks would suggest that in the early 1920s race and nationality, at least for the time being, were one and the same.
Nowhere is eugenics mentioned in these proposals. However, the research clearly followed a eugenic paradigm for racial studies, suggesting that eugenic ideas were, in fact, barely indistinguishable from mainstream studies of race. That so many of the scientists involved in the NRC race committees were themselves eugenicists or displayed eugenic leanings suggests that eugenics was an adjunct to most fields in the natural and social sciences. The work of the NRC race committees, their research proposals, funding patterns, and committee composition support eugenics as much more than just a complement to modern anthropological and biological thought. Indeed, eugenic views of race defined how difference was studied at this time. Evidence from the NRC committees illustrates how the role of eugenics was much more fundamental to the 1920s era of racial studies—including anthropology—than has been previously acknowledged. Other books have limited or overlooked the role of eugenics in the construction of racial thought in the United States. This is due, it seems, to the way scholars have previously defined the eugenical impact on racial studies; that is, as a political program that sought to guide human evolution through reproductive and immigration restrictions rather than as a scientific worldview that helped to define the way in which human difference was viewed, studied, and politicized.
Despite the Committee on Race Characters' far-reaching set of research goals, as of 1923 its projects had received no funding. To address this shortcoming, the NRC established the Committee on the Scientific Problems of Human Migration, with Yerkes as its chair. A small grant of $5,000 from the Russell Sage Foundation helped the committee prepare its work, which was loosely defined as the "formulation of a research program on problems of immigration." Subsequent grants, totaling $145,910, funded the work of the committee through 1928, when it was discharged. The Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial funded all but $10,000 of the committee's work. Like the Committee on Race Characters, this new NRC committee advocated the importance of a scientific understanding of racial difference, but did so explicitly within the context of race intermixture or racial amalgamation.
The committee claimed that through vigorous scientific research it could "check the premature, shortsighted, impressionistic, and dangerous speculations of certain publicists" on the matter of the biology of race. The targets of such comments were popular writers like Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard, whose best-selling books gained notoriety during this period for their racist assertions concerning the nature of racial differences. It is interesting that many of the members of the committee were avowed eugenicists, including most prominently Charles Davenport. That Davenport and other eugenicists issued such a strong statement against racist popularizers seems hypocritical, especially given the intellectual and institutional cover eugenicists like Davenport and Henry Osborn gave to men like Stoddard and Grant throughout their careers. Nonetheless, it was in the interest of academics like Davenport and Yerkes to distance themselves from such extremists when it was expedient, especially if it was done to attract foundation funds and federal dollars to what they wanted to be perceived as legitimate scientific research.
The approach of this committee to the study of the relationship between immigration and race is recorded in fascinating detail in the transcripts of a one-day conference held on the subject of "racial intermixture" February 17, 1923. Among the participants were the psychologist Raymond Dodge, eugenicist and biologist Charles Davenport, geneticist Raymond Pearl, psychologist Robert Yerkes, embryologist Frank Lillie, biologist Samuel J. Holmes, and anthropologist Clark Wissler. The composition of the committee, leaning heavily toward the biological and genetic, again illustrates how questions of race under the NRC A&P banner were framed, in large part, in a biological context. Also of importance from this conference was that despite the committee's intended focus on general race questions, most of its discussion concerned black-white differences.
The three most significant pieces of the committee's discussion are the seeds of what would become Charles Davenport's _Race Crossing in Jamaica_ ; a detailed outline of Raymond Pearl's studies of race in Baltimore; and a proposal to "carefully prepare and present to the Secretary of Commerce a plan for the alteration and improvement of the tabulation and publication of the fundamental records of births and deaths of this country, to the end that the splendid mass of material which exists and is constantly accruing may be utilized for biological study." The group discussed how "mental, temperamental, and behavior differences in races is particularly important in estimating the effects of race intermixture." The committee acknowledged that "the fundamental problems of race intermixture are not different in principle from those of any other aspect of human inheritance," and that "the entire subject of genetics must be made to contribute its results." Interest in black-white race mixture was justified because it was "the most conspicuous instance of race intermixture in America." The committee recognized that despite "practically no Negro immigration at the present time," "secondary migration" of African Americans "within the nation, as from country to town, from South to North, etc.," could have an impact on the American racial landscape. One committee member, considering this matter urgent, believed that black and white migration from the rural South to the urban South and North would "tend to increase race mixture. The more you get the blacks diluted among the whites, the more there will be this crossing going on."
One of the most interesting passages from the conference transcript comes from Charles Davenport, who, in the first decade of the twentieth century, had published several books and papers on the subject of race and went so far as to suggest that "as the term is employed by geneticists," racial groups "may be said to belong to different elementary species." Yet at the 1923 conference meeting, Davenport instead argued that "pure races do not occur in human beings," and even suggested an alternative definition—a segregate group—for some human populations. A segregate group, rather than a racial group, would have experienced "more out-crossing" and "less endogamy," which, in turn, makes it a "less pure race." Davenport characterized the populations of central Europe, for example, as largely a segregate group rather than a racial one. And although Davenport did not believe that in the wake of immigration "races are going to become altogether extinct and that all mankind will become mixed in one homogenous group," his ideas of segregate populations seemed to anticipate the emergence of the idea of ethnicity as a category that would gradually supersede race for European immigrants to the United States.
As far as the biological effects of racial intermixture, Davenport advocated for investigations into physical, temperamental, and mental differences produced by racial amalgamation. He was concerned specifically about segregate groups arising from black and white mixture, noting that "we see the defects in the mixture of the Negro-white—the offspring often have the push and determination of the white but the intelligence of the Negro; they are dissatisfied with themselves and with the world; they do not have ability to better their conditions." At the conference, in order to study these effects, Davenport suggested Jamaica and Bermuda as potential locales with accessible "records of white-Negro matings." Davenport would spend much of the rest of the decade collecting data and developing theories about the nature of black-white interbreeding in his work on race crossing in Jamaica.
Raymond Pearl, the prominent Johns Hopkins School of Public Health biostatistician and geneticist, was a major beneficiary of the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration's generosity. Pearl's studies of what he called "racial pathology (as indicated in colored and white) from the autopsy and clinical records of the Johns Hopkins Hospital" were funded by the committee. The committee funded Pearl's study for a year in the amount of $6,000 beginning in July 1923. Seeking to investigate links between the "nature, degree, and etiology of lesions, weight of organs, clinical history, etc., in relation to race, especially European and American stocks, and the Negro," Pearl's research program produced eight papers on three topics related to race pathology: race and alcoholism, race and cancer, and race and tuberculosis.
Pearl was an aberration in the eugenics movement: he was one of the first dues-paying members of the Eugenics Research Association, a member of Davenport's inner circle, and his work provided more mainstream "evidence" for scientific racism. Yet Pearl sometimes publicly opposed racism, worked with NAACP president Walter White, and, at times, opposed the eugenics movement itself. Among Pearl's papers are two sets of surviving correspondence with White: a friendly exchange in 1933 in which White asked Pearl to serve on a committee studying Harlem Hospital, and a letter to White from Pearl relaying the results of a study he was about to present at the American Association of Physical Anthropologists showing that "innate fertility" between blacks and whites "appears to be identical." Pearl's opposition to eugenics was rooted not in its core canon but in what he believed was its sometimes inappropriate scientific claims. Thus, his opposition to eugenics as science could exist alongside his own personal racism and anti-Semitism. Pearl believed that eugenics was a social movement, but believed genetics to be an academic discipline. This would account for Pearl's pressure on the committee to develop better methods to study human diversity.
Rankled by the methods and conclusions of some eugenics research as early as 1922, Pearl dismissed Charles Davenport's research on the matter of racial hybridization. In November 1922, Pearl responded to a letter from Yerkes seeking his analysis of a paper published by Davenport in 1917 titled "The Effects of Race Intermingling." Yerkes asked Pearl whether he thought Davenport's conclusion in this paper—that racial hybrids result in "bad hereditary combinations"—was accurate. "I think the statement of Davenport's which you quote," countered Pearl, "actually rests upon very little except _a priori_ reasoning." In a follow-up letter, Yerkes notes that he "had the feeling as I read Davenport's article that he was expressing wishes rather than facts." Pearl's very public break with the eugenics movement came in 1927. In an article published in H. L. Mencken's magazine _American Mercury_ , Pearl attacked who he believed to be the scientific charlatans who had filled the study of genetics and human differences with "emotional appeals to class and race prejudices, solemnly put forth as science, and unfortunately accepted as such by the general public." Pearl also bemoaned the propaganda and scientific "phases" of the study of human traits as "almost inextricably confused so that the literature of eugenics has largely become a mingled mess of ill-grounded and uncritical" study.
Yet despite his role as the curmudgeon of the eugenics movement, his sometimes public opposition to the class and racial presumptions of eugenics, and his insistence on improving the methods of eugenic study, Pearl's work would strengthen and further the cause of racial science. In the late 1920s, for example, Pearl published a series of seminal articles in _The Archives of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine_ about pathology and race difference. In those articles on necropsy studies on cancer patients in Baltimore County, Pearl's data shows that cancer rates are higher in whites compared with blacks and that "the susceptibility to malignancy of the different organ systems of the body is a more diffuse and widely scattered phenomenon in the white race than it is in the colored." From this data Pearl concluded that "malignancy is, in certain respects, a different condition in the white race from what it is in the colored race," thus reinforcing the popular notion that black and white biology were fundamentally different. Pearl did not always think this way. Just a year earlier, in 1927, Pearl believed it "possible that these differences in the biologic and physical environment play a significant part in determining the observed differences in cancer incidence in these two broad racial groups. The main point to be kept in mind for the present is that the evidence so far reviewed permits no final conclusion as to whether the greater susceptibility of the whites than of the colored to cancer finds its origin in inherited racial differences, or in purely environmental differences."
His data on the "site of primary carcinomas" show that "what cancer colored persons have tends to appear primarily either in the alimentary tract or in the reproductive organs, and not in the other organ systems, more constantly and regularly than is the case with white people." This led Pearl to a curious conclusion: "White people are further along on the evolutionary pathway in respect to cancer than the Negro." To come to this conclusion Pearl would have had to believe the following: cancers of the alimentary tract and reproductive organs (more prevalent in blacks) were somehow more primitive, and, therefore, the sites of cancers in whites somehow represented an evolutionary advance. In a paper called "Evolution and Mortality," also published in 1928, Pearl compared "biologically classifiable deaths" over four years between humans in London, England, and São Paulo, Brazil, and between reptiles, birds, and mammals at the London Zoological Garden. Here he found confirmation of his cancer-evolutionary hypothesis. Regardless of whether the data showed an increase or a decrease in death rate by organ system between lower and higher order of animals, Pearl concluded that this represented an evolutionary advancement. And he placed this in a racial context by "showing" that the causes of death by organ system in men in São Paulo (whom he calls a more primitive population, "from both a general evolutionary viewpoint and from that of public health and sanitation, than that of England and Wales") fit nicely between the men of London ("a high product of human evolution") and lower order animals.
Given Pearl's membership on the committee, it should come as no surprise that careful attention to methods was part of the group's work. An important item from the proceedings of the committee was its focus on the need for "improvement in method, devising and perfecting tools for the solution of the problems" related to migration and race. In its various proceedings the committee recommended careful attention to investigating methodological issues, primarily those related to deficiencies in the biological and psychological study of race and migration. At the committee's 1923 conference, Pearl spoke of the importance of refining methods of studying race, stating that "whatever problem we undertake, or the committee undertakes, must be studied either with already existing materials of a statistical character, or else it must be done with materials yet to be collected. It is not easy to get really critical material on these problems."
Of the sixteen projects funded by the committee between 1923 and 1926, almost all of them sought to improve the epistemological approach to the study of race. Among the committee's priorities in this area were the consideration of what qualitative characters were needed in the study of physical inheritance, and what race stocks would be "readily accessible" for experimentation. Also, the committee hoped to develop methods to better understand "human inheritance through the study of family strains." Attention to psychometric methods also furthered racial studies. Grantees sought to develop an "effective means of measuring mental, motor, and emotional traits." The application of this information to race crossing was considered a priority. Among the studies funded supporting these lines of research were Joseph Peterson's "Comparative Psychological Study of Negroes and Whites" (funded between 1924 and 1927) and Carl Brigham's "Internationalizing or Universalizing Mental Measurements" (funded between 1923 and 1926). Finally, Clark Wissler's "Behavior of Physical Traits in Race Intermixture" (funded between 1923 and 1926) was designed to perfect a technique for the "study of human physical traits in pure and mixed groups and to measure the physical characteristics of Negroes, Indians, Japanese, Hawaiians, Whites, and crosses."
That committee members sought to develop methodologically sound studies for "estimating the effects of race intermixture" in an attempt to distinguish their brand of racial science from years of work by eugenicists in the same area seems a moot point given the committee's makeup; nearly all committee members were eugenicists in some form, and Davenport was the titular head of the movement. But their desire to develop scientifically rigorous methods was more than just political and scientific expedience (though this was certainly part of their calculus). It would seem that committee members were genuinely interested in refining the biological and psychological study of race. We see this in the nature of the studies funded by the committee and the papers published as a result of this research, and we see this in the discussions, correspondence, and reports of the committee. Ultimately, the focus on methodology illustrates the ways in which these NRC committees were part of the scientific reimagination of race differences during this time.
In addition to shaping debates on race and immigration, the work of these NRC committees on race matters during the 1920s also had a lasting effect on the methods utilized in some disciplines of the social and natural sciences. Raymond Pearl's work, for example, was part of a larger trend in demography that sought to develop a more robust understanding of the changing nature of populations. Additionally, the work of Clark Wissler and other committee members had a marked impact on the field of human intelligence testing. In his final report of the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, Wissler outlined what he considered the many achievements of the committee's research program: "a series of tests to minimize language handicaps in mental measurements; a special group of tests for rating and analyzing mechanical aptitude; some fundamental pioneering in the analysis of personality...; an attempt to reach the fundamental psycho-neural responses...; an effort to develop an approach to organic differences in peoples through data as to pathology; and an attempt to test out qualitative anthropometric characters as a method in the analysis of mixed races."
During the second half of the 1920s two new committees took over the mantle of racial research at the NRC—the Committee on the Study of the American Negro and the Committee on Racial Problems. In these new committees, the NRC shifted resources toward what it called the study of the Negro. This should not, however, belie the fact that the work of both the Committee on Race Characters and the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration had already garnered significant NRC resources toward the study of African Americans. The work of these two committees provided the groundwork for some of the most influential work on race during the 1920s and for the work of the subsequent Committee on the Study of the American Negro and the Committee on Racial Problems. Indeed, research focused specifically on the study of African Americans and on race in a black-white context reflected the NRC's ongoing commitment to race.
**5**
**COLORING RACE DIFFERENCE**
**B** y the middle of the 1920s, the National Research Council's (NRC) race committees had transitioned from the study of white ethnics to the study of black-white differences, resulting in the formation of the Committee on the Study of the American Negro. In the wake of the anti-immigrant Johnson-Reed Act of 1924, which closed the door to new immigration, and growing concern over how a demographically changing African American population would impact American society, the NRC felt a need to understand the "vital statistics of the Negro population." Hence, it diverted the focus of its racial research to concentrate on issues related to American blacks. This new committee believed its scope of inquiry should "extend over all the biological and psychological aspects of the life of the full-blood Negro and of the mixed population."
The genesis of the NRC Committee on the Study of the American Negro seems to have been an October 1925 letter to G. M. Stratton, then the chairman of the Division of Anthropology and Psychology, from Robert Terry, a professor of anatomy at the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis. Terry was a participant in several NRC race-related committees during the 1920s. As a physical anthropologist of some renown, he contributed to the debates on race through what he believed to be a "problem fundamental to the studies of the colored population of the United States: the physical constitution of the American Negro." In his letter, Terry judges that "there is no more serious work to undertake than the study of the colored races under our government," and that "there will be everlasting regret if the problems of the colored races are not taken up seriously and vigorously now." Terry, fearful that miscegenation would somehow deprive researchers of an understanding of the "colored races," hoped that the NRC would initiate research in the areas of "vital statistics of the Negro population," "the reproductive period in the American Negro woman," and the "study of somatological variation" among American blacks.
A January 1926 letter to Stratton from A. E. Jenks outlined a genetically minded rationale for shifting resources to the study of black Americans. In his letter, Jenks expressed "hearty agreement with Dr. Terry's suggestion for study of the Negro." Jenks offered three reasons that reflected the continued impact of eugenic views of human difference on America's racial debates: first, he suggested "there is the general opinion that such persons [African Americans] are less fit than the remainder of the nation" and that this was a problem unique to America (excepting "the newer governments in South Africa"); second, the populations of what he considered both pure and mixed blacks were in sufficient numbers to "secure the most convincing sets of data"; and, third, "while all our so-called racial groups should be studied, the 'Negro' is evidently hereditarily less like the large numbers of white groups than those white groups are like one another, so a comprehensive study of the Negro would probably contribute distinctly toward a knowledge of so-called hereditary race characters more than would an equally comprehensive study of some one white group."
Yet despite the eugenic influences behind the formation of the committee, the membership of the group reflected a diversity of opinions on matters of race. After all, antiracist and antieugenicist Franz Boas and the racist and eugenicist Charles Davenport were both members of the committee. Committee members also included E. A. Hooton, Aleš Hrdlička, T. Wingate Todd, and R. S. Woodworth. Furthermore, the committee sought to complement its work on this subject in the natural sciences with the expertise of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC). Correspondence from the committee recognized the SSRC's expertise as "indispensible," "since the biological characteristics of man do not depend solely upon descent but also upon social environment." However, despite repeated attempts to nurture a collaboration between the two groups, no formal partnership was successfully developed between the NRC Committee on the Study of the American Negro and the SSRC.
While the stated goals of the committee included "acting as a fact-finding, stimulative, and coordinating agency in the field of Negro research," it seems as if it accomplished little during its three-year existence. This failure seems due, in large part, to a "lack of funds for the prosecution of research." Only research that did not require financial support was undertaken by the committee, such as lists of universities and investigators that had research in progress on African Americans; a bibliography on research on African Americans; and the compilation of already existing vital statistics on African Americans.
The one considerable success of this committee's almost three years of work was the "Conference on Racial Differences" held at the National Academy in Washington, D.C., in February of 1928 under the joint auspices of the NRC and the Committee on Problems and Policies of the Social Science Research Council. The conference, "called to consider the coordination and facilitation of research on problems of racial differences and racial changes," focused its efforts on "the Negro and the Immigrant in relation to whites and stocks of earlier introduction." It was a "who's who" of the natural and social scientists of the time. Among the twenty-five attendees were distinguished academics including Franz Boas, E. A. Hooten, Fay-Cooper Cole, Raymond Pearl, and Melville Herskovits; eugenicists such as Charles Davenport, Robert Terry, and T. Wingate Todd; and representatives from foundations such as W. W. Alexander from the SSRC, Leonard Outhwaite from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial, and Graham Taylor Jr. from the Commonwealth Fund.
The conference was organized as a series of discussions held over a two-day period. Among the topics discussed were methodological challenges to measuring intelligence, disease, pathology, and anatomy among and between racial groups; the scientific meaning, if any, of "race" itself; the characteristics of the "African" body type; the potential dangers of racial hybridization; the sociological nature of black culture; and the origin of racial attitudes and prejudices. The proceedings were generally cordial, although it is possible that the transcript of the event deadened striking disagreements between participants on a host of subjects. When disagreement did arise, discussion always seemed circumspect and respectful. It was indeed an academic affair. Yet, reading through the proceedings of the conference offers a unique window into how men of science were struggling to understand and shape a common definition of human difference and how, ultimately, this struggle helped to endow the term "race" with biological and genetic meaning.
Fay-Cooper Cole, an anthropologist at the University of Chicago, opened the proceedings with a discussion about the difficulties in studying and defining the term "race." Through his work on Asian Pacific cultures (in Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia), Cole was well aware of the methodological and practical challenges of using the term "race," and he shared these frustrations with the scholars gathered at the conference. Given Cole's wariness of the term "race" itself, it is interesting that he was chosen to open the proceedings, although no correspondence could be found that indicates that this was intentional one way or the other. Cole was particularly frustrated by two things: the fact that the term "race" was "frequently used in three or four ways in the same article" and that "while there is a great deal of confusion in the use of the word, apparently the general public thinks that those of us who are working in this field know what we mean by the term." Cole's candidness on this matter underscores the contradictions of even the most vehement proselytizers of the term and the word's biological meaning: that in private discussions among colleagues some scientists could admit to their misgivings about the idea of race but in public, be it in scientific journals or popular print, the meaning of race seemed unambiguous. It is surprising that Charles Davenport, whose public statements were among the most influential in garnering support for a biological and genetic view of race during the second and third decades of the twentieth century, could be circumspect in private about the meaning of human difference.
Boas, the third speaker of the conference, spoke about "Changes in Immigrants," a presentation that drew upon his well-known work in the area and concluded that "American-born descendants of immigrants differ in type from their foreign-born parents." He described his findings that anthropometric measurements such as head form, stature, and facial width, once believed to be fixed by heredity, could instead vary by environment. These findings were revolutionary in anthropology and would come to have a significant impact on racial thinking more generally. By showing that the environment mediated intergenerational difference among immigrants, Boas's work highlighted the importance of environmental factors in determining physical traits and challenged scientific theories about the permanence of racial traits.
Boas argued in his talk that heredity was not solely responsible for an individual's body type or phenotype. Instead, he believed that evidence showed that body type was influenced by both heredity _and_ environment. Boas, also wary of the methodological efficacy of "race" (like Fay-Cooper Cole), warned of the shortcomings of using race to study heredity in human populations. Boas reminded his fellow attendees that "race, as we use the term, is composed of a great many different family lines," and that in order to compare "a race in one environment with the same race in another social or geographical setting we must be certain that the same family lines are represented in both series." In other words, "races" were not useful to the study of human heredity because racial groups are made up of diverse "family lines" or subpopulations. Boas was one of the first scientists to recognize that skin color, despite being the definitive trait for a race, was just one of many traits that defined populations and thus made using racial groups highly problematic in the study of complex patterns of heredity and the relationship between heredity and environment.
Boas also articulated what would soon become recognized among population geneticists as a fatal flaw in applying the race concept to the study of human heredity: that "family lines in all so-called 'races' may be much more different among themselves than family lines that happen to belong to two different races." That Boas understood that populations within so-called races could be more dissimilar than populations between so-called races was an important intellectual jump in the long argument against racial thought, and Boas was among the first of a small group of scientists who began to apply this thinking to race in the 1920s and 1930s. Even as Davenport agreed with the spirit of Boas's misgivings about race, he remained opposed to the specifics of the new approach to human diversity as articulated by Boas. In Davenport's comments to Boas, he worried that the study of heredity was "even more complicated than he [Boas] has stressed," and that "part of the difficulty, I suppose, lies in the definition of race or type." Boas acknowledged his and Davenport's (as well as many of the other conference attendees') shared frustrations with "race," saying that "we both, I believe, wish to discard the term 'race' and lay stress upon the family lines." There is no recorded response by Davenport to this assertion in the conference proceedings.
Even with his reservations about the definition of race, ultimately Davenport believed in the concept, however muddled his approach. The differences between him and Boas, still to this day, generally define the lines along which racial and antiracial thinking persist: population versus typological thinking. The biologist Ernst Mayr frames the differences between the two men in this way: "All groupings of living organisms (including mankind) are populations that consist of uniquely different individuals....Populations differ from each other not by their essences but only by the mean differences of statistical populations. Population thinking is an entirely different way of thinking from typological or essentialistic thinking." Mayr tells us that for typologists, or essentialists, variety "consisted of a limited number of natural kinds (essences, types), each one forming a class, the components of which are essentially identical, constant, and sharply separated from the components of other such essences." Variation by this way of thinking is "non-essential and accidental." That is why a typologist looks at skin color and sees not only, for example, whiteness but also all the traits thought to be associated with that color. When it comes to differences in all species, a typologist does "not know how to deal with variation. This is particularly conspicuous in his treatment of the human races. For him, whites, blacks, Asians and so forth are types that invariably have certain racial characteristics." This is why in one breath Charles Davenport could agree with Boas that the definition of "race or type" caused biologists, geneticists, and anthropologists methodological difficulties, but in his next breath Davenport could ruminate on the specific effects racial hybridization would have on resulting generations.
It is fair to say that Mayr's creation of the antipodes of population versus typological thought had a much more complex and nuanced dynamic within the evolutionary sciences, including population genetics. Discussions about variation dating back to Darwin were central to arguments about evolution, and central to the emergence of the evolutionary synthesis in the 1930s. However, this does not contradict the way fairly fixed ideas about typology undergirded arguments about variation, particularly in humans, within the biological sciences during the first three decades of the twentieth century. It wasn't really until Theodosius Dobzhansky's work on the evolutionary synthesis that ideas about variation in human populations would become more integrated into a population genetics worldview.
Davenport's absolute adherence to typology without an understanding or application of population genetics to his work was quickly making him obsolete as a geneticist (although he managed to retain prominence as a eugenicist and some distinction as a geneticist into the early 1930s). Around him his field was quickly changing—his failure to completely embrace the chromosomal theory of heredity certainly did not help matters—as eugenical views of human and other organismal diversity were gradually being shown to be obsolete by work in the area of population genetics. During the 1920s geneticists Ronald A. Fisher, Sewell Wright, and J. B. S. Haldane, among others, developed the mathematic and theoretical foundations for the synthesis of Mendelism and Darwinism, and helped make a populationist view of organismal diversity possible.
However, even as geneticists and other scientists provided evidence that undermined racial typology, there were still those among this new breed who held fast to typological views of race. For example, R. A. Fisher's _The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection_ at once provided mathematic models undermining typology _and_ dedicated several chapters in this now classic genetics text to eugenics. Fisher's eugenic sentiments are unambiguous. "The most obvious requirement for a society capable of making evolutionary progress," he wrote in his classic text, "is that reproduction should be somewhat more active among its more successful, than among its less successful members." That Fisher could at once be the genius behind many of the mathematical models of modern population genetics and a eugenicist is in many ways similar to Raymond Pearl's contradictory relationship with eugenics. Fisher was sympathetic to the ideas and worldviews of the eugenicists, he just thought that the methodology underlying their theory was wrong. His daughter and biographer explained Fisher this way: he "could never let pass what he believed to be wrong reasoning. He was known on other occasions to argue the case, even with someone who produced a correct answer, if the reasoning on which it was based was not sound." Likewise, Edward East, the pioneering population biologist whose experimental work showed how Mendelian inheritance "could account for an almost continuous array of variation," also authored the racist tome _Mankind at the Crossroads_. In the chapter "Racial Prospects and Racial Dangers," East wrote in typological terms about the fixity of differences between black and white populations: "The Negro as a whole is possessed of undesirable transmissible qualities both physical and mental, which seem to justify not only a line but a wide gulf to be fixed permanently between it and the white race." According to the geneticist Bentley Glass, "No one went farther than East in lending his authority to racist and social prejudices." While this point is debatable—Davenport, after all, was also a classically trained geneticist who was a product of the same Harvard institute where East taught—East certainly was among the most prominent racists among the generation of geneticists who were helping to develop population genetics.
The contradictions and tensions between population thinkers and typologists were in evidence at the "Conference on Racial Differences," and the conference may be unique as the first forum where these opposing viewpoints were debated and divergent views on race were shared in such an intimate way. What seems so remarkable about the conference is that it seemed, intentionally or not, to set the parameters for the debate about the biological meaning of race for the remainder of the twentieth century. And not just in the simplistic population-versus-typological approach that so dominated the conference. What still seems striking today is that despite almost eighty years of science, the debate has changed so little.
In addition to Fay-Cooper Cole and Franz Boas, the populationist position was promoted by the anthropologist Melville Herskovits, a Boas acolyte and young assistant professor at Northwestern University, who spoke about "The Role of Social Selection in the Establishment of Physical Type." In describing the emerging opposition to the race concept, Herskovits said that "the existence of a group of such heterogeneous descent and termed 'Negro' is due to the fact that we have a social definition of the word Negro, and we do not have the same meaning in mind when we use the word as the anthropologist who does when he speaks of the African Negro." Herskovits also insisted that the social as well as the biological side of individuals must be recognized and studied. Yet despite Herskovits's place in the populationist camp, his conclusions were somewhat contradictory and illustrate how a populationist thinker could also embrace typological arguments. On the one hand, for example, Herskovits argued in _The American Negro: A Study in Race Crossing_ (published the same year as the conference) that race is a concept used "with amazing looseness" and recognized "how little we are able to define a word that has played such an important role in our political and social life." But Herskovits also believed that his data showed that the American Negro was "a homogeneous population group, more or less consciously consolidating and stabilizing" due to both legal (antimiscegenation statutes) and social (segregation and racism) pressures. Herskovits did not, however, take the step that a pure typologist would have: he specifically did not regard the American Negro as a new race, no matter that his data showed that the population was homogeneous. Indeed, at the end of _The American Negro_ Herskovits warned that to do so would be fallacious, and that such thinking, "translated into action in the field of race, too often makes for tragedy." Part of Herskovits's limitation was the nature of his methodology—by relying on self-reported genealogies his data could show the emergence of a homogeneous population. By allowing his study subjects to self-identify their race, Herskovits probably hoped to avoid the gross typological observations of some of his colleagues. Yet in doing so he was relying upon the observations and memories of individuals who were still a part of the American system of racialized thinking, even though they themselves could be its worst victims.
On the other side of the hereditarian spectrum were speakers like Raymond Pearl, whose talk on the "Incidence of Disease According to Race" argued that the "statistical characteristics of disease do have a rather definite correlation with race." So too did T. Wingate Todd expound on hereditarianism. Todd, an anatomist at Western Reserve University (later Case Western Reserve), spoke on "The Search for Specific African Body Features." Todd's research, blatantly typological in nature, argued that "the real distinction between our Whites and our Negroes is, then, in absolute dimensions." And even as he used measurements to "subdivide our Negroes according to their white characteristics," he also believed that "the American Negro is becoming homogeneous."
Finally, the psychologist Joseph Peterson presented on "The Problems and Results of Negro Intelligence." Peterson, a psychologist at George Peabody College for Teachers in Nashville (now part of Vanderbilt University), was, perhaps, the South's most distinguished psychologist at that time, and he wrote extensively on issues pertaining to racial intelligence. At the time of his death in 1935 Peterson had even risen to become president of the American Psychological Association, the first professor from a southern university to hold that distinction. His 1923 book _The Comparative Abilities of White and Negro Children_ studied over 3,000 white and black children from the South and concluded that white children performed better on intelligence tests. Yet Peterson was hesitant to conclude that such results overtly indicated African American inferiority, and he also questioned the accuracy of the tests, writing that "work in this line has been premature and untrustworthy; nevertheless many testers have been ready with conclusions." Moreover, Peterson was less concerned with this question than with using intelligence testing for what he called better adjustment, which was, in a sense, a "gentleman's" way of articulating racism. Hoping to use testing to serve a beneficial social purpose, Peterson sought to use test results mainly for the "sort of self-control that the sound use of tests of any kind engenders." In other words, he believed testing could lead to the "voluntary regulation of birth rate and elimination by eugenic methods within each race (or national) group of undesirable physical or mental traits, stronger in certain individuals than in others."
Peterson's views were not an anomaly in the field of intelligence testing. A 1934 survey of seventy-seven psychologists, thirty education scholars, and twenty-two sociologists and cultural anthropologists on the subject of race and intelligence included as subjects Peterson and other well-known leaders in the field like Charles Davenport (who is oddly classified as a psychologist), Jean Piaget, Carl Seashore, John Dewey, Franz Boas, Fay-Cooper Cole, E. A. Hooton, and Knight Dunlap. The survey found that most of those in the fields of education and psychology believed "race inferiority possible but not adequately demonstrated," whereas most anthropologists and sociologists (65 percent) were "highly critical of the means used to demonstrate race inferiority and of the results obtained."
At the conference, Peterson raised several questions that would vex the field of IQ studies for much of the twentieth century. Peterson, for example, suggested that "to determine the intelligence of Negroes is a rather difficult problem" because "we do not know exactly...what the Negro race is" and we "do not know what intelligence is." He proposed, as he did in his books and published articles, that the intelligence testing that had so far been done on black Americans had "been of a casual nature": "Someone happens to find it convenient in his academic position to do some Negro testing and goes out and gives tests that are used for whites. He gets certain data and compares those data of Negroes in one community with the norms of whites, and puts down the difference as a race difference." Yet for all his skepticism about the nature of intelligence testing and of racial differences in intelligence, in the end Peterson's perspective would help to shape the racialized IQ debates of the twentieth century. He might have questioned the scientific legitimacy of racial categories and the definition of intelligence, but he still came back to the question, "Is the great retardation of the Negroes due entirely to lack of opportunity or is it partly at least due to innate deficiencies?" And it was Peterson's attempted solution to this question that was the most troubling actionable item to come out of the conference.
In the hope of developing a new methodology that could settle the question of innate differences in group intelligence, Peterson proposed an experiment whereby "complete control of the group of individuals selected as representatives of the races to be compared, complete control through a long period of years, including their entire school training....If we could get an experiment like that going, and give the children of the compared races essentially the same sort of training throughout, then we should be able to throw some light on the question as to the degree of innateness of any differences found." Although there was little discussion of this item at the conference itself, Peterson's proposed racial or IQ orphanage was among the research projects recommended for further study by the group. This project would be picked up by the Committee on Racial Problems, jointly formed in March 1928 by the NRC and SSRC to formally act on the conference's recommendations.
The conference closed with several proposals for "research on the scientific problems of race." In addition to Peterson's experiment, the conference sought support for a five-year study of comparative race pathology to be carried out by Raymond Pearl; Robert Terry's proposal to utilize cadavers from the nation's medical schools to address the need for anatomical data on race difference; Aleš Hrdlička's proposal for a study of the physical anthropology of immigrants; a methodology to study the impact of heredity versus environment "to be applied to immigrants as well as Negroes"; a study examining the physical and cultural components of populations in the Americas, Caribbean, and Africa; and a "proposal for a study of 'race-crossing' in a large city and nearby rural community."
However, surviving records suggest that the Committee on Racial Problems focused its efforts almost exclusively on Peterson's idea of creating racial orphanages to measure biological and environmental differences between black and white races. This may be partially explained by the fact that Knight Dunlap, chairman of the Division of Anthropology and Psychology, referred one of the proposals from the conference—Raymond Pearl's project "looking toward a 5-year study of comparative race pathology"—to the NRC Division of Medical Sciences. The remainder of the proposals were, according to minutes from the committee's meeting on January 12, 1929, tabled, deemed unactionable, or recommended for further study. The final report that the committee issued in April 1931 makes no mention of other projects resulting from the recommendations of the "Conference on Racial Differences."
The efforts of the committee went solely toward the development of a second conference, May 25, 1930, that would explore the "feasibility of a plan for studying the comparative development of children of different races in the hope of throwing light on the contributions of heredity and environment in determining racial differences." For reasons that remain unclear, Joseph Peterson, who proposed the racial orphanages, was not involved in the Committee on Racial Problems, nor in the 1930 Detroit conference. Instead, representing the Joint Committee on Racial Problems were the neuropsychologist Knight Dunlap, of Johns Hopkins, American Museum of Natural History anthropologist Clark Wissler, Columbia University psychologist R. S. Woodworth, Cornell University psychologist Madison Bentley, and sociologist Robert S. Lynd from the SSRC. That the NRC thought that such a plan could be put into action reflected not only the prevailing racial views of the time but also, to a degree, the Progressive Movement's concern for child welfare and social control. Under the Progressive banner, intervention in family life to protect a child was considered normal and necessary. However, by the 1930s, as the Progressive era gave way to the Great Depression and the New Deal, support for the construction of orphanages, let alone the proposed racial orphanages, was probably hard to come by. The era of orphanages would quickly come to a close with the rise of the New Deal welfare state.
Prior to the Detroit conference both Fay-Cooper Cole and Franz Boas offered their thoughts to Dunlap on the idea of a racial orphanage. Cole was very critical, writing that the "proposal is very interesting and one which would certainly yield valuable results, but it is not without serious objections." Cole worried that the differences of care between white and black institutions could not be controlled for and would result in "differences in experiences." He believed that this was because it would be impossible to "alter the experiences of the wardens and nurses so that they would react equally to black and white skins." Surprisingly, Franz Boas deemed the experiment "highly desirable." He hoped "the committee in charge of this matter which has been in touch with the Negro problem and knows by personal experience the prospects and difficulties" would see it through. Boas also had hoped for a "Negro on this committee." In the end, neither of Boas's suggestions seems to have been heeded.
The proceedings of the Detroit conference explored the methodological challenges of developing an experiment to "throw light on the influences of heredity and environment in producing the differences actually observed in present-day groups in health, vigor, mental achievements and social adjustments." "Plan A" called for the development of an institution that would "receive" children at birth or in early childhood to provide "an environment superior of that of the private home." In this controlled environment, researchers would be provided with an "opportunity for intensive study of development." "Plan B" would see the construction of nursery schools "with influence brought to bear also upon the homes from which children were received." It was hoped that in such a setting, the general environment of the student could be drastically improved, and also allow for "following development." Finally, "Plan C" would follow black children placed in "superior negro foster homes, with special care to secure an adequate control group." The group considered the challenges to all three plans, including the barriers to securing subjects; the barriers to securing orphanage staff; and the sampling problems faced by such an experiment. Ultimately, they worried about social and cultural biases, acknowledging that "a complete control of social and cultural factors would be pretty difficult....A single accident, such as the introduction of cultural bias, might do a great deal to vitiate the experiment." In the end, the idea for such an institution died quietly—the SSRC would soon after drop the matter and withdraw itself from the joint committee. The NRC initially appointed a committee to follow up on the idea of a racial orphanage, but that committee never took action on the idea.
Even though the racial orphanage experiment never moved beyond the planning stage, it nonetheless raises troubling issues about the intersection of race and scientific experimentation, and the role that federally funded science played in shaping the race concept. The proposed orphanage study also illustrates how racial ideology shaped research agendas, research protocols, and, of course, the interpretation of research data, much as it did for "The Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male," a forty-year experiment examining the natural history of the disease in 399 untreated syphilitic African Americans living in Macon County, Alabama. Both studies epitomize the way eugenic thinking about race corrupted those seeking to understand and address scientific questions and medical challenges.
With the dissolution of the NRC Committee on Racial Problems, the NRC's careful attention to race difference, for the time being, came to a close. During the 1920s the four NRC committees on issues of race exemplified the changing scientific approach to race in the United States. First, as the committee's work illustrates, there was a dramatic shift in how racial groups were defined during this period, from a broad definition that included both continental ancestry as correlated to skin color and ethnic, national, and religious affiliations to one that focused primarily on skin color. Second, the decade saw the emergence of large-scale research projects into the biological nature of racial differences between white and black Americans. These studies focused primarily on intellectual, pathological, and morphological differences between the two groups. Third, research sponsored by the committees sought to understand the biology of the children of black and white couples, or racial hybrids, as they were often called. And, finally, the decade witnessed the emergence of populationist thinking as an alternative to typological thinking, specifically as it concerned race difference.
**DAVENPORT'S RACE CROSSING**
In many ways the 1929 publication of Charles Davenport and Morris Steggerda's _Race Crossing in Jamaica_ , a study examining the biology of black-white racial hybrids in Jamaica, embodied the state of racial research, particularly the research generated by the NRC during the 1920s. The work, after all, was proposed in the early 1920s to the Committee on Human Migrations of the NRC. The book was a field study seeking to measure intellectual, pathological, and morphological differences between blacks and whites, as well as to understand these traits in hybrids between these two groups. The study remained wedded to a typological approach to race difference, yet as critics of the work would point out, the data collected did not necessarily correlate with its typological conclusions. Davenport's influence on the NRC was ongoing throughout the 1920s. Though the publication of _Race Crossing_ was not directly funded with NRC dollars, its ideas and methodologies both influenced and were influenced by Davenport's involvement with NRC committees on race, especially the work of the Committee on the Study of the American Negro, the "Conference on Racial Differences," and the Committee on Racial Problems. When asked to serve on the Committee on the Study of the American Negro in 1926, Davenport accepted, responding to the invitation with enthusiasm: "I may say that I am vigorous in this matter and engaged in studies of it and shall be very glad to serve on the committee." In continuing correspondence with the committee's head, Davenport highlighted and encouraged the need for "the invention of new methods of quantitative investigation to study this issue." In 1927 he would write to R. J. Terry, urging that the Committee on the Study of the American Negro "seek funds to carry on investigation of the Negroes and Negro-white hybrids in one or more centers in some part of the country where both groups can be found in fairly large numbers." Terry, chairman of the committee, reached out for Davenport's assistance several times, including once in November 1928 when Terry asked all committee members for help "in getting aid for research on the biology of the Negro." In March 1929 Davenport again wrote to Terry, concerning the recommendations of the "Conference on Racial Differences," making suggestions for the racial orphanage study that included involving Boas—"the chief skeptic"—in the process and making sure that the comparison of white and black children "be made on the two groups under as nearly similar conditions of training and culture as possible."
_Race Crossing in Jamaica_ , the culmination of more than two decades of Davenport's research in the area of white-black differences, was a giant tome, an almost 500-page analysis of traits from stature to weight to intelligence between whites, blacks, and browns (hybrids). The book's research was funded by a $10,000 gift to the Carnegie Institution of Washington by Wickliffe Draper, who would later gain notoriety as the founder of the Pioneer Fund. Davenport had been courting Draper as early as 1923, discussing with him his interest in a "bequest for the advancement of eugenics." It was not until 1926, however, that the two found common ground. In February 1926, Draper suggested Davenport might do "research work on the effect of miscegenation" and dedicate himself to the "popularization of the[se] results." Draper's money would be put to quick use, and Davenport was clearly excited about what he thought would be its impact, calling the work "of the greatest possible importance." "The more I think over your plans and the contribution you have made toward the study of the consequences of miscegenation the more enthusiastic I am over the prospect of getting something of great scientific and practical utility," Davenport told Draper. Davenport outlined to Draper their agreement on how his funding would be used: "A study, in the most objective and quantitative way possible, of the inheritance of the traits of pure blooded Negroes, as found in the Western Hemisphere (specifically, probably, Jamaica and Haiti) and of white, as found in the same places with especial reference to the inheritance of the differential traits in mulatto offspring and the distribution of these traits in later generations."
The basis of Davenport and Draper's relationship was clear; both were deeply concerned that "the presence of the African negro in our country may be very fateful for its future, as its increase tends to overcrowd more and more the country to the detriment of the white race." By the fall of 1926, Draper's money was supporting Davenport's research into race differences. The research was carried out in Jamaica by Morris Steggerda, then a graduate student in genetics at the University of Illinois.
The three theses of _Race Crossing_ —first, that hybridization between blacks and whites results in "the production of an excessive number of ineffective, because disharmoniously put together, people"; second, that "a population of hybrids will be a population carrying an excessively large number of intellectually incompetent persons"; and, third, that whites were superior in mental capacity to both blacks and browns—confirmed the thinking of many racial scientists and validated popular racist beliefs. _Race Crossing_ 's significance also lay in its breadth of analysis. As one of the largest field studies of its kind to date, it endowed racial science with legitimacy and encouraged confidence in its results so much so that Davenport wrote in its pages, "The burden of proof is placed on those who deny fundamental differences in mental capacity between Gold Coast Negroes and Europeans."
Reviews of the book were mixed. Writing in the journal _Social Forces_ , the eminent Smith College sociologist Frank Hankins called the book "an extremely thorough anthropometrical study" that is "undoubtedly one of the very best contributions yet made to the difficult subject of race hybridism." Other reviewers were not as kind. Karl Pearson, writing in _Nature_ , was especially critical of the book's methodological shortcomings, specifically its data-collection methods. _Race Crossing_ 's most comprehensive critique came from Harvard scientist William Castle, an early pioneer in genetics and a former student of Davenport's from his Harvard days. In 1924 Castle became one of the first geneticists to attack the idea that hybrids resulted in disharmonious crossings, arguing that such an idea was not supported by science but rather was an expression of personal views. Castle came to this conclusion through his own work on rabbits, which revealed no hybrid disharmonies. His findings in nonhuman species would be supported by wide-ranging studies on humans in Hawaii, Canada, and the United States published in the late 1920s.
Castle's review of _Race Crossing_ , which appeared in _Science_ in 1930, was a crushing review of the book, arguing that Davenport's conclusions were not supported by his own data. Castle pointed, for example, to the assertions that "the leg of the blacks is much longer than that of the whites" and that a cross between them would result in a disharmonious cross, "which would put them at a disadvantage." In scouring the book Castle could find no data at all supporting Davenport's "justification for the idea that the brown Jamaicans have dangerously disharmonious combinations of stature and leg-length." In fact, Castle pointed out, this idea contradicted the book's own data that "the reputed 'much longer' leg length of the blacks turns out to be on the average longer by five tenths of a centimeter!"
Yet despite such negative reviews, the impact of _Race Crossing_ and of Davenport's position on miscegenation and black-white differences went far beyond academic circles. These ideas would be enduring—something Castle himself feared in his review of the book. "We like to think of the Negro as inferior," Castle wrote, and "we like to think of Negro-white crosses as a degradation of the white race." However, "the honestly made records of Davenport and Steggerda tell a very different story about hybrid Jamaicans from that which Davenport...tell[s] about them in broad sweeping statements." Castle was resigned that such ideas "will be with us as the bogey men of pure-race enthusiasts for the next hundred years."
That Davenport had become one of the foremost antiblack and antimiscegenation propagandists of the eugenic era should be no surprise, having argued in a variety of forums that "there is a constitutional, hereditary, genetical basis for the difference between the two races in mental tests." He had also lectured on the "interesting tendency" in the United States of the "dominant race to apply to the hybrid the name of the subordinate or inferior race," and called for the "study of the physical, mental and temperamental traits of Negro-white hybrids to the second and third generation." Davenport worked hard to popularize the conclusions of _Race Crossing_. In the magazine _The Scientific Monthly_ Davenport emphasized the genetic nature of race, writing that "genetical experimentation in hybridization has revealed" inherited traits can "recur in their pristine purity in later traditions." This, of course, was a dire warning about the potential effects of racial hybridization, a fact that Davenport did not hide in the article, asking, "What is to be the consequence of this racial intermingling? "Especially we of the white race, proud of its achievement in the past, are eagerly questioning the consequences of mixing our blood with that of other races." Davenport's conclusions confirmed this fear—that while physically "there is little to choose between the three groups," in intellectual capacity hybrids, or "browns" as he calls them, suffer from a "large burden of ineffective persons who seem to be muddleheaded or incapable of collecting themselves to do the task in hand," and that a "population of hybrids will be a population carrying an excessively large number of intellectually incompetent persons."
Davenport's antimiscegenation science (embodied in _Race Crossing_ ) not only conformed to and confirmed the thinking of the time about race mixing but was also an important scientific retort to the mounting challenges against some state antimiscegenation statutes. Perhaps nowhere was this more true than in Virginia, where, with advisement from Davenport, the eugenicist and white supremacist Walter Plecker, a Virginia public health official, helped shape Virginia's antimiscegenation Racial Integrity Act of 1924. Davenport offered Plecker advice on antimiscegenation-related issues—including help calculating race mixture and suggesting a change to Virginia's inheritance law that would prevent children from black-white relationships from inheriting land—all the while studiously trying to avoid intimate involvement with "the carrying out of that law" for fear of drawing the Carnegie Institution into "the matter of the administration of law in the State of Virginia."
Davenport and Draper would have likely appreciated _Race Crossing_ 's role in the antimiscegenation battle nearly twenty years after its publication (although they certainly would have been disappointed with the battle's final outcome). The book and its conclusions were used by the defense in the landmark 1948 miscegenation legal challenge _Perez v. Lippold_ , in which the California Supreme Court declared its state's antimiscegenation statutes unconstitutional. The case was brought by a Los Angeles couple who were refused a marriage license by the county clerk of Los Angeles because they were members of different racial groups. In court arguments, the city's defense relied on _Race Crossing_ "as authority for the proposition that the progeny of mixed marriages are inferior to those of purebred marriages."
Despite _Race Crossing_ 's staying power in eugenic and racist circles, Wickliffe Draper was not pleased with the book's limited popular impact. Draper would, in coming decades, turn his attention toward less-established scientists and other public figures who could help him with his racist program, funding in the 1930s, for example, the distribution of white supremacist Earnest Sevier Cox's book _White America_ to political figures across the country. Here Draper's funding effort bore significant fruit: Mississippi senator Theodore Bilbo pledged support to Cox's and Draper's cause of repatriating black Americans in Africa. In April of 1939, Bilbo introduced the Greater Liberia Act on the floor of the United States Senate, seeking to mandate the removal of all black Americans from the United States. Draper would eventually focus his efforts through the Pioneer Fund, set up in 1937 to assist in the education of white descendants of the original settlers of the United States, and, more significantly, to support hereditary and eugenic research. Through the fund, Draper would assist in the promotion of his racist views through scientific studies. Harry Laughlin, formerly part of Davenport's Cold Spring Harbor group, became its first president. Over the course of the twentieth century, whether it was underwriting opposition to the 1954 _Brown v. Board of Education_ decision, to anti-Semitic or antiblack causes, or funding studies to "prove" the inferiority of blacks and the biological soundness of white supremacy, the Pioneer Fund played a significant role in racial science.
Those who would benefit from the Pioneer Fund's largesse had an ongoing and significant impact on public debates about race, framed primarily as issues of race crossing and of black racial inferiority and white racial supremacy. However, beginning in the 1930s, eugenic racial scientists would come to have a diminishing impact on scientific debates about the race concept, particularly within genetics. Two related but separate discourses would take place over the remainder of the twentieth century; one by scientists involved in the emerging evolutionary synthesis who were struggling to reimagine how biology and the natural sciences defined race, and the other by paid scientific propagandists (including those by the Pioneer Fund) and their sympathizers in biology. The latter would steadfastly ignore an emerging scientific consensus on human genetic diversity and try to resurrect typologically based theories of human difference that were increasingly undermined by work in population genetics and evolutionary biology. The remainder of this book takes up debates within the biological sciences about the nature of the race concept. Pioneer Fund propagandists played only a limited role in these discussions, reacting largely to what would fast become a new genetical theory of race difference.
**6**
**BIOLOGY AND THE PROBLEM OF THE COLOR LINE**
In 1906 W. E. B. Du Bois, then a young social scientist at Atlanta University, issued a forceful and elegant challenge to racial science with the release of _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_. In the pages of his book, Du Bois attacked the very foundation of America's racial ideology, calling into question the legitimacy of the race concept at a time when science was being exploited in the service of racist ideas and practices, and ideas about racial difference were increasingly becoming part of natural science's lexicon. Despite the boldness of the study and its importance as an act of intellectual protest, its contemporary impact was limited. As one commentator wrote, the usefulness of the work was not "realized" by African Americans at the time, and most whites were certainly "hostile to such a study" and its conclusions. Yet the book's importance should not be judged simply on what might be perceived as its immediate impact. Instead, the work serves as a milestone in antiracist thinking and scholarship.
Du Bois's early writings on race anticipated the work of Franz Boas and other Columbia University anthropologists in the first half of the twentieth century on cultural relativism and their critiques of ideologies of racial inferiority. More important, however, Du Bois also anticipated the lines along which many geneticists and other natural scientists would, over the course of the twentieth century, struggle with the scientific and social meanings of race. Yet given the book's limited readership, it seems unlikely that this impact was direct; it is doubtful that Theodosius Dobzhansky or Leslie Clarence Dunn, or other natural scientists working on concepts of genetic diversity more than two decades later, were aware of this document and of Du Bois's early opposition to racial science. But in many ways _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ struggles with the central theme of Du Bois's landmark 1903 study, _The Souls of Black Folk_ : "the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color-line." And it is in the negotiation of this "problem" that _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ illustrates and predicts how the natural sciences would be put into service demarcating and defending the color line. Du Bois implicitly understood the danger of this but believed that through careful rebuttal he could reveal race for what it was: an unscientific expression of America's racial mores.
The eighteen volumes of the Atlanta University series—all but the first two overseen by Du Bois—addressed a wide array of topics in African Americana. From _The Negro Church_ to _The Negro in Business_ to _The Negro American Family_ , Du Bois and his Atlanta colleagues explored topics in black American life, utilizing what were then cutting-edge methodologies in the social sciences. Du Bois is remembered as a "founding father of American sociology," and his classic work _The Philadelphia Negro_ was pioneering in its interdisciplinary use of history, ethnography, and statistics. Du Bois's motivation for such a grand project was a Progressive belief in the power of scientific knowledge; knowledge, he hoped, that if shared with the general public could have an emancipatory effect on racism's stranglehold on the American zeitgeist. In the case of _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ , the clear target was on biological thinking in the area of human difference. "The world was thinking wrong about race, because it did not know. The ultimate evil was stupidity," Du Bois would later write. His "cure" for American racism "was knowledge based on scientific evidence," and in this and much of his other early work he set out to utilize the scientific method in his fight against this American failing. The "scientific evidence" of eugenicists, anthropologists, and biologists would, of course, trump Du Bois's own. Despite this, Du Bois hoped that the Atlanta studies would be a "comprehensive plan for studying a human group and if I could have carried it out as completely as I conceived it, the American Negro would have contributed to the development of social science in this country an unforgettable body of work."
To help accomplish this ambitious undertaking, Du Bois reached out to academic leaders to build his argument and philanthropists to fund the work. In 1905 Du Bois corresponded with, among others, the American Museum of Natural History anthropologist Clark Wissler asking for "a list of the best works on Negro anthropology and ethnology." Wissler understood, as he wrote to Du Bois, that "the literature upon this subject is very incomplete and unsatisfactory" and recommended several books and articles, including the book _The Races of Man_ by the French anthropologist Joseph Deniker. In Deniker, Du Bois found an education that must have shaped, to a great degree, his thinking about the meanings of race. Deniker was not a racial essentialist, and in his book he asserted that there were twenty-nine human racial groups, proposing that ethnicity was a more useful marker of understanding human biological and cultural diversity. For example, Deniker, considered whether "real and palpable groupings" of humans are "capable of forming what zoologists call 'species,' 'subspecies,' 'varieties,' in the case of wild animals, or 'races' in the case of domestic animals. One need not be a professional anthropologist to reply negatively to this question." In Deniker's judgment, "races, or varieties...are by no means zoological species; they may include human beings of one or of many species, races, or varieties."
In advance of the "Health and Physique" conference, Du Bois had sought funding for the project from numerous sources, including the industrialist Andrew Carnegie, who had been a funder of Booker T. Washington's Tuskegee Institute. In a long letter to Carnegie, Du Bois outlined the work of the Atlanta conferences "with a view of securing if possible your financial support for this work." Du Bois lamented the fact that "so far this work has been carried on by small voluntary contributions," and hoped that an infusion of funding would help "to enlarge its scope and improve its methods of research." There is no record of a reply from Carnegie.
In late May of 1906 Atlanta University hosted the conference whose proceedings would soon be edited into _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_. Among the conference participants were Franz Boas, who titled his talk "Negro Physique," Du Bois, and R. R. Wright, of the University of Pennsylvania, who spoke on "Mortality in the Cities." Eight months before the conference, Du Bois sought to foster a collaboration with Boas, writing to him that there is "a great opportunity here for physical measurement of Negroes. We have in Atlanta over 2,000 Negro pupils and students who could be carefully measured. We have not the funds for this—has Columbia any desire to take up such work?" Boas told Du Bois that he thought that there was nothing "particularly good on the physical anthropology of the Negro"; he rejected any proposed collaboration and request for support. Nonetheless, Boas was "very glad to hear" from Du Bois that he intended "to take up investigations on this subject."
Two days following the conference Boas would deliver the commencement address at Atlanta University, in which he confronted the issue of alleged black biological inferiority. "To those who stoutly maintain a material inferiority of the Negro race and who would dampen your ardor by their claims," Boas declared, "you may confidently reply that the burden of proof rests with them, that the past history of your race does not sustain their statement, but rather gives you encouragement. The physical inferiority of the Negro race, if it exists at all, is insignificant when compared to the wide range of individual variability in each race. There is no anatomical evidence available that would sustain the view that the bulk of the Negro race could not become as useful citizens as the members of any other race. That there may be slightly different hereditary traits seems plausible, but it is entirely arbitrary to assume that those of the Negro, because perhaps slightly different, must be of an inferior type." Boas's caveat—"if it exists at all," referring to the "physical inferiority of the Negro race"—is similar to the caveats expressed by other leading antirace thinkers, including Du Bois in _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_. That such a qualification was part of the attack on racial science suggests the tentative nature of this kind of thinking (after all, antirace thinking in a scientific guise was really barely a decade old at this point), and also the tentative nature of scientific thinking, which is almost always qualified.
What makes _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ unique is that at a moment when the concept of race was being appropriated by science (in the service of racism), Du Bois was the first to synthesize a growing anthropologic literature arguing that race was not, in fact, a useful scientific category and that race was instead a socially constructed concept. Du Bois accomplished this by logically and rhetorically attacking the idea of race and by backing up these statements with scientific evidence of his own. Du Bois built his antirace concept argument in the following way. First, he began the book by writing that Americans talk about race in the way that they do because they know no better, and he centered his argument in the realm of scientific thought. Americans, Du Bois argued, "are eagerly and often bitterly discussing race problems" because they are behind the scientific times; they are not up-to-date on scientific advances regarding the understanding of human diversity. Second, Du Bois directly attacked the race concept, but he did so by first attacking the idea of whiteness, quoting the anthropologist William Ripley, who wrote that "it may smack of heresy to assert, in face of the teaching of all our textbooks on geography and history, that there is no single European or white race of men; and yet that is the plain truth. Du Bois also cited contemporary anthropological discourse to argue that Europeans were an intermediate people between the Asiatic and Negro races. While some anthropologists would have accepted such assertions, these ideas would have been offensive to many scientists at the time and odious to the vast majority of Americans.
Third, Du Bois extended his attack on race to the idea of a discrete black race generally and of an African American race specifically, writing, "The human species so shade and mingle with each other that...it is impossible to draw a color line between black and other races." To this Du Bois adds, "But in all physical characteristics the Negro race cannot be set off by itself as absolutely different." Du Bois also calls into question the idea of a "pure Negro," highlighting that "the Negro-American represents a very wide and thorough blending of nearly all African people from north to south; and more than that...a blending of European and African blood." Du Bois acknowledged that neither of these facts would be readily forthcoming in the United States. That because America was a racist society, "no serious attempt has ever been made to study the physical appearance and peculiarities of the transplanted African or their millions of descendants," and that a racist society limits the way in which questions of race themselves could be studied. Or, as Du Bois himself put it, "scientific research seldom flourishes in the midst of a social struggle and heated discussion." By arguing against common assumptions about how humanity was divided, Du Bois sought to bring attention to how human difference existed on a spectrum across the globe and could be organized in different ways.
Fourth, and finally, Du Bois attacked the race concept by examining quantitative data about (alleged) racial differences. Drawing on census data, public health data, military recruitment data (including data from records for U.S. Army recruitment, from the U.S. Census, and from the Freedmen's Inquiry Commission of 1863), and data and conclusions from previously published studies (some of which were used in _support_ of the race concept), Du Bois cobbled together a vision of race and of African Americans contrary to how most Americans were thinking. In answer to the claims by nineteenth-century anthropologists, polygenists, and craniologists that Africans and African Americans had a smaller cranial capacity and hence inferior intelligence, Du Bois presented evidence that no differences in brain size or structure had been proven, and that variability within races is similar. Also, in looking at other physiognomic data, Du Bois acknowledged the significant variability within and between races. Finally, based upon analysis of his data, Du Bois concluded that disparities were _not_ rooted in biological differences between groups. "If the population were divided as to social and economic condition, the matter of race" in predicting health disparities, Du Bois argued, "would be almost entirely eliminated." Ultimately, poverty and "the conditions of life," as Du Bois called them, were the real causes of health disparities. Du Bois believed that with "improved sanitary condition, improved education and better economic opportunities, the mortality of the race may and probably will steadily decrease until it becomes normal." Drawing on his own research on Philadelphia's African American community, Du Bois argued that differences in health between groups were "an index of social conditions" and anticipated what in today's public health parlance would be called the social determinants of health—including poor nutrition, lack of access to clean water, and low socioeconomic status—being at the root of the disparities he identified.
Several of Du Bois's arguments against the race concept were made in direct response to the assertions of Frederick Hoffman, a statistician for Prudential Life Insurance Company and author of the racist tract _Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro_ , published in 1896. Hoffman's work both embodied the fading ideas of social Darwinists ("the downward tendencies of the colored race" were leading it toward "gradual extinction") and the ascendant ideas of eugenics ("given the same conditions of life for two races, the one of Aryan descent will prove the superior, solely on account of its ancient inheritance of virtue and transmitted qualities"). Though not a biologist, Hoffman marshaled statistics to "prove" a biological point in the service of the insurance industry—that black Americans were biologically inferior, that their racial traits consigned them to poverty and unhealthy living conditions, and that they therefore were uninsurable. He set out to make this point following passage of insurance antidiscriminatory statutes in several states. A Massachusetts law was the first, passed in 1884. Others, passed in the following decade, forbade insurance companies from discriminating in their distribution of benefits—blacks could no longer be given fewer benefits than whites if paying the same premiums.
Du Bois had earlier answered Hoffman's racist assertions in an 1897 review of the book in the _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_. There he attacked _Race Traits_ and its conclusions as having "doubtful value, on account of the character of the material, the extent of the field, and the unscientific use of the statistical method." In _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ Du Bois responded more directly. The title— _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ —is an unambiguous retort to the title of Hoffman's book. The two descriptive adjectives in Hoffman's title, "traits" and "tendencies," are suggestive of something negative, whereas "health" and "physique" in Du Bois's title sound positive and healthful. Also, "traits and tendencies" indicates something inborn and permanent, while "health and physique" are things that are experienced and shaped by human beings, or "the conditions of life," as Du Bois called them. By providing data illustrating the relationship between poverty and morbidity and mortality rates, Du Bois rejected Hoffman's claim that blacks are "inherently inferior in physique to whites," and that diseases such as tuberculosis, identified by Hoffman as a black disease, "is not a racial disease but a social disease."
With the advent of eugenics, racial science, which had for most of the nineteenth century been driven by work in anthropology, quickly became largely the domain of biology and genetics. During the course of the twentieth century many anthropologists, led by Boas, would move away from a biologized race concept just as biology and genetics embraced it. While Du Bois could not have predicted this (after all, the term "genetics" was coined by the biologist William Bateson the same year that _Health and Physique of the Negro American_ was published), his writings suggest that he sensed what was to come for science and race in the twentieth century, and through this work he had hoped that intellect would prevail over ignorance and that the biologizing of race would be stopped. Looking back on this period in his life several decades later, Du Bois recalled that he "had too often seen science made the slave of caste and race hate." Yet even as Du Bois set out to fight racism through scientific study, rationality, and a belief in justice, events in his own life and in the world around him would force him to rethink that course. In late September 1906, just a few months after the conference that launched _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ , Atlanta became ground zero for a brutal race riot, sparked by local newspaper reports of alleged assaults of white women by black men and caused by underlying racial tensions driven by the consolidation of and resistance to Jim Crow in Atlanta. The white mob was enormous—approximately 10,000 men, women, and children took to the streets. By the time the riot was quelled a few days later, over twenty black residents of Atlanta had been murdered, and many scores more had been beaten.
After the riots, according to historians Dominic Capeci Jr. and Jack Knight, Du Bois "struggled with the profound impact of white brutality on his psyche and philosophy" and "his reliance on rationality." Though Du Bois spent his lifetime fighting oppression, in the wake of the Atlanta riots his approach and style shifted. He would quickly abandon his faith in education, rationality, and science as an antidote to white violence and racism. The approach of Du Bois the social scientist or "organizational leader," as Capeci and Knight call him, had not worked and gave way to Du Bois as "race propagandist" and "neoabolitionist," who came to rely on rhetorical flourish and political effort in his lifelong fight against racism. In this role Du Bois emerged as the leading political voice for African Americans. Du Bois's biographer David Levering Lewis explains that "his chosen weapons were grand ideas propelled by uncompromising language" about America's failings and successes. Du Bois also grew increasingly skeptical of science as an arbiter of truth and the power of truth to change hearts and minds. In the wake of this personal transformation Du Bois came to believe that racism was "not based on science, else it would be held as a postulate of the most tentative kind, ready at any time to be withdrawn in the face of facts." Racism was instead simply a "passionate, deep-seated heritage, and as such can be moved by neither argument nor fact. Only faith in humanity will lead the world to rise above its present color prejudice." And so, despite his rational, science-based refutation of the biological race concept and of racial science more broadly, an increasingly cynical (or perhaps practical) Du Bois recognized that eugenics would triumph for the foreseeable future, building a biological and hereditarian argument for racial difference that flourished in scientific and popular thought in America. Yet when scientists did begin to rebuke race, they did it largely on the terms that Du Bois had laid out in his elegant study in 1906.
To be sure, throughout his career Du Bois would keep fighting against white supremacy in the guise of racial science and the social damage and intellectual anguish it wrought. Beginning in 1910, over the course of his almost twenty-five-year tenure at the helm of _The Crisis_ , the NAACP's official publication, Du Bois used his editorial authority to assail racial science. A 1915 "Opinion" restates a prominent theme from _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ , calling attention to the idea that "no race, as we know races, is an unmixed race. All so-called races are the result of mixtures." A 1911 editorial stated "America is fifty years behind the scientific world in its racial philosophy." The editorial implied that biology and race were divergent; "the deepest cause of misunderstandings between peoples is perhaps the tacit assumption that the present characteristics of a people are the expression of permanent qualities."
Du Bois would also twice debate the eugenicist Lothrop Stoddard. In 1927 Du Bois and Stoddard squared off on radio from New York City. They met again in 1929, this time in a public debate in Chicago with more than 4,000 in attendance. During the raucous debate Du Bois attacked the core beliefs and contradictions of white supremacy. Where "Nordics" like Stoddard sought to maintain racial purity, Du Bois noted that so-called Nordics had, through "exploitation," "spread their bastards to every corner of land and sea." When Stoddard maintained that segregation based on "racial difference" was "not discrimination; it is separation," Du Bois attacked the very notion of race itself, harking back to his work in _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_. Du Bois sarcastically noted (given his own mixed-race ancestry) that he was "'gladly...the representative of the Negro race,' but was also equally capable of being 'a representative of the Nordic race.'" Explaining the contradictions of America's racial mores, Du Bois noted that when white supremacy denied his humanity it did so because of the color of his skin, but when he was deemed worthy in any way, most especially in areas of his intelligence, he was reminded of his white ancestry.
By the 1930s Du Bois was not alone in his attack on racial science and on the race concept itself. He was joined that decade by a growing chorus of natural and social scientists who would, to varying degrees, embrace his stance on the matter. Yet while most of Du Bois's writings expressed an unambiguous rejection of the biological race concept, there are contradictions on the topic in his writing. Despite his rebuke of eugenics, Du Bois, to some degree, embraced the spirit of that movement in his own work. Some have even suggested that he embraced a progressive eugenics, most evidenced in his writings on racial uplift. In fact, that W. E. B. Du Bois continued to struggle with shedding vestiges of the race concept points to how deeply embedded race was in America. That Du Bois implicitly understood the dangers of American racism and, to a great degree, was influenced by one of its most disgraceful racial theories only reinforces this notion.
Nowhere was his eugenic-mindedness more obvious than in his ideal of the "Talented Tenth," a eugenic-sounding "best of the race" who were endowed with the characteristics to lead African Americans. This "metaphorical eugenics," or "bioelitism," as the contemporary critic Daylanne English called it, imbued Du Bois's Talented Tenth "with an explicitly biological superiority." But with an expansive definition of eugenics and heredity, and by cherry-picking examples of an alleged embrace of eugenics from _The Crisis_ and selected other writings, it is easy to overstate Du Bois's affinity for such ideas. Ultimately, those who would accuse Du Bois of harboring deep eugenic tendencies confuse his commitment to a class-based and elitist solution to the challenges facing African Americans with a bioelitist one.
Du Bois's antieugenic thinking on the race concept was evident throughout his career. For example, in his 1938 book _Black Folk: Then and Now_ , he wrote, "No scientific definition of race is possible," and that "the most that could be asserted of race was that 'so far as these differences are measurable they fade into one another.'" But at the same time, Du Bois biographer David Levering Lewis observes that in that same book Du Bois also engaged in racial essentialism, writing that Negro blood is "the basis of the blood of all men." This contradiction was, according to Lewis, intended to "function in the service of racial pluralism, for in validating an unknown and remarkable Negro past he envisaged a future in which all races could accept the cultural parity of one another's history as well as the interdependence of their destinies." Lewis concludes that Du Bois's "rather mild racial essentialism" was itself an attack on contemporaneous race supremacy dogmas. Still others have noted that even as Du Bois's rejection of a scientific race concept became more strident (in a _Crisis_ article in 1911 and in his 1940 autobiography), this explicit rejection remained complicated by Du Bois's pursuit of a unifying concept for persons of African descent in a racialized world.
HISTORICIZING RACE
By the 1930s, as eugenical theory was becoming less palatable to both scientists and the general public, prominent academics joined Du Bois in attacking the race concept. The Columbia University historian Jacques Barzun, author of one of the first in a spate of academic books about race and racism published during the 1930s and early 1940s, called race "one of the great catchwords about which ink and blood are everywhere spilled in reckless quantities." Published in 1940, _Race: Science and Politics_ by the anthropologist Ruth Benedict attacked racism, but noted "that to recognize Race does not mean to recognize Racism. Race is a matter of careful scientific study; Racism is an unproved assumption of the biological and perpetual superiority of one human group over another." Benedict called race "a classification based on traits which are hereditary." She belonged to a group of scholars, including the sociologist Robert Park and the economist Gunnar Myrdal, who, rather than emphasizing problems with the race concept, looked instead to race relations as playing the functional role in America's racial calculus. What made Benedict such an important part of this movement were her assertions that science was not to blame for the problems of racism; politics was. She wrote, for example, that in order to understand race persecution, we do not need to investigate race; we need to investigate _persecution_. While there is a certain logical truth to this position, it abdicates scientists of the responsibility of how the race concept was utilized popularly and it ignores a long history of scientists supporting racism through their work. Benedict acknowledged as much, writing that "for the scientist, science is a body of knowledge; he resents its use as a body of magic."
Barzun's 1936 text _Race: A Study in Modern Superstition_ , like Du Bois's work thirty years earlier, utilized both historical methods and the latest science to rebuke the race concept. A budding young historian at Columbia University, Barzun tackled the subject of race as American eugenics was in decline, the smoldering racial hatred of Nazism was fast making an impact on the European continent, and the movement for civil rights for African Americans was is in its earliest days. For Barzun the only possible argument in favor of the race concept "would be that no one race could possibly have been gifted with such a capacity for nonsense as the literature on the subject affords."
While Barzun's interest was primarily in considering "racialism as a European phenomenon"—the book is infused with anticipation and fear of what Nazi racism was wreaking in Europe, from where Barzun had hailed—it also conveys an implicit understanding of how racial thought impacted African Americans. Barzun writes that "those human beings who have not lost their pigmentation are simply more clearly marked than others for discrimination; they wear a uniform that they cannot take off." This social stigma, which Barzun points out was not unique to the American experience, highlights the fact that "the problems of colored populations...are not problems about a natural fact called race: they are problems of social life, of economic status, of educational policy, and of political organization." Barzun also believed that the "race thinking," as he called it in a letter to the sociologist Oliver Cromwell Cox, was endemic to Americans' thinking across social, cultural, and economic spectrums. In Barzun's estimation race thinking applied "to taxi drivers as well as to Nordics or Semites. In fact it will fit any labeled category. It is as common among football fans as among rabid nationalists and as such deserves a place as the root fallacy in all social antagonisms that are not based on direct competition for concrete goods."
Barzun, certainly one of the first authors to historicize the race concept, would go on to have a long and distinguished career as a historian. _Race_ , his first book, was in general not reviewed kindly in either the social or natural scientific literature. Several reviewers acknowledged Barzun's contribution in providing a broader context for the history of race but questioned his rejection of the race concept. Writing in the journal _Man_ , the British social anthropologist Rosemary Firth wondered if "to deny any scientific reality to race at all...is to carry the valuable indictment of the popular absurdities of race thinking to an extreme, and thereby somewhat to weaken the otherwise good case" against its misuse. Even the _American Historical Review_ , a distinguished journal for American historians, allowed the anthropologist Clark Wissler of the American Museum of Natural History to review the book. Wissler, a member of the eugenicist Galton Society, was a steadfast believer in the biological race concept and an advocate of Nordic superiority. He argued that the main sources of human evolution were from Asia and Europe, "while the rest of the world was relegated to a marginal position." Wissler was not particularly kind, writing, "Though the author [Barzun] regards this volume as a critical history of thought on race, it can hardly qualify as a calm weighing of evidence." Wissler dismissed Barzun's work as extreme and suggested that it was best read in conjunction with books "which defend the concepts of race purity." Such an exercise, Wissler suggested, "may give perspective" on the subject. Barzun, angered by Wissler's review, sent a letter to the editor of the _American Historical Review_ defending the book and pointing out Wissler's errors and misconceptions. Barzun seemed particularly irritated at the way Wissler, writing in the leading historical journal no less, criticized _Race_ and defended the race concept by demeaning the historical craft and the ability of historical methods to evaluate science. In the letter to the editor, Barzun pointed out that "the basic questions he raises without stating them seem to be: whether ideas are real forces or mere illusions; whether their relation to biological or economic fact are subtle and complex or obvious and simple (Race being a simple First Cause for culture) and ultimately, whether the student of ideas has the right to be a pragmatic critic instead of a mechanistic materialist."
_Race_ concluded with twelve objections to the race concept, which, very much in the mold of Du Bois's earlier critique, included the concept's general inconsistency, its elusiveness, its statistical fallacy, its fallacy of genetic predetermination, and its absolutism. Race could explain anything and everything, and Barzun noted that "in a real world of shifting appearance, race satisfies man's demand for certainty by providing a small, simple, and complete cause for a great variety of large and complex events." Barzun's book and its critique of the race concept remain historiographically important for telling a modern reader where to look for the changing nature of the scientific foundation of the race concept. If anthropology was the arbiter of meaning for race in the nineteenth and through the earliest years of the twentieth century, then genetics, or "the problem of hereditary transmission," as he called it, is "central in any future theory of race."
Barzun could claim genetics as the emerging authority on the race concept with confidence for several reasons. First, political events in Europe, specifically the rise of Nazism, had helped popularize the link between race and genetics in a way that not even the most fervent American eugenicists had thought possible—although they actively and without compunction sought out this role. To a significant degree, Nazi eugenic zeal was inspired by American eugenics. The publication of Madison Grant's eugenic tract _The Passing of the Great Race: The Racial Basis of European History_ might have preceded the rise of Nazism by more than a decade, but its ideas about Nordic racial purity influenced many Germans. In a letter to Grant, Hitler called _The Passing_ "his Bible." In 1933 the _Eugenical News_ , the official newsletter of several eugenic organizations including the American Eugenics Society, noted the American influence on German sterilization policy: "To one versed in the history of eugenic sterilization in America, the text of the German statute reads almost like the American model sterilization law." American philanthropists, including those of the Rockefeller Foundation, also gave scientific grants to German eugenicist researchers, both before and for several years after the rise of Hitler. And even as the world recoiled in horror at the ways in which the Nazis integrated eugenics into their political philosophy—mass sterilizations and concentration camps—American eugenicists continued to support their Nazi brethren. In 1935 Harry Laughlin accepted an honorary degree from the University of Heidelberg for "being one of the most important pioneers in the field of racial hygiene." The dean of the University of Heidelberg's medical school later helped organize the gassing of thousands of mentally handicapped adults. Also in 1935, after a visit to Berlin, the head of the Eugenic Research Association, Clarence Campbell, proclaimed that Nazi eugenic policy "sets a pattern which other nations and other racial groups must follow if they do not wish to fall behind in their racial quality, in their racial accomplishments, and in their prospects for survival." Finally, in 1937, American eugenicists distributed a Nazi eugenic propaganda film to promote the eugenic cause in the United States.
Second, with the American eugenics movement in decline during the 1930s, there was an opportunity for new claims and room for new authorities on the biological race concept. Third (and this is more speculation than assertion), as a historian, Barzun was able to see the evolution of racial science—from its origins in prescientific folkways to anthropological to biological to genetic thinking—having covered more than a century of its presence in European and American social and intellectual thought in his book _Race_. Following the debates, discussions, and findings on race, Barzun would have seen that geneticists were quickly becoming the respected voice on this matter. Fourth, and finally, the changing technological, methodological, and ontological approaches in biology, evolutionary biology, and genetics were coalescing into what in the 1930s would become known as the evolutionary or modern synthesis and reshaping the way the biological sciences hypothesized, conceptualized, and analyzed human difference. It was from this modern synthesis that ideas about race would be reformulated into both the scientific and popular lexicons.
**7**
**RACE AND THE EVOLUTIONARY SYNTHESIS**
**T** he evolutionary synthesis in biology, a historic moment for the biological sciences, was the union, in a Darwinian context, of theoretical population genetics, experimental genetics, and natural history. The synthesis resolved several outstanding, and until that point seemingly intractable, issues for biology. First, it reached accord that natural selection was the mechanism that accounted for evolutionary change. This also meant the acceptance of evolution as a gradual process. Second, the synthesis resolved the long-standing issue of how to explain evolutionary phenomena. According to Ernst Mayr, himself an architect of the synthesis, the consensus that emerged on this issue understood that "by introducing the population concept, by considering species as reproductively isolated aggregates of populations, and by analyzing the effect of ecological factors...on diversity and on the origin of higher taxa, one can explain all evolutionary phenomena in a manner that is consistent both with known genetic mechanisms and with the observational evidence of the naturalists." Consensus on these issues was, to be sure, difficult for all involved. For example, for the first third of the twentieth century systematists rejected the discoveries of genetics and held fast to a worldview shaped by their own discoveries. This was primarily because their concepts of variation and inheritance were consistent with their own field observations and, they believed, could explain evolution better than the Mendelians. But between 1936 and 1947 this synthesis finally emerged in the literature, bridging a gap between two areas of research that had up until this time failed to communicate with each other.
Theodosius Dobzhansky, one of the architects of the synthesis, described the significance of the emerging consensus in a 1947 letter to R. C. Murphy, president of the American Museum of Natural History: "It is not particularly inspiring to continue to taxonomize as the nineteenth century taxonomists did. But no informed person can disregard the fact that a new science is being born from a synthesis of morphological and experimental biology, and that this science begins to occupy one of the central positions among the biological disciplines. On the taxonomic side, the new systematics uses, in part, the same apparatus of research which the old taxonomy has assembled and used, namely museum collections of dead specimens. But the new systematics studies dead specimens not merely in order to arrange them on museum shelves; dead specimens are used as means to discover the new laws of life." Among the seminal works of that period were Dobzhansky's _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , Julian Huxley's _Evolution: The Modern Synthesis_ , George G. Simpson's _Tempo and Mode in Evolution_ , and Ernst Mayr's _Systematics and the Origin of Species_.
Ernst Mayr, one of the architects of the evolutionary synthesis, has written about the impact the synthesis had on a biological understanding of race and human diversity. According to Mayr, one of the more significant characteristics of presynthesis thinking was that while the "naturalists had wrong ideas on the nature of inheritance and variation; the experimental geneticists were dominated by typological thinking that resulted in pure lines and mutation pressure." Mayr believed that prior to the synthesis geneticists were stuck in a mode of thought in which "species and populations were not seen as highly variable aggregates consisting of genetically unique individuals, but rather as uniform types." This perhaps paints too simplistic a picture of broader arguments about the nature of variation in presynthesis biology. Mayr's point makes the most sense, however, not in explaining the fixity of two contrasting worldviews (typology versus populationist thinking) but as a way to illustrate the way typology had, before the synthesis, circumscribed thinking about variation.
And Mayr understood these contrasting worldviews to be a fundamental struggle within evolutionary thinking; in fact, his writings traced the origins of modern populationist thinking back to Darwin and his cousin Galton. Galton, while the epitome of a typologist, would contribute to the emergence of populationist thought by developing mathematical models that accounted for variability. The sharp dichotomy between pre- and postsynthesis thinking on variation as Mayr described it was not, of course, absolute, and others have acknowledged the transitional work on variation occurring in genetics research in the decades just prior to the synthesis. For example, in the work on human ABO blood-group maps from the latter years of the first decade of the twentieth century through the 1940s, one can see the evolution from typological to populationist thinking.
But regardless of this transitional work in human diversity, the failure to fully conceptualize genetic variation led directly to the belief in the existence of "uniform types," or races as they were commonly known. One of the more significant effects of the synthesis would be the rejection by most biologists of typological thinking; it may be recalled from chapter 5 that one of the reasons why eugenics fell out of favor, and why Charles Davenport's status in American science quickly went from leader to quack, was his failure to embrace this shift.
Yet this rejection of typology by the "new" biology did not mean that an evolving biological race concept somehow left scientists in the field above racist conjecture or left the race concept itself invulnerable to misuse. Indeed, there is no doubt that while by the 1930s new findings in population genetics and evolutionary biology witnessed significant changes in racial thinking, there was still no shortage of opportunity for the integration of racism into biological conceptions of human difference. To be sure, there remained those who held on to the legacies of typological thinking who were part of the modern synthesis. Julian Huxley was, for example, _the_ popularizer of the synthesis and the author of a book on race titled _We Europeans_ —written in large part to attack the Nazi's racial doctrines, the book rejected the race concept as unscientific. He would also write in 1938 that "in human genetics, the most important immediate problem is to my mind that of 'race crossing.'...The question whether certain race crosses produce 'disharmonious' results needs more adequate exploration. Social implications must also be borne in mind in considering this subject."
Despite Huxley's prominence in the synthesis, his typological "voice" on this subject becomes less interesting than that of persons who through their research, publications, and correspondence struggled to redefine the postsynthesis biological meaning of race difference in humans. Ultimately, it would not be the holdover typologists and racists who developed a modern biological race concept. It was rather the scientists who sought to reconcile concepts of human diversity and modern biology who shaped a new consensus on racial difference. Those who sought to eliminate the race concept in biology altogether also played an important role in this debate. It is more interesting to consider those who recognized the need for change in the context of the new synthesis and how they made that change rather than to examine "more of the same" racist conjecture. It is the legacy of this work on race and human genetic diversity from the 1930s through the 1960s that has had continued significance as modern biology, genetics, and related disciplines continue to struggle with these concepts. And it is the work in this area conducted by the evolutionary biologist Theodosius Dobzhansky, the population geneticist L. C. Dunn, the evolutionary anthropologist Ashley Montagu, and the geneticist Curt Stern that will capture the attention of the remainder of the present and subsequent chapters.
**THEODOSIUS DOBZHANSKY AND THE CREATION OF A NEW RACE CONCEPT**
Theodosius Dobzhansky, according to the evolutionary biologist and geologist Stephen Jay Gould, "was preadapted to initiate the synthesis." A Russian-trained zoologist who received a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation to study with Thomas Hunt Morgan beginning in 1928 (first at Columbia and then at Caltech), Dobzhansky's training in Russia and subsequent work in the United States prepared him for his role in the modern synthesis in a way that was unparalleled in biological circles at the time. From Russia Dobzhansky inherited a rich tradition of experimental genetics in the context of natural history, a tradition absent at that time in American biology. Dobzhansky would later recall that to Morgan, "'naturalist' was a word almost of contempt...the antonym of 'scientist.'" Nevertheless, in the United States Dobzhansky had the opportunity to apply this tradition by working with Morgan and others. Surrounded by such a distinguished group of colleagues, Dobzhansky thrived and quickly went on to become one of the architects of the evolutionary synthesis and one of the foremost evolutionary geneticists of the twentieth century.
The importance of Dobzhansky's work and those biologists who helped drive the evolutionary synthesis forward is well documented. One historian, for example, underscores the significance of Dobzhansky's _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , writing that it "thus became the ground on which the heterogeneous practices of the biological sciences were stabilized and bound." At the time of its publication the population geneticist Sewell Wright, whose own mathematical models proved indispensable to Dobzhansky, heralded _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ as "a book which will be a necessity for all interested in the recent development of the theory of evolution" and called it "by far the best synthesis that has come out." In an introduction to the 1982 edition of the book, Stephen Jay Gould calls it "a long argument for a general attitude toward nature and a specific approach that might unite the disparate elements of evolutionary theory."
The historiography on racial science—the murky place where the biological race concept intersects with prejudice both within and outside science—suggests that in post–World War II America the race concept continued a decline it had begun in the 1920s. According to Elazar Barkan, that decline ushered in an era that saw the emergence of egalitarianism in scientific discourse that would force racial science into retreat. This book argues instead that racial science—if defined as the use of science, both by scientists and laypersons alike, generally as part of a greater arsenal of oppression, and specifically as a scientific language utilized for this general purpose—did not decline. Instead, in the interwar period racial science thrived, and beginning in the 1930s through the postwar period, the language and ideas of racial science were adapted to the evolutionary synthesis by both participants in the synthesis and by outsiders trying to influence debates on the nature of human genetic differences. This is not to say that the evolutionary synthesis was itself racist in the same way as the eugenics movement. Indeed, most modern geneticists rejected racism in the 1940s but nevertheless continued to embrace the biological race concept. This seeming contradiction was at the center of efforts by many geneticists to preserve the race concept for their work (in all species) and cast off the racist aspersions formerly associated with it. As the nation's preeminent geneticist, and as one of the architects of the evolutionary synthesis in modern biology, Theodosius Dobzhansky was at the forefront of this change.
From Dobzhansky's perch as one of the preeminent scientists of his time he had the desire, prestige, and audience to write on matters social as well as scientific. And so he did, reaching beyond the confines of academia on subjects ranging from race and society to radiation and its impact on humankind to popular books about human evolution. For an émigré from Russia who had begun learning English only upon his arrival in the United States, this was quite a feat. His first popular book, _Heredity, Race, and Society_ , published in 1946, was written on the subject of race and coauthored with his colleague at Columbia (where he had become a professor of zoology in 1940), the geneticist L. C. Dunn. But Dobzhansky had already written about the race concept in biology—with a very specific purpose—earlier in the 1940s, and his scientific work on the modern synthesis as well as his deep humanitarian streak motivated his work in this area.
The laboratory life of Theodosius Dobzhansky had a marked impact on the way he perceived and conceptualized difference in the species he studied and, by extension, on how he understood diversity in his fellow man. The fact that Dobzhansky's scientific and intellectual authority as a leader of the evolutionary synthesis was brought to bear on the development of a new race concept in biology should not be surprising given the importance of genetic variation as a key concept in the synthesis. For Dobzhansky and others involved in the synthesis, natural selection, speciation, and adaptation could be understood only in the context of population, not typological thinking, and understanding genetic variation within populations was essential to understanding the mechanisms of evolution. Dobzhansky's Russian training played a formative role in his approach. In Russia, where Dobzhansky began his training as an entomologist, his work was rooted in a system of knowledge that emphasized natural history in a way that the American and European biological traditions did not. And it is in Dobzhansky's earlier foundational work on variation, race, and speciation that these Russian roots are evident. While still in Russia, prior to his work with _Drosophila pseudoobscura_ , Dobzhansky worked primarily with ladybug beetles ( _Coccinellidae_ ) as his experimental animal of choice. One early paper on ladybugs sought to examine the problem of "the formulation of races by means of selection of biotypes." Other papers would look more closely at the mechanisms and nature of speciation, and during the 1920s Dobzhansky's research program matured to examine "geographical distribution and variability in populations, individual variability within populations, and inheritance of variability"—all important components of his growing research into microevolution. Although the seeds of Dobzhansky's synthetic thinking would be present in his 1920s work, at that time he still had yet to make the connections between evolution, genetics, and morphology that would be present in his groundbreaking work of the 1930s.
It is not simply that Dobzhansky was interested in problems of race and variation in his earlier work; his training as a naturalist helped to focus his understanding of the genetics of natural populations. The attention to populations in the wild, as opposed to laboratory-bred populations, was a characteristic of the Russian biological tradition emphasizing the naturalist's viewpoint—one that was centered on the observations of wild populations and using those observations to construct wider theories about the nature of biological systems at the micro- and macrolevels. Dobzhansky ascribed the roots of this tradition in Russia to "perhaps the great size and environmental diversity of the country," which led to "new and unusual animals and plants [that] were collected and brought for study in university laboratories, zoological and botanical museums and marine institutes. A majority of biologists had experience working in the field and observing living beings in their habitats....Anyway, it was taken for granted that a biologist must know animals, or plants, or both."
By fusing experimental and laboratory traditions in evolutionary biology, Dobzhansky was able to not only speculate about the nature of populations through laboratory analysis but also, through his meticulous fieldwork in natural environments, witness the genetics of population dynamics firsthand. Through his long-standing collaboration with the population geneticist Sewell Wright, Dobzhansky was able to make sense of the genetics of natural populations. Dobzhansky provided the observational and biological data as well as the theory; Wright helped Dobzhansky with the mathematical models underlying those theories. The breaking down of barriers between experimental work (the laboratory geneticist) and fieldwork (the naturalist) was, of course, another important legacy that Dobzhansky left to biology.
Dobzhansky's description of a 1943 trip to Brazil in a letter to Sewell Wright suggests the way his fieldwork shaped his own understanding of variation in natural populations. "Tropical forest is an environment so different from ours of the temperate zones that all biological conceptions or preconceptions with which a 'temperate' biologist starts have to be critically examined," Dobzhansky wrote. Dobzhansky noted that "the richness of species is of course commonplace; the population density of most species being or seeming low is also something for what I have been prepared." But he was surprised to "see the incredible heterogeneity within even what seems superficially the same type of environment. Up to now I can not tell with assurance which _Drosophila_ species is the commonest because different ones are commonest in different places."
Race as a taxonomic term predated Dobzhansky's reimagining of the concept in biology and would have been a classificatory tool used by taxonomists for at least a century before the evolutionary synthesis. Race was part of the set of standard categories that Linnaean taxonomy utilized to help organize biodiversity, specifically the morphological and physiological diversity found within named species. As a Russian trained natural scientist, Dobzhansky utilized race in his work to describe species subdivisions, or subspecies. In fact, race and subspecies were often used interchangeably in the naturalist literature. Dobzhansky described the taxonomic meaning of race in a 1933 paper on "Geographical Variation in Lady-Beetles." "The different patterns known in a given species do not occur equally frequently in every part of the area inhabited by the species," Dobzhansky wrote about the variation of color patterns found in lady beetles. Dobzhansky continued, "In some sections of the specific area a majority of the population may consist of individuals having a pattern or patterns which are rare or absent in other sections of the same area. The species becomes, thus, differentiated into geographical races (subspecies). Each of the subspecies is characterized by a definite frequency of the different patterns in the population."
It is no accident that Dobzhansky, who was trained in this tradition of natural history, was able to make the theoretical leaps that helped usher in the evolutionary synthesis. It is also no accident that, like the Russian colleagues he left behind, he was mathematically unsophisticated, a shortcoming he himself acknowledged. Writing to his collaborator and mathematical muse, the theoretical population geneticist Sewell Wright, Dobzhansky admitted his own "mathematical understanding is far too insufficient to read and understand" Wright's papers "completely." "But," Dobzhansky continued, "I have done the same thing that I have with other papers: read the part of the text preceding and following the mathematics, skipped the latter in assurance that to it the expression 'papa knows how' is applicable." Throughout his career Dobzhansky turned to mathematically minded population geneticists for guidance on the bases of his evolutionary theories. Fruitful collaborations with Alfred Sturtevant and Sewell Wright were critical to his overall success as a scientist.
But Dobzhansky, of course, was not the only evolutionary synthesizer to write about variation in the scientific literature. Sewell Wright and Ernst Mayr, for example, wrote extensively about genetic variation in the 1930s and 1940s but paid only minimal attention to the race concept. Ultimately, that Dobzhansky became so invested in discussions about genetic variation in the context of the synthesis and in both scientific and popular deliberations about the race concept had also to do with his personal history as well as his political and moral beliefs. Dobzhansky's thinking on race was shaped by both his deep-seated humanism and his belief in the important role of the intellectual in society. These forces drove his scientific interests. Furthermore, Dobzhansky's dedication to the study of evolution was not simply about uncovering the mechanisms of that process but was also about understanding the implications of evolution in and for humans—an approach that shaped his popular discussions of race.
Looking back on his career and on his role in scientific debates about race, Dobzhansky's own hindsight suggests that a veritable "changing of the guard" in his field (older geneticists retiring and dying) precipitated his and others' entry into the debates on race. Dobzhansky recalled that race prejudice was potent among the "older geneticists" and remembered an exchange with Edward East while visiting Woods Hole Laboratory in Massachusetts in 1936. East insisted that Dobzhansky was "not a Russian" given that Russians are a genetically inferior people. A small minority of Nordics lived among that population, and Dobzhansky had to have been part of that group. Dobzhansky was also motivated to become involved in debates about the nature of the biological race concept because of the "impact of Nazi atrocities against the Jews" and because the biological evidence did not support the alleged dangers of race crossing. Dobzhansky would have seen those who held fast to racist and typological viewpoints as anachronisms, and he himself believed that "changing one's views is not at all shameful, and in fact when we reach the state when we can no longer change it may be time to retire." But it is clear that it was not simply that Dobzhansky's interest in race was about a temporal changing of the guard but also about significant differences in the worldviews of those who chose to tackle the race issue beginning in the 1930s.
The other important characteristic that defined Dobzhansky to a very large degree, and also defined others involved in rethinking the race concept in biology, was that they were outsiders of one sort or another. Dobzhansky was not simply an immigrant to the United States but also an exile who could not return to his Russian homeland in the wake of Stalin's growing purges. Dobzhansky was also, early in his career, a scientific outsider, arriving in the United States with only limited training in genetics and a strong background, unlike most of his colleagues, in natural history. Dobzhansky's collaborators and allies on matters of race had similar stories. L. C. Dunn, who briefly flirted with the eugenics movement, had a son with cerebral palsy whose condition would come to shape his antieugenical thinking. Ashley Montagu, born Israel Ehrenberg in London in 1905, changed his name to avoid the anti-Semitism of the British academic aristocracy. And Curt Stern, a German Jew, was unable to return home after the rise of Hitler.
Dobzhansky's objective—seeking to redefine the biological concept of race in a genetic context—began in earnest in his 1937 _Genetics and the Origin of Species_. While race is not itself the subject of the book, the importance of the concept of variation to the evolutionary synthesis meant that defining populations and other groupings of organisms received significant attention. By privileging variable over fixed populations, Dobzhansky's synthesis helped reconceptualize the idea of difference between and among populations of all organisms, including human beings. His description of the race concept in _Species_ should be considered one of the most important writings in the history of this subject, yet it has received relatively little attention. This is surprising given Dobzhansky's standing in genetics, his popular and scientific writings on the subject, and the legacy he left in the form of his students (several of whom, including Richard Lewontin and Francisco Ayala, later contributed to the discussions about race and genetics and were leaders in the fields of genetics and evolutionary biology).
To be sure, Dobzhansky was not the only biologist writing about race at that time, nor was he the first to write against the typological race concept. Indeed, typological approaches to race difference were, over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, losing favor among geneticists as population genetics offered alternative explanations for intraspecies diversity. That information was, albeit slowly, making its way into popular thought about race even as Dobzhansky was helping to devise the evolutionary synthesis and place the race concept within that context. For example, Ralph Bunche, who would later garner fame as a United States representative at the United Nations and as the first African American to win the Nobel Peace Prize (1950), wrote _A World View of Race_ the year before _Genetics and Origin of Species_ was published. In his book Bunche, then a freshly minted Harvard Ph.D. in political science, wrote a chapter titled "What Is Race?" in which he reviewed the then current state of race thinking in anthropology and biology. In that chapter Bunche described the limits of typological thought ("the plain fact is that the selection of any specific physical trait or set of traits as a basis for identifying racial groups is a purely arbitrary process"), historicized race ("our concept of race is a comparatively recent one"), and reviewed emerging biological ideas about the race concept ("the study of hereditary phenomena, or genetics...throws much light upon this human problem of race"). In the emerging language of population genetics, Bunche, commenting on why pure human races did not exist, wrote that "human variation is so great, in fact, that perhaps such homogeneous groups never existed at all." Bunche also suggested "we drop the term _race_ with reference to existing groups and substitute some more accurate description such as _ethnic groups_ or _peoples_." This call to drop "race" went far beyond what geneticists like Dobzhansky were willing to do in rethinking the concept but anticipated what would become a more commonplace suggestion among some anthropologists and biologists in the 1940s and 1950s. Finally, Bunche, like Du Bois before him and Ashley Montagu in his footsteps, concluded that "though racial antagonisms constitute a serious world problem, they have no basis in biology, nor can they be accepted as the inevitable result of group differences. Such differences must be analyzed and understood in their social and historical setting." Unlike Bunche, Dobzhansky would not reject the biological race concept, but did concur that "the term race is one employed...with a looseness and inaccuracy matched only by its frequency in our literature." In _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , Dobzhansky hoped to remedy this problem.
A reader first encounters the term "race" in chapter 3 of _Genetics and the Origin of Species_. Dobzhansky wrote that "a living species is seldom a single homogenous population. Far more frequently species are aggregates of races, each race possessing its own complex characteristics. The term 'race' is used quite loosely to designate any subdivision of species which consists of individuals having common hereditary traits." Dobzhansky, however, admitted to complications regarding the use of this term; he was troubled that "so many diverse phenomena have been subsumed under the name 'race' that the term itself has become rather ambiguous." And Dobzhansky worried about the unavoidable contradictions when applying the term, noting if races are "described usually in terms of the statistical averages for all the characters in which they differ from each other," it inevitably "begins to serve as a racial standard with which individuals and groups of individuals can be compared." Dobzhansky recognized the limitations of such a model: "From the point of view of genetics such an attempt to determine to which race a given individual belongs is sometimes an unmitigated fallacy." This is because—and this point is central to the modern synthesis's novel view of race—"racial differences are more commonly due to variations in the relative frequencies of genes in different parts of the species population than to an absolute lack of certain genes in some groups and their complete homozygosis in others.... _Individuals carrying or not carrying a certain gene may sometimes be found in many distinct races of a species_."
By revealing a core contradiction of race in a population genetics context, Dobzhansky explicitly acknowledged the imprecise nature of race. But he didn't stop there. He also noted "that individuals of the same race may differ in more genes than individuals of different races"; that the "units of racial variability are populations and genes, not the complexes of characters which connote in the popular mind a racial distinction"; that to understand race "the geography of the genes, not of the average phenotypes, must be studied"; and that "racial variability of phenotypic traits is continuous." Yet despite Dobzhansky's insights into the limitations of a biological race concept, he refused to jettison it, and in his writings throughout his career, including _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , he sought to articulate why this was so.
In _Genetics_ Dobzhansky insisted that the discussions about what he refers to as the "endless and notoriously inconclusive discussion of the 'race problem'" could be boiled down to the following question: "Is a 'race' a concrete entity existing in nature, or is it merely an abstraction with a very limited usefulness?" But for Dobzhansky, this question missed the point: race was neither a concrete or "static" entity nor an abstraction, but instead an organic "process" that can be identified as the frequency of a gene or genes in a segment of a population begins to differ from the rest of that population. Race is therefore a temporal and geographic concept, changing as gene frequencies change, sometimes a stepping-stone to the formation of a new species as genes become fixed in populations as mechanisms prevent interbreeding between races, thereby "splitting what used to be a single collective genotype into two or more separate ones." The caveat to this, of course, is that gene flow must stop between populations for this to happen. If it does not, then, in Dobzhansky's estimate, races will always be in flux and to a large degree indeterminable.
In a paper published in the _Scientific Monthly_ in February of 1941, Dobzhansky outlines his justifications for why the biological race concept was as important for studying humans as it was for studying _Drosophila_. The article's content is an expanded view of what he says on the subject in _Genetics_. Dobzhansky argues that previous discussions of the race concept had not been "conducted on a scientific plane," primarily because biologists had "with few exceptions, disdained to take part in the debate." Anthropologists and others had gotten the race concept wrong and he was going to fix it. These claims by Dobzhansky read more like rhetoric than fact, helping him structure an argument that essentially says, _what came before me was scientific bunk proffered by nonbiologists. As an expert biologist I will offer important scientific insight to this debate_. Where Dobzhansky was correct, however, was in his assertion that biology itself offered "no clear definition of what constitutes a race." In _Genetics_ , in the _Scientific Monthly_ article, and in many future publications, he sought to offer a working definition that he believed was essential to the work of scientists operating in the paradigm created by the evolutionary synthesis. In Dobzhansky's calculation, "the refined analytical methods of modern genetics may permit a better insight into this problem to be gained than was possible in the past, but the work in this field is now barely begun." And of that past, of those anthropological methods, Dobzhansky recognized their origins—"a strictly pragmatic purpose—to place the almost infinite variety of living beings into pigeonholes where it can be kept until it is needed for further study"—and their shortcomings—"what actually happened was that pigeonholes were sanctified to become God given units (nominalism from which zoological and botanical taxonomies are just now trying to free themselves)."
>Dobzhansky began his argument in support of the biological race concept by rejecting the taxonomic and anthropological definition, one that posits races as averages of morphological, physiological, and psychological characters. This typological approach could, in Dobzhansky's estimation, provide a "rough description of the observed variety of humans or of other living beings." It could not, however, provide "an analysis of the underlying causes of this variety." To Dobzhansky, this problem could be fixed by the application of genetics in helping to understand the processes of organismal diversity. As he had previously suggested in _Genetics_ , it was not precise enough for geneticists to "define races as populations that differ from each other in the frequencies of certain genes." Ultimately, such a definition tells us little about the "extent" of such differences. Dobzhansky provided an example from his work with _Drosophila_ to explain the shortcomings of this definition and provide one of his own. It is worth noting that Dobzhansky anticipated critiques of using _Drosophila_ models to discuss human races, writing that "the laws of heredity are the most universally valid ones among the biological regularities yet discovered. The mechanisms of inheritance in man, in the _Drosophila_ flies, in plants and even in the unicellulars are fundamentally the same." That Dobzhansky sought consistency in the use of racial terminology across species and clades was driven by his classical training in taxonomy and his rigid view of terminology. Also, as mentioned above, Dobzhansky was trying to appropriate the race concept under the evolutionary synthesis. In order to do so it seems certain that he needed to rid it of its anthropological and eugenic stigma. By placing race under the rubric of genetics, he had hoped to save it for biological practice and thought.
Dobzhansky's _Drosophila_ examples were meant to reinforce the biological nature of the race concept. In the _Scientific Monthly_ paper Dobzhansky describes how no populations of _Drosophila_ are genetically uniform, and that "in every one of them some individuals carried chromosome structures and mutant genes not present in others." He also notes that the genetic composition of populations in this species do not remain constant over time. These changes, as he noted in _Genetics_ , can, over evolutionary time, lead to speciation. Changes of this nature are "subject to natural selection." Dobzhansky also notes that none of the populations of _Drosophila_ are "pure races." In bringing up this point Dobzhansky was directly engaging the broader social debates about race, and in doing so hoped to disconnect the science from its social context. In Dobzhansky's estimation, "the idea of a pure race is not even a legitimate abstraction: it is a subterfuge used to cloak one's ignorance of the nature of the phenomenon of racial variation." Instead, populations showed variability between them in "geographically graded series" or clines.
One of the challenges Dobzhansky faced using _Drosophila_ races as a way to explain the concept for its use among _Homo sapiens_ is that there is an obvious distinction in race between human and nonhuman species; the use of race in _Drosophila_ obviously does not carry the same social and historical burden as it does for the human species. For naturalists and evolutionary biologists, race was an important piece of the puzzle of natural selection, the chief mechanism of evolution. Species are, of course, made up of heterogeneous populations. That heterogeneity in nonhuman species leads to geographical races (or populations), and these populations are the raw material for speciation. Humans, however, do not have the same ecological niches as other species and therefore are not races in the same way in this evolutionary context. In trying to preserve the race concept for all taxonomic usage, Dobzhansky never explicitly addressed these inconsistencies.
Dobzhansky concluded his article by again arguing that postsynthesis genetics must be the arbiter of the race concept. His rhetoric called for more scientific study into this matter and noted that despite the difficulties involved in race-level research in populations, "the difficulty of the task is not a sufficient reason to cling to the outworn methods of racial study...and still less is it a reason for erecting far-reaching theories on the basis of admittedly faulty data. To do so would be a travesty on science." In trying to appropriate race for postevolutionary synthesis genetics, Dobzhansky was trying to preserve a biological race concept. But in his "mission" to inject genetics into the debate over the meaning of race, Dobzhansky was up to something more, and concomitantly hoped that if the public understood the "ABCs of genetics," then the biological race concept would not engender racism. In a 1947 letter to his colleague L. C. Dunn, Dobzhansky referred to several encyclopedia commissions he had recently taken on the subject of race and science. "The pay is not very attractive," Dobzhansky wrote, but "I am told that this book will be in every school library all over the country, so I regard this as a sort of obligation." That obligation, he wrote Dunn, was to "help straighten things out" given "what stuff was fed about human heredity to people." In considering whether to take the commission to revise _Encyclopedia Americana_ 's entry on "Races," Dobzhansky decided to do so because "what stands there now could have been written by Dr. Goebbels."
**DUNN**
In 1946 Dobzhansky coauthored his first popular book on the race concept, _Heredity, Race, and Society_ , with his Columbia colleague, the geneticist L. C. Dunn. Dunn was a distinguished geneticist who involved himself as deeply as Dobzhansky in the social aspects of scientific research. By the time of their collaboration on _Heredity, Race, and Society_ , Dunn had established himself as one of the world's preeminent geneticists, particularly in the area of mouse genetics and gene mapping, and is considered to have played a crucial role in the establishment of genetics as its own scientific discipline. In that capacity Dunn served on the Joint Genetics Section of the American Association for the Advancement of Science during the 1920s and early 1930s, as the first president of the Genetics Society of America in the early 1930s, and also helped to transition the _Journal of Heredity_ from a eugenic mouthpiece into an academic journal.
Dunn also facilitated the emergence of the modern synthesis through his relationship with Dobzhansky. The two geneticists had known each other since at least the mid-1930s, when, at the invitation of Dunn, Dobzhansky delivered a series of lectures at Columbia in 1936 (and a year later was named as part of the revitalized Jessup Lecture Series at Columbia). Those lectures, at the prompting of Dunn, were adapted into _Genetics and the Origin of Species_. After reading the book, Dunn acknowledged its importance, writing to Dobzhansky that "it fills a need we have all felt for a long time." In 1940 Dunn would also be responsible for bringing Dobzhansky to Columbia from Caltech, where he had been working with T. H. Morgan since the late 1920s. Thus began a lifelong friendship and collaboration that lasted until Dunn's death in 1974.
Dunn's interest in race and genetics preceded his collaboration with Dobzhansky on the subject by more than twenty years. He was, in the early 1920s, active in the American eugenics movement, even delivering a paper at the "Second International Congress of Eugenics" held at the American Museum of Natural History in 1921. During the 1920s Dunn published several papers on race and race mixture that indicated his growing distance from the eugenics movement, including his 1925 paper "A Biological View of Race Mixture," which argued "popular assumptions of hybrid inferiority are shown to lack support. Biological evidence indicates that neither inbreeding nor outbreeding has uniform effects, and that each case of crossing may have to be considered as a special problem." Dunn's conclusions ran counter to most eugenic and genetic work being done at the time, and, like Dobzhansky, he seemed to share a desire to both explain the race concept in the context of the modern synthesis and to depoliticize and preserve it for scientific purposes. In his 1928 study called "An Anthropometric Study of Hawaiians of Pure and Mixed Blood," part of the research originally presented at the American Museum of Natural History in 1921, Dunn tried to make this point. The paper argues both that there was currently not enough good data (which Dunn himself would collect) and that, based on this work, he and others could help develop a racial definition for Hawaiians.
Dunn held a divided opinion of eugenics during the 1920s, according to one of his biographers. On the one hand he accepted "biological eugenics" as a valid extension of Mendel's laws to humans. On the other hand, he was skeptical of the application of social eugenics to human populations, recognizing early on that heredity was complex and unpredictable, and that sterilization laws could not account for such complexity. Dunn's position was complicated by his own evolving views on the subject, driven by both the changing scientific landscape and circumstances in his personal life. In 1928 Dunn's second son, Stephen, was born with cerebral palsy. Although Dunn would always believe in the potential of applying genetics to social problems in human populations, by the 1930s he came to reject the eugenics movement for its mix of science and politics, and for the fear that a child like Stephen, who despite his physical handicaps grew up to receive a Ph.D. in anthropology from Columbia, would have been deemed unfit in most eugenic circles. Later that decade, Dunn would assist the Carnegie Institution of Washington—then still the principal sponsor of Charles Davenport's work at Cold Spring Harbor—in evaluating the work of the Eugenics Record Office. In a letter sent in 1935 to John Merriam, president of the Carnegie Institution, Dunn summarized his views of eugenics: "Eugenical research was not always activated by purely disinterested scientific motives, but was influenced by social and political considerations tending to bring about too rapid application of incompletely proved theses." The Eugenics Record Office was officially closed in December 1939, when it had become abundantly clear that its work was scientifically unacceptable in the United States and increasingly objectionable, particularly in light of the extremes of eugenics of the Third Reich in Nazi Germany.
That Dunn rejected eugenics and continued to believe that genetics could be (carefully) applied to human populations was similar in many ways to Dobzhansky's thinking on the subject, and the two men, as well as many of their genetics colleagues, saw no contradiction in rejecting what they considered a politicized eugenics movement and at least theoretically embracing its possibilities. In the 1950s Dunn even founded the Institute for the Study of Human Variation at Columbia, an effort to identify the "causes of evolutionary changes in human populations" and to see how such evolutionary changes "could be initiated and developed." Dunn's eugenic venture was short-lived. The institute didn't survive the decade, and Dunn retired from his position at Columbia in 1962. Dunn's work through the institute reflected his long-standing interest in issues of discrimination and equality as they intersected with science. He launched two population genetic studies, one on the Jewish population of Rome and one on the Gullah peoples of James Island, South Carolina. Although his scientific hypotheses sought to examine the evolution of human populations, Dunn's work on these groups also addressed issues of ongoing discrimination, particularly the role of discriminatory social isolation as a factor in human evolution. Dunn's student Dorothea Bennett remembered his devotion to the potential of genetics in this way: "He was equally interested in man, mouse and garden flowers in the sense that they presented interesting biological correlates that were just as real to him although their overall importance might be very different."
At the peak of their influence in the 1940s—Dobzhansky because of his role in the synthesis and Dunn because of his role in establishing the discipline of genetics—they were well positioned to author a popular book on genetics, race, and racism. And their collaboration on _Heredity, Race, and Society_ bore unquestionable fruit; its print run exceeded 500,000 copies over its four editions, and it was translated into many languages as well. The book brought together their personal and disciplinary views on race, racism, and genetics: that race was a useful biological concept that, in itself, did not buoy racism. Instead, racists misused genetics for their own nonscientific ends. The book also ventured into the nature-nurture debate, arguing that "between so-called 'hereditary' and so-called 'environment' traits there is no hard and fast line." Finally, Dunn and Dobzhansky acknowledged the historical nature of the race concept, writing, "The belief that the differences between men and races are inborn and unalterable is probably older and more widespread than the other extreme view that human peculiarities result from peculiarities of the environment in which they occur."
The book, directed at a general audience, meant to "acquaint them with the biological facts necessary for understanding human likenesses and differences." In its chapters titled "Human Differences," "Nature and Nurture," "The Method of Heredity," and "Group Differences and Group Heredity," Dunn and Dobzhansky updated their readers on the state of genetics and evolutionary biology, the failings of eugenics, and the emergence of population thinking. But it is their final chapter on race where they sought to leave a mark on general science readers, or on "John Q. Busrider," whom a derisive reviewer suggested was the target audience of their book.
In the book's final chapter, "Race," Dobzhansky and Dunn made a case for why race is an important concept for science and society, and why racism is not supported by science. These arguments were meant to support their belief that the race concept could and should be divorced from racism and racists. "Races can be defined as populations which differ in the frequencies of some gene or genes," they wrote, using scientific language to describe the nature of differences between human groups. And they emphasized the point that even though "military leaders and politicians have been learning how to use real or assumed scientific discoveries to add an appearance of respectability to their propaganda," that propaganda "cannot accomplish its purpose if we know the facts of human biology." In other words, even the biological race concept endorsed by Dunn and Dobzhansky could provide support and cover for racist thinking, since science could also challenge that use.
Yet reading the book, one can't help but wonder if Dunn and Dobzhansky were aware of the contradictions in their reasoning about the nature and meaning of the race concept and why they believed it to be such an important classificatory tool for biology. The book's final chapter is marked by contradictions obvious to any observer. On the one hand, the authors assert "races are populations which differ in the relative commonness of some of their genes," yet at the same time they write tentatively that "when we say that populations are racially different we are not saying very much. They may be so different that it is possible to tell to which of them any individual belongs, or so similar that only very careful study by specialists can reveal their distinctions at all." This position seems to assert that ultimately only "specialists" can determine race, and that what laypersons may think they know about race is, in fact, inaccurate. Similarly, Dunn and Dobzhansky wrote, "Human races differ usually in many genes and many traits," and also stated that "attempts to subdivide mankind neatly into several hard and fast racial compartments evidently failed." Moreover, Dunn and Dobzhansky believed that the existence of human races would eventually cease to exist, that "there is no doubt that civilization leads slowly but inexorably, toward breakdown of the race divisions."
The book's reception was decidedly mixed. In the _Quarterly Review of Biology_ Bentley Glass recognized the book as "outstanding for the clarity and simplicity of its exposition," and wrote that "the authors have not been afraid to express their own view, growing out of their understanding of population genetics, on such subjects as the difficulties of eugenics, evolution, and 'social Darwinism.'" Other reviews were not as kind. Writing in the _Journal of Heredity_ Robert Cook and Jay Lush worried that the book might leave its readers' "thinking about individual and racial differences dangerously muddled." Cook and Lush also accused Dunn and Dobzhansky of "ideological biases and value judgments" and hinted that the authors harbored communist sympathies. An unsolicited review sent directly to Dobzhansky by Frederick Osborn, president of the American Eugenics Society and a founder of the Pioneer Fund, attacked the book's positions on eugenics and race. "As you know," Osborn began, "I felt very badly that in the little Penguin book published by yourself and Dr. Dunn, you failed to recognize the authoritative statements on eugenics and leveled your fire instead at social class eugenics and racism, which were discarded by all responsible people many years ago." Dobzhansky mocked Osborn's critique in a letter to the anthropologist Ashley Montagu: "Ho-Hum!!! I really did not know that he felt badly, although I sort of guessed he might. And when, at what date, have 'all responsible people' discarded 'social class eugenics and racism'? I wish he might, as President of the Eugenics Society, make the discarding quite explicit and official."
Dunn and Dobzhansky's postsynthesis approach to race was not the only position on race being offered in public and scientific circles. In 1948, Harvard University Press published _Human Ancestry: From a Genetical Point of View_ , by R. Ruggles Gates. The book was a mix of eugenic and polygenic thinking, and Gates was an advocate of the position that races did not exist because the so-called races of man were actually different species, among which a hierarchy of abilities existed. In correspondence with Ashley Montagu, who had reviewed Gates's book for the _Saturday Review_ , Dobzhansky refers to _Human Ancestry_ as "excrement." But Dobzhansky, ever the arbiter of the misuse of heredity and race by scientists and nonscientists alike, was less concerned with Gates's opinion than he was with the work of the evolutionary biologist C. D. Darlington, a pioneer in chromosome studies. Darlington believed that not only did races and classes of humans have different values but also that the languages spoken around the globe were genotypically controlled. Because Darlington was no scientific kook or fringe eugenicist, Dobzhansky worried that his theory of race had "dangerous potentialities of spreading its evil smell" and feared in its wake "a big comeback of racialism in a virulent form!"
For Dunn and Dobzhansky the biological race concept itself was not a problem, and they believed that they had written an important book that made that point. "As far as spreading the light is concerned this is what we (or I at any rate) owed to members of our species," Dobzhansky wrote to Dunn in November of 1946, just after the book's release. "How much light will come from our efforts is another matter and one not under our control," Dobzhansky continued. "At any rate we tried honestly." That "honestly" for the two geneticists was that in the context of the modern synthesis, race made perfect sense and the public needed to understand what that meant. It was the social application of this idea that caused trouble. As such, racism, not race, was what scientists and others needed to be vigilant about. They sought to undermine scientific racism, not the biological race concept. The problem with this argument, of course, is that they simultaneously argued that race was imprecise and arbitrary as a biological category (outlined above as the "difficulties" of using race) and that it was a legitimate scientific concept. On the face of it, this is not necessarily contradictory. Biological concepts can be imprecise and still have utility. The evolutionary biology term "homology," which shares with "race" a similar imprecision and a similar struggle among scientists to define its precise meaning, has been the subject of significant debate within biology. However, unlike "homology," "race" has both social and scientific meanings.
**MONTAGU**
In 1942 the British-born anthropologist Ashley Montagu wrote _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ , the first book by a natural scientist to call for the abandonment of the biological race concept. Montagu was a controversial figure who, throughout his long career (he was a prolific contributor to anthropological, biological, and sociological thought well into his nineties), took on controversial subjects with aplomb. Montagu trained first in England in social anthropology at the London School of Economics with Bronislaw Malinowski and later in the United States in cultural anthropology at Columbia University under Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict. Following the completion of his Ph.D. at Columbia, Montagu taught anatomy at Hahnemann Medical College in Philadelphia and in 1949 founded the Anthropology Department at Rutgers University. Montagu's position at Rutgers was short-lived, however. A staunch antiracist, integrationist, and early feminist, as well as an outspoken critic of the rabid anticommunist senator Joseph McCarthy, Montagu was driven from his position at Rutgers in 1953. Montagu's expertise crossed emerging anthropological subfields and he published widely in areas that today would be considered both cultural and physical anthropology. His obituary in the _American Anthropologist_ referred to him as an evolutionary anthropologist.
Beginning in the late 1930s Montagu began his assault on the race concept. At first, however, he only articulated an opposition to racism. In 1939 Montagu presented a motion at the American Association of Physical Anthropologists stating that physical anthropology provided no scientific basis for discrimination based on race, religion, or linguistic heritage. The motion was not passed. By the 1940s Montagu began a direct attack on the race concept itself. Montagu's struggles with the race concept were similar to Dobzhansky's and Dunn's and were drawn largely from Dobzhansky's work _Genetics and the Origin of Species_. But whereas Dobzhansky and Dunn rejected a typological approach to race in lieu of a genetical approach, Montagu would reject both.
In a paper presented at the April 1940 meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists (published in 1942 in _American Anthropologist_ ), Montagu attacked the anthropological/typological race concept, writing, "What a 'race' is no one exactly seems to know, but everyone is most anxious to tell." Instead of upholding an outdated and scientifically useless typological approach to race, Montagu argued that an anthropologist should investigate human diversity "not as a taxonomist but as a geneticist, since the variety which is loosely called 'race' is a process which can only be accurately described in terms of the frequencies with which individual genes occur in groups which represent adequate ecologic isolates." The influence of Dobzhansky's work is clear in Montagu's when he writes that "race formation is genetically best understood in terms of the frequency with which certain genes become differentiated in different groups derived from an originally relatively homogeneous species population and subsequently undergo independent development."
But it is at this point—where Montagu accepts the populationist view of race—that he departs from the growing consensus on this matter. Instead of trying to save the race concept for the biological sciences (including physical and evolutionary anthropology), he rejects it out of hand, questioning, "What aggregation, then, of gene likenesses and differences constitutes a race or ethic group?" Montagu believed that the race concept, even with Dobzhansky and Dunn's modifications, was a convoluted idea, "a rather fatuous kind of abstraction, a form of extrapolation for which there can be little place in scientific thought." Alternatively, Montagu proposed substituting the term "ethnic group" for "race." This was not, in Montagu's reckoning, simply a terminological sleight of hand. Montagu's notion of an "ethnic group" was a rejection of the static and immutable notion of race, a denial of "the unwarranted assumption that there exist any hard and fast genetic boundaries between any groups of mankind," and an acceptance of the genetic unity of humanity. Up to this point, his approach was no different than Dobzhansky and Dunn's. Montagu distinguished his position by his belief that even a revised race concept could not transcend the idea's long and disconcerting history in the natural sciences, especially anthropology. In Montagu's estimation, the history of physical anthropology from the middle of the nineteenth century was "a gradual inversion of this genetic approach to the problem of the variety of mankind. The investigation of causes steadily gave way to the description of effects."
Montagu wrote to Dobzhansky explaining why he believed "ethnic group" was preferable to "race." But Dobzhansky, with whom Montagu carried on a friendly forty-year correspondence beginning in the 1940s, made clear his opposition to eliminating race from the biological parlance. Dobzhansky was not alone in his criticism of Montagu's proposed abandonment of race; Montagu's anthropological colleagues were also quite critical. At a 1941 celebration on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the University of Chicago, Montagu read a paper titled "The Meaninglessness of the Anthropological Conception of Race." The anthropologists in attendance were not supportive. From Fay-Cooper Cole to Harry Shapiro to Aleš Hrdlička, the rejection of Montagu's idea was overwhelming. Resistance to Montagu's position was driven by the novelty of his ideas about race and ethnicity in the face of a field whose work was defined, in large part, by its embrace of a biological conception of race, and by both the covert and overt racists who popularized the discipline.
Montagu believed there were several reasons why "ethnic group" was a better term than "race." First, he argued that "it emphasizes that we are dealing with a distinguishable group" that has "been subject to cultural influences." Second, the term "is non-committal, and leaves the whole question of the precise status of the group on physical or other ground open to question." Third, and finally, it eliminated what Montagu called "any obfuscating emotional implications." For Montagu, "the term ethnic group is not merely a substitute...it's a new concept, a concept for human groupings which modern knowledge has for the first time made possible."
In 1942 Montagu expanded his ideas about abandoning the race concept in the book _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_. The book, written more than seventy years ago, remains in print—an indication of its lasting significance and impact. At the time, it quickly rose to become a best seller. As in his earlier publications on the race concept, _Man's Most Dangerous Myth_ argued "that the term 'race' itself, as it is generally applied to man, is scientifically without justification and that as commonly used, the term corresponds to nothing in reality." Despite chapters on "The Genetical Theory of 'Race'" and "The Biological Facts" (Montagu embraced Dobzhansky's views of human genetic diversity), he continued to reject the biological race concept for the same reasons he outlined in earlier articles—that the race concept was a vestige of history, that it measured differences that were "more or less temporary expressions of variations in the relative frequencies of genes," and that "ethnic groups" was a viable alternative term for describing the states of human genetic diversity.
Reviews of the book reveal how novel and revolutionary the postmodern synthesis view of race was at that time, and how many remained unfamiliar with its propositions. Writing in the _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_ , the Smith College psychologist Frank Hankins wrote that the book "falls somewhere in the twilight zone between strictly scientific treatment of its subject and propaganda," and clearly without knowledge of Dobzhansky's and others' work on a genetical race theory, attributed its ideas solely to Montagu. Hankins's review revealed his own typological thinking and fundamental misunderstanding of populationist thought: he wrote that "instead of trying to deny what the man in the street finds all too clear, namely, that there are such things as race differences," Montagu should instead have simply emphasized overlap between racial groups.
Other reviews were more sympathetic of Montagu's project, although not always of the book's sometimes-polemic style. Writing in _Isis_ the Harvard cultural anthropologist Clyde Kluckhohn agreed "with the central thesis that the traditional view of 'race' which has prevailed in anthropology is utterly inadequate in the face of contemporary genetics and experimental biology." In the _Quarterly Review of Biology_ the geneticist Bentley Glass acknowledged Montagu's thesis, stating, "One point should be clearly understood from the beginning by every reader. The author is not denying the existence of human ethnic groups which would fit the genetic definition of geographic race. He is careful throughout the book to make it clear that it is the older anthropological conception of 'race' that he regards as utterly fallacious and pernicious."
In the foreword to the book, the writer Aldous Huxley, no stranger to genetics and its controversies—he was the brother of Julian Huxley and grandson of Thomas Henry Huxley (both distinguished biologists) as well as the author of the genetically dystopic _Brave New World_ —offered a bleak assessment of the impact of _Man's Most Dangerous Myth_. Although he acknowledged the book's "great merits" in exposing the fallacies of race, he lamented its limitations, writing that educating the public about the limits of the race concept was not enough. Facts were not enough, believed Huxley, because "most ignorance is voluntary and depends upon acts of the conscious or subconscious will." Race and its associated ideas and behaviors would, for the moment, continue to win the day because "facts are mere ventriloquists' dummies, and can be made to justify any course of action that appeals to the socially conditioned passions of the individuals concerned."
Despite Huxley's admonition, Montagu continued, both in scholarly and popular publications, to argue against the biological race concept. Montagu also published widely in the 1940s, seeking to debunk American's racial prejudices against African Americans. Given that in the 1940s and the 1950s the crucible of race would reach fever pitch in American society, it is no surprise that Montagu, who had risen to become one of the most prolific and dynamic scientists writing about race, found himself at the center of that storm as head of a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization committee on the race concept.
**8**
**CONSOLIDATING THE RACE CONCEPT IN BIOLOGY**
On May 17, 1954, the United States Supreme Court ruled in the case _Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas_. The Court's unanimous decision struck down legal segregation in America's public schools. "In the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate-but-equal' has no place. Separate education facilities are inherently unequal," Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote in the decision. This victory for justice, this blow against institutionalized racism, was a historic moment in the intensifying civil rights movement and marked its most significant victory against legalized segregation to date. Debates still rage today regarding the impact of the desegregation decision on public education. Some have been critical of the Court's vague language—"with all deliberate speed"—in setting a timetable for desegregation, others have questioned the wisdom of the Court's reliance on psychosocial evidence in showing segregation's harm on black children, and still others worried that the ruling "defamed all-black schools and their teachers." It was, nevertheless, a watershed decision.
_Brown_ did not comment directly on the nature of race or on the alleged superiority or inferiority of racial groups. By rejecting the precedents that had shaped legalized segregation in the United States, the justices had to articulate an intellectual foundation for their ruling, and in doing so would help reshape the intellectual terrain upon which popular notions of race were built. The Court turned to contemporary social scientific evidence—psychological and sociological studies documenting the deleterious effects of segregation on African American children—to buttress its decision. In citing the effects of segregation on black children and the inevitable damage that it caused, the Court made a powerful statement, albeit obliquely, on the nature of race difference. Writing for the Court, Chief Justice Warren stated "that to separate them [black children] from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone." Implicit in identifying segregation's harmful impact on black children's psyches and the wrongness of causing these children "a feeling of inferiority" was an acknowledgment by the Court that perceiving differences of race as inferior and superior is erroneous. These powerful words marked a watershed in American legal thinking, simultaneously rejecting the racist underpinnings of the Court's earlier segregation sanctioning decision of _Plessy v. Ferguson_ (1896), rejecting a hierarchical view of race differences, and seeking to use this worldview to protect African American children from the injuriousness of segregation and the racist thinking that brought it about.
The Court acknowledged the impact of scientific thinking on its ruling in footnote 11 of the decision, which cited, among others, the work of Kenneth B. Clark, E. Franklin Frazier, and Gunnar Myrdal. The work of the social scientists cited in this footnote sought to reframe the debates on race as a moral problem and as a problem of race relations. These analyses marked an important shift away from debates about the biological basis of racial hierarchy toward a discussion about the nature of race oppression and the ways in which the hierarchical relationship between blacks and whites had circumscribed opportunities for African Americans in the United States. By including these works in the ruling's footnotes, the Court was, to a great degree, endorsing their contents and theses. Although it is Kenneth and Mamie Clark's now famous "doll test"—a psychological test designed to measure the effects of segregation in children—that received the greatest attention for its impact on the Court's thinking in striking down legalized segregation, the placement of Gunnar Myrdal's _An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy_ as the final citation in footnote 11 is striking, especially given the book's critical assessment of American racial oppression and its rejection of the then widely, if not popularly accepted, typological view of race and race difference.
Assessments of the impact of social scientific findings on the Court's decision in _Brown_ are decidedly mixed, particularly on the meaning of footnote 11. One school of thought argues that the inclusion of footnote 11 and other evidence indicates the considerable influence of social science research in finding public school segregation unconstitutional. This group of scholars suggests "the _Brown_ verdict either justified or vindicated the Court's presumptive reliance on social science evidence." Others are critical of the Court's supposed reliance on social science data, worrying that it "did not provide a sufficiently enduring basis to support the principle of racial integration." These scholars worried that a ruling based on social science data "violated traditional, more resilient approaches to constitutional interpretation." Still others, from Robert Bork to Lawrence Friedman, have held that "the _Brown_ Court did not rely on social science evidence in striking down school segregation." Bork, for example, has argued that "social science evidence was immaterial to the Court's decision to strike down school segregation." Finally, more recent scholarship suggests that "footnote eleven was a by-product of the Court's legitimacy concerns." In this view, the Court was concerned about both the controversy the verdict would attract and its rationale for its decision. The inclusion of footnote 11 was therefore considered post hoc and was more important to the decision's legitimacy than its formulation. All but the first argument—that footnote 11 indicates the fundamental role that social science research played in _Brown_ —fail to acknowledge the significance that the research played in Thurgood Marshall's arguments before the Court and in the cases that led to _Brown_. Furthermore, even if the impact of social science research was not definitive, it was significant. The inclusion of the Myrdal study alone indicates that the Court at least understood, and to some degree embraced, those findings. It is unthinkable that the Supreme Court would have included such a controversial study without understanding its implications and meanings for America's discussions of race and race difference.
Myrdal's more than 1,000-page tome, supported by the Carnegie Foundation and written with the research assistance and consultation of more than seventy-five people, sought to recast America's racial problems as a moral conflict between the egalitarian impulses of America's democratic creed and its racist practices. Myrdal believed that this moral conflict, which he cast as the American dilemma, was soon going to resolve itself on the side of America's creed, and his work anticipated many of the victories of the then nascent civil rights movement. However, for Americans to rationalize this dilemma, the tenets of white supremacy—white over black in an unchangeable biological hierarchy of races—had to be an integral part of its zeitgeist. Myrdal wrote that "race dogma is nearly the only way out for a people so moralistically equalitarian, if it is not prepared to live up to its faith. A nation less fervently committed to democracy could, probably, live happily in a caste system with a somewhat less intensive belief in the biological inferiority of the subordinate group. _The need for race prejudice is, from this point of view, a need for defense on the part of the Americans against their own national Creed, against their own cherished ideals_. And race prejudice is, in this sense, a function of equalitarianism. The former a perversion of the latter."
Myrdal also spent several chapters of the book explaining the emerging consensus on the race concept that was developing in the biological sciences, and acknowledging that fixed biological notions of race rooted in typology were "being replaced by quantitative notions of the relative frequency of common ancestry and differentiating traits....The great variability of traits among individuals in every population group is becoming stressed, and the considerable amount of overlapping between all existing groups increasingly recognized....The fundamental unity and similarity of mankind—above minor individual and group differentials—is becoming scientifically established." These "quantitative notions," of course, all point back to Dobzhansky and others working under the rubric of populations and gene frequencies in the modern synthesis.
Given that the findings of _An American Dilemma_ went far beyond the narrow claims of the other works cited in footnote 11 (almost all examine, in some way, segregation's psychic toll on African American children), the inclusion of Myrdal's work here seems both purposeful and remarkable. That all members of the Court embraced Myrdal's conclusions seems unlikely, especially given several justices' sympathies for the practice of segregation, even in the wake of _Brown_. However, the content of _An American Dilemma_ and its inclusion in the _Brown_ ruling suggest that something was changing in America's understanding of what race was and how that emerging understanding of race was altering America's racial calculus.
Published in 1944, _An American Dilemma_ was a sensation from its first printing. The author Frances Gaither, reviewing for the _New York Times_ , called it "a book which nobody who tries to face the Negro problem with any honesty can afford to miss." Writing in the journal _Phylon_ , W. E. B. Du Bois wrote that the book was "monumental," that "Myrdal does not gag facts," and that the book "does not appease the South." The historian Oscar Handlin, who reviewed the book on its twentieth anniversary, observed that _An American Dilemma_ was "a magnet to scholars and a catalyst to political groups," and that "its recommendations have helped shape the strategy of every organization interested in legislation and in judicial interpretations."
Others were not so kind. In the wake of _Brown_ , the historian Walter Jackson noted "southern members of Congress and right-wing activists in other parts of the country regularly portrayed _An American Dilemma_ as a Communist-inspired work." Federal Bureau of Investigation chief J. Edgar Hoover even ordered an investigation into the book, Myrdal himself, and his many researchers. An FBI list accused forty-one of the individuals cited by Myrdal in his preface as having been or currently "members of the CP [Communist Party], CP sympathizers or members of front organizations."
_Brown_ heralded a shifting American racial zeitgeist that was fueled in part by changes in natural and social scientific thinking about race. Both scientific and public debates on this subject, not surprisingly, intensified in the 1950s as racists feared what the ruling and other challenges to America's racial hierarchy would bring. Mississippi senator Theodore Bilbo had warned in 1947, for example, that the mingling of races would lead to the "undermining of both the white and Negro races in this Nation." Wesley Critz George, an anatomist at the University of North Carolina School of Medicine believed segregation necessary. In its absence the United States would "sacrifice our children on the altar of integration."
SO LONG RACE... IN A FEW HUNDRED YEARS
Just four months after the _Brown_ decision Curt Stern, a renowned expert on _Drosophila_ and a human geneticist at the University of California, published a controversial article about race under the title "The Biology of the Negro" in the popular science magazine _Scientific American_. The article was a popularization of a scientific paper on the same subject that Stern had published just a year before. A German-born biologist, Stern, like Dobzhansky, came to Morgan's fly room at Columbia on a Rockefeller Foundation scholarship in the 1920s (Stern left a year before Dobzhansky arrived). Based on his work in Morgan's lab, Stern produced several pioneering papers on the chromosomal basis of inheritance by looking at sex-linked chromosomal abnormalities in _Drosophila_. Stern's early work was fundamental to the development of the chromosomal theory of inheritance. Stern returned to Germany for several years following his work at Columbia, coming back to the United States to work with Morgan—again on a Rockefeller scholarship—in 1932. Hitler's rise to power a year later left Stern, a German Jew, with little choice but to stay in the United States. He spent most of the 1940s as the chairman of the Department of Zoology and the chair of the Division of Biological Sciences at the University of Rochester. In 1947 he joined the zoology faculty at the University of California, Berkeley, where he would remain until his retirement in 1970.
In addition to his work on chromosomal inheritance, Stern would also make significant contributions through his work on somatic cell crossing over in _Drosophila_ , his development of the concept of isoalleles (different forms of a gene that produce the same phenotype or very similar phenotypes), and his use of genetic mosaics to understand development in _Drosophila_. Stern also made an important contribution to radiation science. During World War II, Stern's group at Rochester exposed _Drosophila_ to low levels of radiation, concluding that "there is no threshold below which radiation fails to induce mutations." Perhaps Stern's greatest impact on the field was through his textbook _The Principles of Genetics_. First published in 1949, it quickly became the classic genetics primer for undergraduate and graduate students, selling more than 60,000 copies and appearing in three editions during his lifetime.
Unlike others in the field whose participation in debates about human race differences were largely theoretical—neither Dobzhansky or Dunn, for example, had much research experience in the area of human genetics—Stern, beginning in the late 1930s, became increasingly involved in human genetics research, especially through teaching and training doctoral students. He published widely and lectured on the inheritance of skin color and on sex-linked inheritance and was, in 1957, the president of the American Society of Human Genetics. But Stern's forays into race and genetics were not without controversy. A February 1946 lecture at the University of Rochester titled "Why Do People Differ?" stressed "the unscientific attitude of any race prejudice." The program for the lecture pictured a cartoon with three girls, two of whom were white, one black. The local chapter of the NAACP objected to the picture of a shabbily dressed black girl in pigtails wearing boots flanked by two well-dressed white girls looking at the black girl and smiling. Stern defended himself and his lecture, claiming that "the purpose of the cartoon was to indicate differences of heredity (color) and of custom (different kinds of dresses)."
Stern was well established in human genetics by the time that "The Biology of the Negro" was published in _Scientific American_. The magazine, which had held up publication of the article because "of the priority of other subjects which seemed more immediately timely," realized that in the wake of _Brown_ they had an article on their hands that would generate significant readership. In August of 1954 Leon Svirsky, the managing editor of _Scientific American_ , wrote to Stern, telling him that "now seems an excellent time to print an article on the Negro in view of the recent decision on schooling."
The article confirmed the worst fears of ardent segregationists. According to Stern, at the time he wrote his article almost 80 percent of "U.S. Negroes" had white ancestry; by 1980, he believed, "there will hardly be a single Negro in the U.S. who can claim a purely African descent." Furthermore, Stern predicted that the future would witness only an increase in the "flow of African genes into the numerically dominant white population," that the average skin color of the American population would "shift slightly toward a light brunette," and that "complete fusion" between American whites and blacks would leave only a "few thousand black people in each generation in the entire country." If someone living in 1954 "could return at a distant time, he would ask in wonder: 'What became of the Negro?'" In Stern's estimation, not only would the "Negro" race largely cease to exist as the result of being hybridized into the dominant white population but also race itself would become meaningless as the white and black races amalgamated. This idea infuriated racists and segregationists.
"The Biology of the Negro" impacted far beyond _Scientific American_ 's usual readership, eliciting intense reactions from readers and getting coverage in both national and local newspapers across the country. Personal reactions to the article were, in the racial climate of 1954, predictably swift and angry. One anonymous letter read, "You'r [ _sic_ ] nuts—the people of America will not absorb the nasty, vile, vicious, horrible niggers. They are destroying parts of America." A letter from one C. L. Barnett of Shreveport, Louisiana, to Stern in 1955 was addressed to "Old Banana Nose," an anti-Semitic reference to Stern's Jewish heritage. "That damn propaganda article you wrote about the mixing white and negros [ _sic_ ] in the future is just about what one could expect from a Christ killing Jew. That is exactly what you Heebs want—to weaken the white man so you can take over. What is going to happen is that you and your brother smockleburgers are going to be more hated and dispised [ _sic_ ] than you ever were in Germany." A Mrs. John Lansdell Howerton of Greensboro, North Carolina, wrote to Stern, calling to question the legitimacy of his conclusion. Howerton admonished Stern, telling him that race mixing might occur in California or the North, but that it didn't happen in the South. "The Negroes have pride in their race," Howerton wrote. "We like our Southern Negroes and they like us—we understand them and help them....We do not accept the Negro socially and never will and as for intermarriage that is out of the question....Did it occur to you that the Negro prefers being black? Just a little food for thought."
Finally, a letter from a fictitious Marcus Julius Frogstein, M.D., in October 1954 exemplified the racist response to Stern, the fear that his prediction generated, as well as the not-so-subtle threats that Stern faced following the article's publication. Frogstein's letter was in reaction to an article in the _Fresno Bee_ on September 21, 1954, about Stern's _Scientific American_ article. Scribbled across the copy of the letter in Stern's papers was a note that said "not in Fresno phone book, not in AMA list." One can assume that the name was an anti-Semitic play on Stern's Jewish heritage. "Taxpayers should see that any SCIENTIST of your caliber be kicked out of U.C.," claimed Frogstein. "A drop of Negro blood is like a drop of ink. The ink will color a whole glass of water, and the COLOR AND STINK of a Negro, cousin to the baboon rather than the human race, will corrupt the blood of the White forever and forever." Frogstein's letter also feared Stern's "philosophy" meant "extinction of the White Race."
Not all responses to "The Biology of the Negro" were so negative, nor were all southerners so repelled by Stern's prediction. Several southern academics wrote to Stern, complimenting him for his thoughts on America's racial terrain. H. J. Romm, from the Department of Biology at Southern University in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, commended Stern on his piece, writing that he wished "that this article could be read by the Caucasians in the South....It is not uncommon now to see articles in the paper saying that if the blacks and whites hybridize in the South a mongrel race will develop. I doubt if these people know anything about genetics." A similarly positive letter from C. H. Arndt, a botanist at Clemson College in South Carolina, thought that the article would "go a long way in dispelling some ideas that are held by individuals who have no conception of the biological factors involved in racial problems."
Notwithstanding the ways in which Stern's bold predictions about the future of race in America resonated in various ways with some in the American public, the article offered important insight into the often contradictory thinking about race among scientists. Stern's piece and the reaction to it also confirm what is so obvious with hindsight: thinking about race, even by the most distinguished biologists, was often contradictory. On the one hand, in his prediction that the "Negro" race, as it hybridized into the dominant white American population, would largely cease to exist, Stern acknowledged the dynamic nature of racial categories. He also asserted, contrary to popular opinion, that "there seem to be no inherent biological weaknesses in the Negro which place him at a disadvantage" and identified "socio-economic factors" as responsible for health disparities between white and black Americans. Stern also dismissed claims of African American intellectual inferiority. On the other hand, Stern described the black race hybridizing into the white race but made no mention of the reverse being part of his prediction as well, even though this is implicit in the hybridization of the two populations. Did he not discuss this simply because it was obvious to him and his readers, or because it would have further fanned the flames? Stern's muddled thinking went further than this. He could at one moment describe Africans as the most genetically heterogeneous of any human population and in another revert to typological thinking by saying that African Americans with no Caucasian ancestry "should have both dark skin and thick lips," the assumption being that the purer an individual, the more likely to have such stereotypical African traits. The stain of American society's thinking about race was never far removed from scientific thought.
WHOSE SCIENCE DEFINES RACE?
Stern's "The Biology of the Negro" was neither the first nor the last publication on race during this time that would garner significant public and scientific attention. In 1949 the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) convened an expert panel on race to "collect scientific materials concerning problems of race," "to give wide diffusion to the scientific information collected," and "to prepare an education campaign based on this information." The founders of the program believed, as had many antiracists before them, from Du Bois to Dobzhansky, that scientific knowledge, particularly in the wake of Nazi atrocities, could be marshaled in the fight against racial prejudice. The UNESCO panel on race was not the first time scientists would assemble to discuss this topic. International Eugenics Congresses in 1912 (London) and in 1921 and 1932 (at the American Museum of Natural History, New York) did much the same, although they certainly did so with a different academic and social impulse. In the 1920s the National Academy of Sciences convened several committees examining race in various scientific contexts. And in 1937, the anthropologist Franz Boas and the eugenicist Frederick Osborn proposed holding an international meeting of leading scientists under the auspices of "some government or the League of Nations" to discuss "the general problem of the characteristics of race." World War II intervened and the meeting was never held, but the seed was planted among international scholars to come together in some way to explore the meaning of race.
To amass, analyze, and communicate the current state of racial thought, UNESCO assembled a committee of ten esteemed anthropologists, psychologists, and education specialists. The participants came from across the globe and included such venerated scholars as the Mexican anthropologist Juan Comas, the American sociologist E. Franklin Frazier, the French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss, and the American anthropologist Ashley Montagu, who was chosen as rapporteur and editor of the committee. In December 1949 the committee met over several days at UNESCO headquarters in Paris and developed its statement on race. In a later interview, Montagu recalled the committee's proceedings as fairly trouble-free, and that on the first day of the committee's meeting those in attendance each shared their views of the race concept. According to Montagu, after he shared his ideas on race, one of the committee members, the anthropologist Ernest Beaglehole from New Zealand, said, "Well, I think that Ashley Montagu has stated pretty much the view to which we would all subscribe. Why don't we get him to write this down and use it as a whetstone upon which to sharpen our wits." The following day Montagu presented the committee with his outline of the statement, and "during the following days [it was] thoroughly debated and revised." In addition to distribution to committee members, drafts of the statement were distributed for comments to geneticists, biologists, social psychologists, sociologists, economists, anthropologists, and experts in labor-management relations. These experts included Dobzhansky, Dunn, Stern, the British biologist Julian Huxley, the economist and sociologist Gunnar Myrdal, and the American geneticist H. J. Muller.
Published in July 1950, the UNESCO statement on race was arranged in fifteen numbered paragraphs, each making a specific point about the nature of the race concept. From recognizing the scientific acceptance of the unity of mankind to explicating the postevolutionary synthesis biological race concept, the statement began by offering a straightforward assessment of the current state of academic thinking on race. Embracing a postsynthesis definition of race, it described the biological race concept in language almost identical to Dobzhansky's: "From the biological standpoint, the species _Homo sapiens_ is made up of a number of populations, each one of which differs from the others in the frequency of one or more genes." A race, then, simply defined, was "one of the group of populations" making up humankind. These "are the scientific facts," affirmed the statement. Yet the statement recognized a gap between scientific and popular thinking on race; that "when most people use the term race they do not do so in the sense above defined. To most people, a race is any group of a people whom they choose to describe as a race." As an antidote to the public's willy-nilly use of the term "race," the statement proposed "to drop the term 'race' altogether and speak of ethnic groups" instead.
The statement also proposed the organization of "present-day mankind into three major divisions": Mongoloid, Negroid, and Caucasoid. While such a classification scheme had echoes of past racial doctrines (e.g., Blumenbach, Linnaeus, Buffon), the statement clearly hoped to distance itself from scientific racists in its argument that human divisions were "dynamic, not static," and that "there is every reason to believe that they will change in the future." The remaining seven points of the statement sought to debunk popular confusion about race, including the assertions that mental characteristics are not included in anthropological classification of humans, that scientific evidence did not support "the conclusion that inherited genetic differences are a major factor in producing the differences between the cultures and cultural achievements of different peoples or groups, that no inborn differences exist between human groups, and that race mixture produces no physical or mental disharmonies." The influence of Dunn and Dobzhansky in the document is obvious in the fourteenth point of the statement, insofar as the document is highly critical of the popular conception of race while acknowledging its biological significance: "The biological fact of race and the myth of 'race' should be distinguished. For all practical social purposes 'race' is not so much a biological phenomenon as a social myth." Finally, the statement concluded with a summary of its pronouncements.
The statement received prominent and generally positive coverage in major media outlets. A front-page headline in the July 18 _New York Times_ declared, "No Scientific Basis for Race Bias Found by World Panel of Experts." A day later the _Times_ editorialized on the UNESCO statement, writing that the committee had "performed a valuable service in making a study of the concept of race," and that its conclusion that there was no racial hierarchy in mankind was a "truth that needs popularization." The editorial also embraced the statement's call for abandoning race as a scientific concept, stating, "To eliminate 'race' as a scientific term is a step toward ending it as a myth that dictators and movements use as political instruments to gain and exercise power." Interestingly, though, the editorial made no mention of the statement's impact on the state of race relations in the United States, focusing instead on anti-Semitism and other forms of European racism. Unlike the _Times_ , the _Hartford Courant_ did not avoid the domestic implications of the UNESCO statement, declaring that because of it, Americans could no longer "succumb to the doctrine of white supremacy." The _Courant_ also endorsed the committee's call to "drop the word race from our vocabulary," and criticized the race concept itself for having "poisoned human relations long enough." Not all newspaper accounts of the statement were as supportive, however.
Academic responses to the statement on race were decidedly mixed. The geneticist William Castle, with whom Montagu had a long and sometimes tumultuous relationship, sent him a warm, congratulatory note upon its publication: "Hearty congratulations on the splendid, sane, and sound statement on race which you were able to get UNESCO to adopt." L. C. Dunn was also supportive of the statement. In prepublication comments sent to Montagu, Dunn thanked him for the statement "with which I still agree heartily almost thru' out," and suggested minor revisions. Dunn hoped that his suggestions could help the statement withstand "the closest scrutiny from hostile persons without having holes...in it." Dobzhansky, who had been a reader for UNESCO of a draft of the statement, wrote Montagu in October of 1950 to offer his congratulations, and commended him for his work and for having "done a fine job in pushing them [the statements] through." Dobzhansky noted that one of his students, a Pakistani, "started translating them...in order to publish the translations in some journal there."
Despite support from such renowned geneticists, the statement received harsh reviews by many biologists and anthropologists, particularly for its proposal to abandon the race concept. Dobzhansky had warned Montagu about the potential furor over abandoning the race concept in the course of their correspondence (dating back, on this subject, to at least 1944). In Montagu's judgment, using ethnicity instead of race "represents a clarification, not a device or subterfuge. I may be utterly wrong, but I believe that what I have done is scientifically sound and morally desirable....There is a great difference between a race and an ethnic variety, and this is what I hope I may some day convince you of." During the controversy over the statement, Dobzhansky reminded Montagu of their ongoing disagreement: "The main attack of course against your suggestion of abolishing the term 'race' in favor of 'ethnic group,' and you will remember, my friend, that for the last ten years I have done my damndest to convince you that this proposition will neither be accepted nor would it do any good if accepted."
In _Man_ , the journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, the British primate anatomist and anthropologist Osman Hill attacked the statement, calling it "merely the misguided opinions of a particular school of anthropologists whose assertions appear to be motivated by wishful thinking." Hill, an unreconstructed typologist, was the prosector at the Zoological Society of London and would later, in 1962, become the assistant director of the Yerkes Laboratories of Primate Biology, which in 1965 became the Yerkes National Primate Research Center at Emory University. Hill denied the premises of the statement on race, decrying its claims, for example, that mental capabilities were much the same between races and dismissing its assertion that racial hybridization was harmless. Hill's writing illustrates how typological thinking remained prominent in some corners of anthropological thought at the time. He wrote, for example, that "temperament and other mental differences are well known to be correlated with physical differences. I need but mention the well-known musical attributes of the Negroids and the mathematical ability of some Indian races."
In a letter to Montagu about the Hill letter in _Man_ , Dobzhansky wrote that Hill's thoughts revealed the man "to be an old fogey." Not all opposition to the statement was couched in such transparent typological thinking. An editorial in May 1951, again in _Man_ , gave UNESCO "great credit...for undertaking the campaign" against racialism, but overall it considered the statement "not the effective weapon which we had looked for, but a broken reed." In _Man_ 's opinion, the effort was tainted by including on its panel "a small group of philosophers, historians, sociologists and others, only two of whom had any pretensions to competence in physical anthropology." The editorial was suspicious of many of the assertions in the statement, including its rejection of polygeny, its construction of race as a genetic rather than typological construct, and its rejection of the term "race" itself.
Despite what Dobzhansky perceived to be largely unfounded criticism of the statement, he informed Montagu in February of 1951 of the formation of a second committee. "The protests against the UNESCO race statement of yours," Dobzhansky wrote, "have caused UNESCO to convoke another conference in Paris, on June 4th–8th, this year, consisting of physical anthropologists and geneticists." Unable to attend, Dobzhansky was concerned about the makeup of the new panel and worried that "the genetical side of the group may consist of some people (such as Darlington) who are out and out racists." "This may result," lamented Dobzhansky, in a "statement which will be pretty sad." Dobzhansky was correct in his assumption that the second committee would consist of geneticists and physical anthropologists. However, Darlington was not on the committee, and Dobzhansky's concerns were mollified by the presence of Dunn as the committee's rapporteur.
Montagu's position on the race concept is often mischaracterized in the historical literature; he is portrayed as a strict environmentalist who "opposed any scientific concept of race." Likewise, there is speculation that the tenor of the statement was a consequence of his "political zealousness and his refusal to adhere to received wisdom in science." This is misleading. While Montagu wanted to abandon use of the race concept in the sciences, he proposed doing so not because he rejected the biological diversity of humankind or because he himself rejected a geneticist's or anthropologist's ability to classify humans into groups or populations or what have you. Rather, he did so because he recognized that the race concept was tainted by its long and sordid history. Montagu's statement was at once a repudiation of the typological race concept and an embrace of the postsynthesis race concept as outlined by Dobzhansky and others. As such, Montagu was very much in line with genetical thinking on race. That Montagu and the statement fell under such a cloud for its assertions is indicative, perhaps, of his lack of political expedience (Dobzhansky's prediction about removing the race concept turned out to be correct) and of the fact that his views about the biological race concept were more radical than those of most geneticists and others in the natural sciences.
A second UNESCO statement on race was issued in June 1951. J. B. S. Haldane, head of the Department of Biometry at University College, London, Gunnar Dahlberg, director of the State Institute for Human Genetics and Race Biology at the University of Uppsala in Sweden, and A. E. Mourant, director of the Blood Group Reference Laboratory at the Lister Institute in London were among the prominent scientists on the committee. Montagu remained a committee member, and, although not official committee members, Huxley and Dobzhansky "contributed to the final wording" of the statement. In his introduction to the second statement, Dunn explained the need for a revised report on race, insisting (unfairly to Montagu) that "it was chiefly sociologists who gave their opinions and frame[d]" the first statement. Alfred Métraux, the head of the Department of Social Sciences at UNESCO, who called for and organized the second committee, concurred with Dunn's assessment. Métraux was hopeful that the second UNESCO statement on race would allow the committee to go forward "without exposing ourselves to criticisms on the part of scientists."
In Dunn's judgment, problems with the first statement were twofold: first, "it did not carry the authority of just those groups within whose special province fall the biological problems of race, namely the physical anthropologists and geneticists," and, second, its assertions were "not supported by many authorities in these two fields." Although Dunn acknowledged that there were important differences between the two statements, in his introduction he emphasized that "there were no scientific grounds whatever for the racialist position regarding purity of race and the hierarchy of inferior and superior races to which this leads." The second statement also rejected arbitrary usage of the race concept, noting "national, religious, geographical, linguistic and cultural groups do not necessarily coincide with racial groups; and the cultural traits of such groups have no demonstrated connection with racial traits."
Yet despite being downplayed by Dunn and, subsequently, many scholars since, the differences in both tone and substance between the first and second statements were significant. Whereas the first statement defined the race concept in the postevolutionary synthesis vernacular of gene frequencies and populations, the second statement, to a very large degree, contradicted this approach, suggesting that race can also be understood in typological terms as an anthropological "classificatory device providing a zoological frame within which the various groups of mankind may be arranged" that "should be reserved for groups of mankind possessing well-developed and primarily heritable physical differences from other groups." Whereas the first statement proposed dropping the "term 'race' altogether" in favor of "ethnic groups," the second statement embraced the race concept in multiple forms as an anthropological tool. Dunn himself points out that "we were...careful to avoid saying that, because races were all variable and many of them graded into each other, therefore races did not exist. The physical anthropologists and the man in the street both know that races exist." And, whereas the first statement rejected the idea that "human hybrids frequently show undesirable traits, both physically and mentally," the second statement was more circumspect, asserting that "no reliable evidence" exists "that disadvantageous effects are produced" by racial hybrids.
Even after its July 1951 release, the second statement went through multiple revisions. As late as February 1952, in correspondence with Métraux, Dunn expressed his dissatisfaction with the statement, writing, "I don't like it as it stands and would prefer to see a more thorough-going revision....Since you are going to circularize the amended statement, could you not at the same time send out copies of the radical revision which I made and let the members choose between them?" Dunn believed that the difficulties in drafting both statements arose out of the attempt "to justify a particular ethical position on scientific ground"—that being, in this case, the idea that all people, regardless of race, are equal. "It is our duty as scientists to make the facts as clear as possible and to relate them to the evidence," Dunn wrote to Métraux. Ultimately, at Dunn's insistence, in 1952 UNESCO published the final versions of the second statement along with the criticism received by the committee.
The second statement on race was not without its critics either. The geneticist R. A. Fisher, a founder of population genetics, wrote to Alfred Métraux soon after the statement's publication. Fisher questioned the statement's position on both the nature of race itself and on the relationship between race and intelligence. Fisher claimed that "available scientific knowledge provides a firm basis for believing that the groups of mankind differ in their innate capacity for intellectual and emotional development, seeing that such groups do differ undoubtedly in a very large number of their genes." He also expressed fear that "this problem is being obscured by entirely well intentioned efforts to minimize the real differences that exist." Criticism also came from those who thought that the second statement ambiguously defined race. The distinguished University of Chicago anthropologist Sherwood Washburn, who wrote to Métraux in October 1951, pointed out what he considered to be troubling and potentially dangerous contradictions in the text, and feared that "the Statement may be used for political purposes." Washburn was particularly concerned with the statement's suggestion of the existence of three major racial groups. "'Major' in what sense?" Washburn wondered. "Certainly not anatomically more distinct than others, older in time, or numerically greatest." This line of thinking—major and minor groups—was "unfortunate," and he feared that it "opens the way for superior and inferior to come back in the picture."
More than twenty years after the publication of the UNESCO statements, several geneticists, in correspondence with the historian of science William Provine, looked back at the second statement and its impact on the race debate in genetics. Sewell Wright thought it was "too broadly negative as an expression of scientific thought on the subject, however desirable such a statement may be from the political and social standpoints." On the other hand, Dobzhansky believed that a majority of geneticists—"but hard to tell how great a majority"—were supportive of the second statement. As to whether or not there was a majority or minority of opinions in favor or against the statement, L. C. Dunn felt this to be incalculable. In his estimation "it would be difficult to speak of 'majority opinions' or even of geneticists as a group. They differ in age, political and social views, class position and attitude and these are likely to affect their responses on questions which they suppose to be social or political ones." C. D. Darlington, who continued to publish racist claims throughout his career, belittled the second statement, calling it "merely an expression of current fashion in emotions." And Curt Stern, whose position on race grew increasingly typological over the course of his career, wrote that it "was strongly influenced by a vocal minority."
The first and second UNESCO statements on race have attracted limited but important interest from historians. For Elazar Barkan, author of _The Retreat of Scientific Racism_ , the first statement exemplified "environmental determinism at its peak" and completed "the reversal in the scientific credo on race" from a eugenic view of race to a cultural notion of race proffered by anthropologists that had begun in the 1920s. Indeed, in Barkan's estimation, the assertions in the first statement confirmed the retreat of scientific racism. Barkan's account, however, does not acknowledge what in actuality was the retreat from the antiracist spirit of the first statement on race or how the second statement contradicted and trivialized the first. Barkan also suggested that differences between the two statements were, for the most part, minimal and came down largely to a shift to a more tentative tone. In fact, Barkan argued that the second statement "reconfirmed the lack of scientific support for race formalism." He also believed that "race was losing its scientific (read: biological) credibility, but remained powerful in popular culture and as a social institute."
Like Barkan, the historian Will Provine, in an _American Zoologist_ essay analyzing the relationship between geneticists and the race concept, looked at the evolution of geneticists' thinking about race differences and race crossing but did not address how geneticists conceived of the race concept itself and how that concept was developing at the time. Provine points out that while the statements indicated a general consensus among geneticists that "race mixture was biologically harmless," most accepted the belief that "hereditary mental differences probably existed between human races" even though "scientific evidence for their belief was not conclusive." Finally, Provine recognized that the race statements sought to accomplish something more significant than a summary of scientific thinking on race, and they presented an argument for "equality in society for all races while holding open the possibility that there might be average differences in intelligence between races." In other words, the statements tried to make an ethical argument for equality, regardless of what the theories or perceptions of race were. The second statement failed at this largely because of its contradictory and often incoherent thinking; it rejected the first statement's refutation of the race concept and it was agnostic on whether races differed in intelligence, leaving open, as Sherwood Washburn conveyed in his criticism of the second statement, the possibility of re-creating a hierarchy of races on any number of traits. Dobzhansky, who had previously worried about the makeup of the committee writing up the second statement, was, unsurprisingly, not pleased with the outcome. After a visit to UNESCO in June 1951, Dobzhansky noted that "poor Métraux is tired and nervous, and probably about ready to send all this UNESCO business to hell." In what was a rare moment of criticism of his close friend Dunn, Dobzhansky recorded in his personal journal that "here was also Ashley Montagu, all displeased with the statement, and largely within reason. He declared that Dunn let me down by not defending my ideas about race. In this he is wrong, for my good friend Dunn simply does not himself know or understand these ideas."
More recently, the historian Michelle Brattain has analyzed the UNESCO statements as an important watershed in the history of the race concept. Brattain argues that the first and second UNESCO race statements revealed race as a historical construct in two ways: first, by showing how historical "misuses" of race had "served as rationalizations for inequality," and second, by "exposing race itself as a temporal, ephemeral phenomenon dependent on the people who invested it with authority and meaning." The great irony of the UNESCO statements was that as some of those involved in their development argued that race had a fixed, scientific meaning (particularly in the second statement), they produced a document that Brattain points out "acknowledged implicitly that race had once been one thing and now it was another." But Brattain's construction of the history of the race concept relies on Elazar Barkan's notion of a retreat of scientific racism, followed by, in her estimation, a resurgence in the wake of the _Brown_ decision. Brattain also argues that "scientific racism" refers only to "a particular scientific tradition associated with typological and hierarchical approaches typical of nineteenth-century physical anthropology." Brattain defends this position by noting that in the 1920s and 1930s the social sciences moved toward "a greater emphasis on environment as a cause of human variation," and that during the same time in the biological sciences "scholarship shifted toward a more complex understanding of human inheritance rooted in population genetics." While this is in itself true, by positing the history of scientific thought as discontinuous, Brattain does not seem to consider the contradictions and subtleties so often present in thinking about race. A simplistic typological approach to race thinking may have been pushed to the margins of scientific thought, thus resulting in a perceived retreat in scientific racism. But, as described herein, the perpetuation of the race concept in populationist thinking confirms the very contradictions and subtleties that are ever present in the relationship between scientific practice and the race concept. Scientific racism was not pushed to the margins of mainstream scientific thought. Instead, although this was certainly not their intent, Dunn, Dobzhansky, Stern, and others preserved the race concept in biological thinking by placing it firmly in the context of modern biology.
If Michelle Brattain is correct in asserting that the UNESCO statements can help in the historian's project of historicizing the race concept, then an examination of the scientific, social, and political terrain of the 1950s would suggest that something much more complex was afoot. First, the statements on race offered natural scientists an opportunity—perhaps the first—to collectively respond to the biological race concept as reimagined by Dobzhansky and others in the age of the evolutionary synthesis. For those who held on to the old typological ways of thinking about human difference, to whatever degree, the statements were an occasion to offer their resistance. Their challenges are indicative of the ways in which scientists were influenced in their approach to the biological race concept by extrascientific sources. One cannot read criticism of the statements—like R. A. Fisher insisting without evidence that races "do differ undoubtedly in a very large number of their genes," or H. J. Muller claiming that "in view of the admitted existence of some physically expressed hereditary differences of a conspicuous nature...it would be strange if there were not also some hereditary differences"—without recognizing the impact of social prejudices on the ways questions about race were often asked and about the intense resistance to even changing the terminology of human diversity.
Yet at the same time, the reaction to the statements and the production of the second statement itself also indicate the ways in which a populationist definition of race had become consolidated in the biological sciences. Despite the significant differences between the first and second statements, both embraced the genetical concept that race was measured by the frequency of one or more genes in human populations and maintained that races were dynamic, not static, ways to understand human diversity. The comments of the sixty-nine physical anthropologists and geneticists about the statements, published by UNESCO in 1952 as _The Race Concept: Results of an Inquiry_ , confirm this fact. There is very little criticism of the point in the second statement regarding a biological definition of race. However, the two parts of the statement that garnered the most criticism addressed which human populations could be considered racial groups and the relationship between race and intelligence.
Second, despite the broader consolidation of the race concept in biology, the scientific row that followed both statements' publication offers insight into the contradictions and problems with populationist thinking about the race concept and illustrates the ways in which racism preserved its place in scientific practice and thought. This was not, to be sure, the intent of Dobzhansky, Dunn, and most other geneticists as they set about rethinking the biology of race in the context of the evolutionary synthesis and population genetics. In fact, Dobzhansky and Dunn were committed antiracists. In the promotion of a "modern view of race founded upon the known facts and theories of heredity," Dunn, for example, believed that "the old views of fixed and absolute biological differences among the races of man, and the hierarchy of superior and inferior races founded upon this old view" would be superseded and left "without scientific justification." Dobzhansky thought it was the "misuse of the word race by propagandists and bigots" that led to popular misunderstanding of the race concept. Both Dobzhansky and Dunn (very much like Du Bois nearly half a century earlier) had confidence that education about what was now considered "race" would put to rest any confusion about what it had meant in the past.
But what they refused to acknowledge, and what in hindsight Montagu seems to have been most prescient about, was that in American society it is not possible to tease apart the social and scientific meanings of race—remember this is the same conclusion that Du Bois reached as his own thinking about race evolved in the course of his early career. In Montagu's view the term "race" "enshrines so many of the errors which it is desirable to remove." Even if biologists were to use the term in its so-called modern sense, the word "race" itself would still elicit meaning in the context of the old view. Race is a "trigger word," Montagu wrote, "utter it and a whole series of emotionally conditioned responses follow." One need not look any further than the changes from the first to second statements to recognize the contradictions inherent in the race concept. Even as the second statement embraced essentially the same populationist race concept as the first, it also embraced a typological race concept, stating that race is an anthropological "classificatory device providing a zoological frame within which the various groups of mankind may be arranged" that "should be reserved for groups of mankind possessing well-developed and primarily heritable physical differences from other groups." Moreover, that a group of distinguished geneticists could not come to reject claims that race mixture produced physical or mental disharmonies, or that it could claim three "major" racial groupings, highlighted the contradictions inherent in the race concept and inherent in the thinking of those who thought that modernizing the concept could make it less connected to racism.
Third, these same challenges to and changes in the statements suggest something about the status of scientific authority in the mid-twentieth century. As Dunn himself believed, the first statement was a failure because "it did not carry the authority of just those groups within whose special province fall the biological problems of race, namely the physical anthropologists and geneticists." Instead "it was chiefly sociologists who gave their opinions and frame." Dunn's critique not only ignores the contributions of the anthropologists involved in the production of the first statement (it may be recalled that Montagu had expertise in both physical anthropology and evolutionary biology), but it also belittles the important role social scientists—from W. E. B Du Bois to Gunnar Myrdal—played in helping to reformulate ideas about race. Such statements point to a growing dissonance between social and scientific thought, one that the British philosopher of science C. P. Snow would, in 1959, famously describe in his essay "The Two Cultures." "I believe the intellectual life of the whole of western society is increasingly being split into two polar groups," Snow wrote. He worried that a "gulf of mutual incomprehension—sometimes (particularly among the young) hostility and dislike, but most of all lack of understanding" was emerging between the sciences and other modes of thought.
The authority of evolutionary biology and genetics had, by the 1950s, according to historian of science V. B. Smocovitis, "been secured by becoming officialized and institutionalized as the central component of the biological sciences." And with this authority biologists "were to act as unifiers, negotiators of the location of biology, preservers of the whole of the positivistic ordering of Enlightenment knowledge." It is in this context then that Dunn's claim about the role of sociology in the first statement can also be understood as an assertion of the evolutionists' and geneticists' power. And Dunn believed he was using this power for good. "You see, it's a much more palatable view for people who come to think about race for the first time than the typological view which had been dominant, and still is in many parts of anthropology," Dunn wrote, concluding that "my own opinion is that this was a better way to counteract ideas about race prejudice." He hoped that "other views tend to die off when people have a better one to substitute." The second statement is thus as much an assertion of what committee members believed about race as it was an affirmation of their authority over social scientists on this matter.
Despite biology's authority in the mid-1950s, social scientific thought also commanded significant and growing influence in mid-twentieth century America. Witness its impact on the _Brown_ decision and on thinking about American race relations more generally. Social scientific thought also examined and challenged the status quo through best-selling works like David Riesman's _The Lonely Crowd_ , William Whyte's _The Organization Man_ , and C. Wright Mills's _The Power Elite_. Moreover, in many ways the 1950s were a period of waning dominance for the natural sciences. No longer would the authority of science go unchallenged. In many ways Montagu's position and the position of the first statement in general were precursors to what historian Ronald Walters calls the "much larger late twentieth-century project of seeking out the hidden operations of power, questioning once seemingly fixed and 'essential' categories such as race, gender, and ethnicity." That the statements were part of the push and pull between the natural and social sciences is elucidated by Walters, who argues that beginning in the 1960s, soon after the statements' publication, "scientists themselves [would do] little to enhance their image as spokespersons on crucial issues," including a growing penchant for speaking out "with so much caution and nuance that their words carried little impact." Although the revisions to the first statement took place ten years before the shift Walters describes, the changes between the first and second statements suggest that perhaps this shift had begun even earlier.
Challenges to scientific authority, or an acknowledgment of the growing division between scientific and social thought in the 1950s, came from sources as diverse as Hollywood films, politicians, philosophers, as well as scientists themselves. Both Hollywood and Japanese filmmakers produced movies— _The Thing from Another World_ (1951), _Them_ (1954), and _Godzilla_ (1954), for example—that challenged the wisdom and authority of science. _Them_ —referring to ants supersized following exposure to atomic radiation at a New Mexico bomb test site that then terrorize Los Angeles—and _Godzilla_ both played on fears of atomic science. In _The Thing from Another World_ , a "Thing" lands on the North Pole and attacks a band of Air Force personnel and scientists stationed there. To some the film was an allegory about America's fears of communism. To others it was a rebuke of science and scientific decision making in an era in which scientists could be celebrated or despised. The film's lead scientist, Dr. Carrington, an atomic scientist no less, believes that the Thing is a superior life-form from which humanity can learn a great deal. Several times in the film Carrington sabotages efforts to kill the deadly creature. The doctor is saved from himself and his unyielding pursuit of knowledge only once the Thing has been defeated.
Politicians and philosophers too were well aware of challenges to the authority of the natural sciences. Writing in _Science_ in 1957 the Hungarian scientist and philosopher Michael Polanyi argued that science had replaced religion as "the greatest single source of error" in human thought. Although Polanyi himself believed in objective truth and in the power of science, he acknowledged that the rhetorical power of science in silencing ideas was a dangerous turn for open intellectual exchange. "Today, when any human thought can be discredited by branding it as unscientific, the power exercised by theology has passed over to science," Polanyi wrote. This condemnation of scientific arrogance was written in the hope of checking "the abuses of the scientific method...in the interest of other human ideals which they threaten and in the interest of science itself." Vannevar Bush, who had been President Roosevelt's science adviser and had helped shaped postwar government support for scientific research, feared that in the wake of the atomic bombings in Japan, private foundations were becoming "reluctant to fund natural science research."
Finally, the content of both statements must be seen in light of the nascent struggle for civil rights that was emerging at the time, as well as changes in American social and political thought as pertaining to race. The very same week that the second statement on race was released by UNESCO the awful side effects of American racism were in plain view in Cicero, Illinois, where, on July 12, a mob of 3,000 whites sought to prevent army veteran Harvey E. Clark from moving into a rental unit in a formerly all-white apartment building. Following an intervention by the National Guard to quell the riot, a State Department official quipped that the situation was similar to early defeats in Korea. Lynching and other forms of violence against African Americans rose in the immediate post–World War II years as the South sought to reassert its racist mores and send a message to returning veterans that Jim Crow remained firmly entrenched. Several black veterans were killed or maimed in such violence. Between the summer of 1945 and the end of 1946 there were at least sixty lynchings throughout the South. But racism in the United States did not always manifest itself in violence and intimidation. Jim Crow remained an organizing feature of American society in the 1950s, and that meant African Americans lived in a system of segregation and exploitation that both assumed and reinforced ideas about black inferiority. Jim Crow created economic dependency and inferiority, and in 1950 "nonwhite families earned nationally 54% of the median income of white families."
Contradictions and ambiguities in America's racial calculus were becoming increasingly evident at that time, particularly in the context of international relations. In the wake of World War II and at the outset of the Cold War—two wars fought in the name of American freedom and ideals—the United States "engaged in a sustained effort to tell a particular story about race and American democracy: a story of progress, a story of the triumph of good over evil, a story of U.S. moral superiority," notes Cold War historian Mary Dudziak. "The lesson of this story," she believes, was that "American democracy was a form of government that made the achievement of social justice possible, and that democratic change, however slow and gradual, was superior to dictatorial imposition. The story of race in America, used to compare democracy and communism, became an important Cold War narrative." It was in this context, of course, that in 1948 President Harry Truman signed an executive order desegregating the United States military. Truman, despite his Missouri upbringing and sometimes intemperate personal attitudes toward black Americans, became an ally in the emerging movement for African American civil rights. During his tenure he also called on Congress to protect voting rights, outlaw lynching, and enact civil rights laws. He even risked his political future during the election of 1948 by supporting, in order to court African American voters, a pro–civil rights platform for the Democratic Party. Truman was, of course, mindful during these early years of the Cold War of perceptions of America at home and its treatment of its African American citizens. He expressed this concern via his 1948 special address on civil rights to Congress. In a stirring speech that went far beyond anything a sitting U.S. president had uttered on the subject of race until that time, Truman challenged America, declaring, "If we wish to inspire the peoples of the world whose freedom is in jeopardy, if we wish to restore hope to those who have already lost their civil liberties, if we wish to fulfill the promise that is ours, we must correct the remaining imperfections in our democracy."
So too did the success of Ralph Bunche, a United States representative to the United Nations, indicate changes in America's racial zeitgeist. In 1950 Bunche became the first African American awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his work on behalf of the United Nations. Despite Bunche's incredible success, Michael Harrington feared that the popularization of his story (and, for that matter, at almost that same time, the popularization of Jackie Robinson's story) would, for most African Americans still living under the oppression of Jim Crow, come to represent "a tragic gap between the ideal and possible." Nonetheless, Charles Johnson, president of Fisk University, who was possibly influenced by the UNESCO statements, wrote in 1951 of "significant recent gains in civil rights" and posited "it seems no longer necessary in general discussion of race relations in America for anthropologists to document fundamental mental and biological equality." The optimism of Johnson's view would, however, be challenged in the years ahead as biologists and anthropologists continued to struggle over the race concept.
**9**
**CHALLENGES TO THE RACE CONCEPT**
**T** he 1950 and 1951 UNESCO statements on race embodied contradictions in the race concept that would surface over and over again in American scientific thought and in the popular expression about race. Two events in the 1960s—events that have been well documented in the historical literature as prime examples of scientific racism—are also significant in the way that they embody the ambiguities of a modern biological race concept. The first, the publication in 1962 of University of Pennsylvania anthropologist Carleton Coon's _The Origin of Races_ , was a direct challenge to Dobzhansky's evolutionary-synthesis-era conception of race. The second event relates to claims by the educational psychologist Arthur Jensen that racial differences in intelligence, or IQ, were hereditary and genetic, and that therefore educational redress for IQ discrepancies was largely useless. Jensen's work epitomized the way the modern biological race concept could easily be appropriated by racists writing under the guise of science.
The advent of high-throughput genomic technologies has allowed evolutionary biologists and anthropologists to confirm earlier conclusions drawn from the human fossil record: that _Homo sapiens_ originated in Africa and fanned out across the continents. Even recent evidence from the Neanderthal genome project, which suggests that as _Homo sapiens_ fanned out across the globe some interbreeding did occur between non-African _sapiens_ and Neanderthals, does not contradict the "out of Africa" thesis. In fact, the Neanderthal data supports this claim, showing that most genetic variation originated in Africa and spread globally with the earliest human migrations. This contrasts with the view of Coon and many of his contemporaries in anthropology and biology who accepted Africa as the birthplace of the genus _Homo_ but embraced a theory that posited that _Homo sapiens_ evolved multiregionally from _Homo erectus_ and eventually replaced them (hence multiple human races and a theory that bore some similarity to earlier polygenic ideas).
Coon, who in 1961 had been elected as the president of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, took multiregional ideas a step further (or perhaps backward) than the anthropological consensus of the times. He repackaged them in his tome _The Origin of Races_ to read like nineteenth-century polygenist ideas of separate human race creations. Coon believed that the fossil record showed exactly five main subspecies of _Homo sapiens_ that had evolved from _Homo erectus_ at different times in our evolutionary history. "Wherever _Homo_ arose," wrote Coon, "and Africa is at present the likeliest continent, he soon dispersed, in a very primitive form, throughout the warm regions of the Old World. Three of the five human subspecies crossed the _sapiens_ line elsewhere. If Africa was the cradle of mankind, it was only an indifferent kindergarten. Europe and Asia were our principal schools." Coon estimated that European ancestors had evolved from _erectus_ to _sapiens_ first, some 200,000 years ago, whereas the Congoids, what he calls the ancestors of most modern Africans, had evolved only 40,000 years ago in that "indifferent kindergarten." In recent history, each race had "reached its own level on the evolutionary scale." And to this argument Coon brought what he claimed were the latest genetic and evolutionary biological techniques. Not only did the fossil record reveal these distinctions between humankind but so too did "research in blood groups, hemoglobins, and other biochemical features." Coon judged this as "good," believing that it was "encouraging to know that biochemistry divides us into the same subspecies that we have long recognized on the basis of other criteria." Because these biochemical markers were "invisible to the naked eye," Coon thought "they are much less controversial than the latter in an increasingly race-conscious world." Of that race-conscious world, Coon believed that "racial intermixture can upset the genetic as well as the social equilibrium of a group."
It is surprising that in 1962, at the height of the civil rights movement's challenge to the racial hierarchy implicit in Coon's typological and polygenic assertions, _The Origin of Races_ was generally well received in both academic and popular presses, even though most reviewers acknowledged that controversy was sure to dog the book. Writing in _Science_ , Ernst Mayr called _The Origin of Races_ a "milestone in the history of anthropology." To Mayr, the book was "something for which to be truly thankful," for despite what he considered its significant shortcomings—"as persuasive as Coon's treatment is, it does not always convince me of the validity of the lines of descent that he postulates"—the book had "an invigorating freshness that will reinforce the current revitalization of physical anthropology." Mayr acknowledged that the book "will stir up more than one controversy," yet he believed that "the basic framework of Coon's thesis is as well, or better, substantiated than various possible alternatives."
Writing in _American Anthropologist_ Frederick Hulse of the University of Arizona argued that "no better text for a course in Fossil Man has yet been published" and that the book was neither a "racist tract, or...an echo from the past." Indeed, Hulse, despite accepting that "many of the conclusions are highly speculative in nature, and leave me quite unconvinced," believed _Origins_ to be "a serious attempt to arrange the fossil evidence of human evolution in a meaningful way." Even a review in the journal _Phylon_ , an academic journal published by Atlanta University and founded by W. E. B. Du Bois, gave the book a positive assessment. The reviewer did, however, acknowledge that racists could use concepts in the book "to argue the inferiority of some groups." _Origins_ was even listed as a "Reviewers' Choice" for 1962 in the _Chicago Daily Tribune_. In the _Tribune_ , Wilton M. Krogman wrote that Coon's work "is an important book about our own kind" that has "scientific validity; more, it has human dignity." Krogman's review also had some not-so-subtle allusions to his own thoughts about America's contemporary racial hierarchy and how the book confirmed this view. In _Origins_ "we are told who we all are...and we all are _put in our places_ as subspecies sharing a certain amount of likeness, dividing a certain amount of unlikeness."
Despite the significant questions raised in the reviews of _Origins_ , the book probably would not have garnered much attention had it not been for Dobzhansky, who, in a polite gesture toward his colleague Coon, sent him an advance copy of his review of the book (that was to appear in the _Saturday Review_ ) with a note that read, in part, "It grieves me tremendously that I have to contradict your way of describing your findings. For I feel that it is indeed the unfortunate language which you are using that creates a semantic predicament of a dangerous sort." Although Dobzhansky never specifically identified Coon's unfortunate language, one can assume that comments that refer to Africa as the "Darkest Continent" and an "indifferent kindergarten," or Coon's conclusions about a relationship between race and Coon's so-called evolutionary scale, were certainly among those that raised his ire. Coon was infuriated by the review, calling it "an anti-racist tract," and was taken aback by accusations of "mischievously furnishing ammunition to racists." Coon even went so far as to accuse Dobzhansky of libel. In response, Dobzhansky called for cooler minds to prevail, suggesting to Coon that "we control our tempers and behave in a manner becoming for scientists." Dobzhansky also told Coon that the "extreme violence of his reaction" to the review "came as a very painful surprise," but that despite the esteem in which he held Coon, he could not "avoid concluding that your reaction shows that you know that you are wrong."
Dobzhansky's article was never published in the _Saturday Review_. The magazine returned his review to him with a fifty-dollar check, which Dobzhansky promptly sent back. Instead, the review would appear in _Scientific American_ and soon thereafter be reprinted in _Current Anthropology_ alongside a response from Coon. In his review Dobzhansky attacked the scientific conclusions of _Origins_ and their impact on popular discussions about race. He challenged Coon's understanding of the biological race concept, emphasizing "race is an entity that is not clearly defined biologically," and called into question the centerpiece of Coon's thesis—that there were "exactly five races of _Homo erectus_ and that there are exactly five living races of _Homo sapiens_." Furthermore, Dobzhansky chastised Coon for what he called the book's "semantic mischief," particularly Coon's description of time lines for racial evolution from _erectus_ to _sapiens_. "A scientist should not and cannot eschew studies on the racial differentiation of mankind, or examine all possible hypotheses about it, for fear that his work will be misused," Dobzhansky wrote. However, he believed academics, particularly scientists writing about issues as potentially explosive as race, needed to be sensitive to the way in which these findings were communicated. In Dobzhansky's view, Coon had failed at this, giving cover to those who "have repeatedly sought the support of bogus 'science.'"
The anger Coon had exhibited in his personal correspondence with Dobzhansky spilled over into his published response in _Current Anthropology_. Instead of responding directly to Dobzhansky's criticisms of _Origins_ , Coon challenged Dobzhansky's credentials as a scientist, claimed expertise over him in the area of physical anthropology, called him "professionally incompetent," and even privately suggested that he did "not understand the mechanisms of evolution." Coon's response concluded that unlike fruit flies (Dobzhansky's subject of study), "human beings do not mate at random, but are kept apart to a large extent and quite effectively by cultural barriers such as language, religions, and such other customs as feelings about integration and segregation." It seems a poor choice of words by Coon to conclude that "feelings about integration and segregation" were part of why humans did not mate at random, especially given the timing of the book's publication during the heyday of the civil rights movement's fight against segregation, and given Dobzhansky's criticism about the relationship between the scientific and the social realms on matters of race. In hindsight it is surprising that such a statement did not arouse more suspicion than it did at the time—save Dobzhansky's and that of a few other critics—about Coon's conscious or unconscious motivations for his conclusions in _Origins_.
That Coon was a cousin to the mid-twentieth century racist propagandizer Carleton Putnam—whose book _Race and Reason_ Dobzhansky had just a year before called the "bogus 'science' of race prejudice" in the pages of the _Journal of Heredity_ —was largely unknown at the time. Coon, as it turns out, offered Putnam significant personal assistance in the development of _Race and Reason_ , and the two developed a strong bond over their shared dislike for what they believed was the dominance of Boasian equalitarianism in anthropological thought. Coon's intellectual support of his cousin helped Putnam, in turn, exploit Coon's work in his political mission. This quid pro quo worked well for both men.
Dobzhansky was quite disturbed that his evolutionary biological colleagues either embraced or remained agnostic on Coon's book and their public disagreement. In early November 1962, Mayr wrote to Dobzhansky that when he read _Origins_ he "saw none of the implications which you seem to see," and he even went so far as to warn Dobzhansky that he should make sure to cite the page numbers of what he perceived to be the objectionable passages in the book. If not, Mayr warned, "you will surely expose yourself to the criticism that you have accused Coon unfairly and unjustly." Dobzhansky crafted a lengthy response to Mayr, G. G. Simpson, and William L. Strauss Jr., all of whom had taken issue with Dobzhansky's criticisms of Coon. In a "dear friends" letter to colleagues of whom he said "there are no other three people in the world whose opinions on evolutionary matters I would value more highly," Dobzhansky admits that their opinions of Coon's book "has caused me to do some soul searching and some re-examination of the book. But as a result, I feel obliged to stick to my guns, however much I would have preferred to have my guns stacked together with your guns." Dobzhansky told his colleagues that he considered _Origins_ as fitting "the requirements of Putnam & Co," and wondered, without then knowing the full relationship between Coon and Putnam, whether Coon had framed his conclusions "deliberately to give ammunition to that gang."
In many ways Dobzhansky's review of _Origins_ and the related correspondence read as if Dobzhansky saw himself as the caretaker of the biological race concept. He had, after all, helped usher in an era in the evolutionary sciences that sought to detach the idea of race from its typological origins and, in so doing, had preserved a concept of human difference for geneticists to utilize in their work. However, despite a nearly career-long fight to preserve the biological race concept, Dobzhansky began to express severe misgivings about the concept at around this time. In his book _Mankind Evolving_ , published the same year as Coon's _The Origin of Races_ , he worried that investigation into human diversity had "floundered in confusion and misunderstanding," and that these confusions were "only partly due to the biases and passions engendered by race prejudices and consequent defense reactions." Dobzhansky believed that ultimately "the problem that now faces the science of man is how to devise better methods for further observations that will give more meaningful results." Dobzhansky cited several approaches to the race concept that identify anywhere between five and thirty-two races, including a classification scheme proposed by Coon himself in the early 1950s that divided humanity into thirty races. Dobzhansky was not critical of these inconsistencies in racial measurement. In fact, he embraced them because he believed that race itself was a tool for classification and sytematization, a device "used to make diversity intelligible and manageable." While human genetic diversity is a hallmark of our species, Dobzhansky believed the way we choose to organize that diversity is a methodological decision and not one that necessarily reflects underlying evolutionary or hierarchical schemes. That is what race meant to Dobzhansky, and that is what he believed race meant in evolutionary biology and genetics.
That _Mankind Evolving_ was published the same year as Coon's _Origins_ attracted little notice at the time, in spite of the fact that the two books were basically about the same thing and reached two very different conclusions. This becomes even more puzzling when reading the chapters in _Mankind Evolving_ that address, albeit indirectly, the theses of Coon's work. "We do not know nearly enough to give a satisfactory account of the appearance of modern man, _Homo sapiens_ ," wrote Dobzhansky, who then goes on to pick apart the separate creations argument. First, Dobzhansky argues that autogenesis, the idea that human ancestors were "predestined from the beginning to develop in the direction of humanity" is not a feature of evolution. Therefore, it is implausible that reproductively isolated groups of _erectus_ would have evolved separately into _sapiens_ over the course of 150,000 years. Second, because we recognize _Homo sapiens_ as a single species, it could "not have arisen by the coalescence of two or several ancestral species." Finally, Dobzhansky recognized that "living species are reproductively isolated, and living races are not" (humans cannot, for example, breed with chimpanzees or gorillas). This contradicted the view that Coon's five _erectus_ populations around the world were isolated from one another and evolved separately.
Coon, from his influential perch as the president of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists and as a well-respected leader in his field, challenged Dobzhansky's construction of race, and in doing so revealed its inherent contradictions. That the biological race concept could not completely disentangle itself from typological inferences was manifest in Coon's conflation of typology, genotype, and phenotype, as well as his own obvious social prejudices about nonwhites. In his review of _Origins_ , which appeared alongside the Dobzhansky review in _Current Anthropology_ , Ashley Montagu acknowledged that race and typology were indeed inseparable, and that the race concept remained burdened by its connection to its own history. "If I were not actually reading the printed words in a book published in 1962 by a reputable publisher," Montagu wrote of _Origins_ , "I could believe that I were reading an anthropology written and published in 1862."
Just a year before the Coon imbroglio, Dobzhansky sparred with another anthropologist in the pages of _Current Anthropology_. Again, as he had been doing in both private correspondence and published writings, Dobzhansky defended the use of the race concept in the context of the evolutionary synthesis. In an article titled "On the Non-Existence of Human Races," University of Michigan anthropologist Frank Livingstone reasoned "that there are excellent arguments for abandoning the concept of race with reference to the living populations of _Homo sapiens_." For Livingstone, as one studied more and more of the variation both within and between populations, it was "nearly impossible to determine what the 'actual races really are.'" "To apply the term subspecies to any part of such variation not only is arbitrary or impossible but tends to obscure the explanation of this variation," Livingstone said. Ultimately, Livingstone's critique echoed the earlier arguments by Du Bois and Montagu. "No science can divorce its concepts, definitions, and theories so completely from its subject matter," he concluded.
As a physical anthropologist, Livingstone had studied genetic diversity within and between human populations. His groundbreaking work on the sickle-cell trait in West Africa, in fact, led him to reject racial classifications, as outlined in his back-and-forth with Dobzhansky. Dobzhansky, ever still the arbiter of the race concept, pushed back with his usual defense, arguing that "the difficulties with the race concept arise chiefly from failure to realize that while race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena, race is also a category of biological classification." In other words, as Dobzhansky had argued many times before, race was real; it was the method of identifying and naming it where the problem lay. "There is nothing arbitrary about whether race differences do or do not exist, but whether races should or should not be named," Dobzhansky asserted, "and if they should, how many should be recognized, is a matter of convenience and hence of judgment."
Though Livingstone agreed with Dobzhansky on this point, he ultimately thought this line of thinking—which had come to define the concept of race in biological terms—was specious. "I would agree with him [Dobzhansky]," Livingstone wrote, "that just about all human populations differ in the frequency of some gene" and that "all human populations are racially distinct, which should imply that each is a separate race." But in Livingstone's analysis, this made the term "race" "inapplicable" in a biological context. "Since any grouping differs with the gene frequency used," Livingstone argued, "the number of groupings is equal to the number of genes." Therefore, "one population could belong to several different races." This was, of course, Dobzhansky's point about the race concept: that it was a methodological tool to organize species-level diversity. But for Livingstone, this methodological justification for the use of race was not reconcilable with the taxonomic system—the Linnaean system—through which the biological sciences organized the natural world: "Any particular animal population cannot belong to several different genera, species, or any other taxonomic level within the Linnaean system; such a usage is inconsistent with the assumptions of the system."
Later that decade, another dispute surfaced about the use of the biological race concept in the context of race, genetics, and intelligence—one that again highlighted the contradictions in the race concept. The 1969 publication of educational psychologist Arthur Jensen's "How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement?" in the _Harvard Educational Review_ became a lightning rod for scientific and popular discussion about race, intelligence, and genetics. In that article Jensen made his now-infamous claim that intelligence, or IQ, had a very high heritability, that that heritability was largely genetic in nature, and that therefore redress for discrepancies in IQ through educational remedies in order to "narrow the achievement gap between 'minority' and 'majority' pupils" was likely to be futile. Jensen proposed instead that for American schools the "next step will be to develop the techniques by which school learning can be most effectively achieved in accordance with different patterns of ability." In other words, trying to educate genetically smart students with genetically less-smart students is neither a good use of society's time or of humankind's genetic heritage. Jensen was hopeful that this was changing and believed that "we are beginning to see some definite signs that this mistreatment of the genetic basis of intelligence by social scientists may be on the wane, and that a biosocial view of intellectual development more in accord with the evidence is gaining greater recognition."
In the article, Jensen, an educational psychologist with no formal training in any area of the biological sciences, presented himself as an expert in genetics and tried to summarize for the psychological community the mechanisms of heredity and how they related to race and IQ. Sections of the paper titled "The Concept of Heritability," "Polygenic Inheritance," "Covariance of Heredity and Environment," "Common Misconceptions About Heritability," and "Empirical Findings on the Heritability of Intelligence" help acquaint the reader with complex genetic concepts. Attempts like Jensen's to link genetics with race and America's social conditions were part of the academic and popular culture in the 1960s. This was occurring just as the civil rights movement and the more radical Black Power movement were quickly moving beyond a strictly civil rights platform to pay close attention to broader issues of social and economic justice.
In 1966 William Shockley, a Nobel Prize–winning physicist and professor at Stanford University, received considerable publicity for calling upon the National Academy of Sciences (of which he was a member) to "foster research on the effects of heredity, including race, on human behavior." "I evaluate the marrow of the city's slum problem to be our uncertainty about its genetic aspects and our fear to admit ignorance and to search openly for relevant facts," Shockley claimed to the academy in a paper with the title "Possible Metallurgical and Astronomical Approaches to the Problem of Environment versus Ethnic Heredity." In a press release by the Stanford University News Service, Shockley explained his "incursion into the field of genetics as a reaction to colleagues' opinions that 'even the proposal that an objective study be sought is doomed to be smothered under an emotional slogan.'" The following year, at a speech at Michigan State University, Shockley warned that "unrealistic hope for speeding the Negro's struggle for equality before the real causes of his disadvantages are known may unwittingly inflict untold human suffering on the Negroes themselves." With his proposed program going nowhere at the National Academy, Shockley called upon John Gardner, Lyndon Johnson's secretary of health, education, and welfare, to undertake his study of America's impending racial degeneration. Gardner passed the letter off to Philip Lee, assistant secretary for health and scientific affairs, who rebuked Shockley's request and suggested that he speak with his Stanford colleague the eminent geneticist Joshua Lederberg about genetics, the environment, and human behavior.
The attempt by men like Jensen and Shockley to employ a biological race concept shows that no matter how hard Dobzhansky and other biologists tried to narrowly define race in the context of biology—that despite the stated shift away from typology to populationist thinking—race could and would be used for typological, racist, and nonscientific ends. The Jensen and Shockley affairs confirm the plasticity of the biological race concept and that its historical legacy is inseparable from its contemporary usage. At a 1966 symposium held at the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science exploring science and the race concept, the giants of evolutionary biology and genetics, plus several esteemed psychologists and anthropologists, continued to argue about the meanings of race in science. The symposium was organized, in the words of the anthropologist Margaret Mead, "as an indication of the present state of knowledge and research on problems of race, and it represents a response to the barrage of pseudoscientific statements which, since the Supreme Court desegregation decision of 1954, have attempted to prove the innate biological inferiority of the group of Americans who are socially classified as Negro." At the symposium Dobzhansky, Mayr, and other evolutionary biologists again insisted that the biological race concept had left typology behind, and that race was both a tool for classification and a biological phenomenon. It is in that space, between methodology and biology, where the contradictions of race would emerge again and again.
One wonders, despite Dobzhansky's stern protests to Montagu that abandoning the term "race" in biology would do nothing—"I have done my damndest to convince you that this proposition will neither be accepted nor would it do any good if accepted"—what might have been had geneticists and others in the biological sciences heeded the call to substitute the term "ethnic groups" for "race."
**10**
**NATURALIZING RACISM**
The Controversy Over Sociobiology
On December 18, 1975, after a long illness, the biologist Theodosius Dobzhansky died. As an architect of the evolutionary synthesis in the biological sciences, a distinguished teacher and mentor to a generation of students at Caltech, Columbia, and Rockefeller, and a public intellectual, Dobzhansky left an indelible mark on his discipline, on the sciences more generally, and on the times in which he lived. Eulogized by the Royal Society, Dobzhansky was remembered for his singular contributions to the field and as "a man ready to adjust his views in the light of increasing knowledge and not ashamed to admit past error, nor concerned to disguise it." What Darwin's _The Origin of Species_ was to evolutionary theory in the nineteenth century Dobzhansky's _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ was to it in the twentieth century according to evolutionary biologist and former Dobzhansky student Francisco Ayala. Another student of Dobzhansky's, the evolutionary biologist Richard Lewontin, remembered his late mentor as the scientist "who, in _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , changed our view of races from the taxonomist's typological classification to the modern population genetic one." Indeed, Dobzhansky's impact is historic.
Just a year before his death, Dobzhansky had published a remembrance of his close friend and longtime collaborator L. C. Dunn, who had died in March of 1974. Like Dobzhansky, Dunn was a giant in his field, remembered both for his important contributions to genetics and for the steadfast humanism that he brought to his work in science and society. Dobzhansky noted that during the 1930s Dunn was active on the Emergency Committee for German Scholars that helped resettle German exiles at American universities. Dunn was also remembered as an authority on the race concept—work that he hoped would undercut racism's scourge in both scientific thought and popular practice. Other members of their scientific cohort, also founders of and contributors to the evolutionary synthesis, died in the decade or so following Dunn and Dobzhansky. Julian Huxley passed in 1975. Curt Stern died in 1981, George G. Simpson in 1984, and Sewell Wright in 1988. There were, however, two long-lived exceptions. Ashley Montagu and Ernst Mayr remained prolific into their nineties; Montagu died at age ninety-four in 1999, and Mayr at age one hundred in 2005.
**SOCIOBIOLOGY ASCENDANT**
It is purely coincidental that in the same year as Dobzhansky's passing the entomologist Edward Osborne Wilson published _Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ , a now classic work examining the relationship between biology and social behavior in all species, including humans. Before his foray into sociobiology, Wilson had a distinguished career as a biologist whose work on ant populations, biogeography, and ecology made him one of the most distinguished and publicly recognized scientists of the late twentieth century. Wilson, of course, would also go on to become one of the world's most prominent environmental advocates as a voice for the preservation of the earth's biodiversity. But it was his work on sociobiology that first thrust him into the scientific and public spotlight. In the years following _Sociobiology_ 's publication, Wilson would, for example, win a Pulitzer Prize for _On Human Nature_ and a National Medal of Science from President Carter.
Wilson's sociobiological proposition—that a biological theory of behavior (in humans and nonhuman species) should inform the work of the social sciences and humanities (some called this disciplinary imperialism or the Darwinizing of the social sciences)—can now be understood as part of the impulse to unify the biological sciences. The most important step in this struggle during the first half of the twentieth century was the emergence of the evolutionary synthesis—the unification of Darwinian natural selection with Mendelian genetics. In declaring the "new synthesis," Wilson sought to attach _Sociobiology_ to this legacy, applying evolutionary concepts to the relationship between biology and behavior in all species. As Wilson wrote, his work sought to "codify sociobiology into a branch of evolutionary biology and particularly modern population biology." In addition to its historical connection to the drive in biology to unify related disciplines, sociobiology's ambition to uncover "the biological basis of all forms of social behavior in all kinds of organisms, including man," was heir to a legacy within the biological sciences of integrating claims about the genetic basis for complex human social behavior into social thought.
While sociobiology made no claims to immediately involve itself in social policy, Wilson's introductory chapter in _Sociobiology_ did propose that "the principal goal of a general theory of sociobiology should be an ability to predict features of social organization from a knowledge of these population parameters combined with information on the behavioral constraints imposed by the genetic constitution of the species." A leap from predicting the features of social organization to influencing it was not beyond the ambitions of some sociobiologists, including Wilson. If "the most diagnostic features of human behavior evolved by natural selection and are today constrained throughout the species by particular sets of genes," then sociobiology's contribution to human society would someday be, according to Wilson, to "monitor the genetic basis of social behavior" because "the genetic foundation on which any such normative system is built can be expected to shift continuously."
The quest for a sociobiologicalization of the biological sciences was not new to academic or popular thinking. Darwin's _The Descent of Man_ , and later R. A. Fisher's _The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection_ and Julian Huxley's _Evolution: The Modern Synthesis_ , expressed varying levels of belief in the biological basis for human social behavior. And, to be sure, Wilson was neither the first nor the only proponent of sociobiology in the late twentieth century. Sociobiology with a small _s_ was a field that grew from the achievements of scientists working in a range of biological and behavioral disciplines. For example, the ethological work of Konrad Lorenz and Desmond Morris in the 1960s laid the foundation for later sociobiological research. In the 1970s, Richard Dawkins, author of the best-selling _The Selfish Gene_ , and David Barash, author of _The Whisperings Within_ , were among the many natural and social scientists working from a sociobiological paradigm.
In the five years following the publication of Wilson's tome, both the academic and popular presses closely followed sociobiology and the debate over its scientific merits and political significance. Through an aggressive public relations campaign, general interest in sociobiology gained a societal salience resonating from the hallowed halls of academia to the glossy pages of _People_ magazine. _BusinessWeek_ called the new science a "genetic defense of the free market," while _Psychology Today_ asked whether Wilson's synthesis was "all wet?" declaring that it could "provide very little enlightenment about the behavior of real people." University of Chicago cultural anthropologist Marshall Sahlins agreed, attacking the sociobiological notion that human kinship relations are "organized in accord with the genetic coefficients of relationship as known to sociobiologists." Sahlins insisted, "Human social behavior is not organized by the individual maximization of genetic interest in that human beings are not socially defined by their organic qualities." Sahlins argued that humans were biological beings but that culture, not biology, "is the indispensable condition" of human organization.
Others embraced _Sociobiology_. Writing in the _New York Times_ , the anthropologist John Pfeiffer said the book "has much to say about what is happening to us here and now," and that "the book may be regarded as an evolutionary event in itself, announcing for all who can hear that we are on the verge of breakthroughs in the effort to understand our place in the scheme of things." In the _Quarterly Review of Biology_ , the biologist Mary Jane West-Eberhard called the book "brilliant and timely." David Barash deemed it a "tour de force" and favorably compared Wilson and his work to Julian Huxley's _Evolution: The Modern Synthesis_. In private correspondence several distinguished scientists echoed these sentiments. Konrad Lorenz wrote to Wilson that he had read the book "with as great pleasure as gain." Philip Darlington, the Harvard biologist who had trained Wilson, called _Sociobiology_ a "fundamental, magnificent, and useful piece of work."
Most of _Sociobiology_ , according to Stephen Jay Gould, both a critic of the field and a friend of Wilson's, "wins from me the same high praise almost universally accorded to it." Gould, like many other champions of the field, believed Wilson's work to be "a lucid account of evolutionary principles and an indefatigably thorough discussion of social behavior in all groups of animals," and predicted that _Sociobiology_ would be "the primary document" on these matters "for years to come." However, it was Wilson's (and, of course, others' in the field) application of sociobiological ideas to humans that came under fire, particularly for the way in which these ideas were presented. It was what Gould called Wilson's "extended speculation on the existence of genes for specific and variable traits in human behavior—including spite, aggression, xenophobia, conformity, homosexuality, and the characteristic behavioral differences between men and women in Western society" that became a target for sociobiology's critics. It is the field's interest in what it deemed human universals, like xenophobia and ethnocentrism, that is particularly noteworthy in the context of the evolution of the race concept and its implications for understanding racism.
**SOCIOBIOLOGY AND RACE**
Dobzhansky's _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ modernized a theory of _race_ in the context of the evolutionary synthesis and population genetics. In a similar way, Wilson's _Sociobiology_ and contemporary sociobiological works sought to articulate a modern theory of the existence of _racism_ in the context of the new synthesis. Wilson was no racist and was distressed by the uses of sociobiology in this way, but in making arguments for an evolutionary and genetic basis for xenophobia and ethnocentrism, sociobiologists were participating in a long-standing debate regarding biological explanations for these concepts. Although the new synthesis did not contest the race concept as described by the modern synthesis, it did offer a biological way to explain tensions that persisted between racial (and other) groups in American society that resonated in the wake of the social revolutions of the 1960s. Literary critic Henry Louis Gates has called this sociobiology's "pessimism," that "racism is in our nature" and that "little can be done about it."
The 1960s and early 1970s were part of an era in the United States in which racial movements for social justice radically pushed back against and began to change America's political and cultural arrangements. As sociologists Howard Winant and Michael Omi point out, the wake of the 1960s social movements "constituted a period of profound social transformation and dislocation in American life." In the 1970s, that transformation and dislocation were manifested in a renewed backlash against the civil rights struggle. Sociobiology gained social salience at this historical moment, and the biological explanations for xenophobia and ethnocentrism, as articulated by some in the field, were well suited to a post–civil rights movement age witnessing a rise in cultural nationalism and ethnic pride and a growing rejection of the integrationist ideal.
This was also an era that saw a dramatic rise in genetic explanations for complex human social behaviors. Sociologists Dorothy Nelkin and M. Susan Lindee, in _The DNA Mystique: The Gene as a Cultural Icon_ , argue that since the late 1970s "in many popular narratives, individual characteristics and the social order both seem to be direct transcriptions of a powerful, magical, and even sacred entity, DNA." Genes, they say, are a "convenient way to address troubling social issues: the threats implied by the changing roles of women, the perceived decline of the family, the problems of crime, the changes in ethnic and racial structure of American society, and the failure of social welfare programs."As sociologist Troy Duster shows, "both the popular media and scientific journals published an explosion of articles that staked a renewed claim to the genetic explanation of matters that the previous two decades had laid to rest as social and environmental." For example, according to Duster, a review of the _Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature_ from 1976 to 1982 shows a surge in articles that "attempted to explain the genetic basis for crime, mental illness, intelligence, and alcoholism during this brief six-year period." Sociobiology played an important role in the popularization of these ideas.
Wilson's toughest critics acknowledged that sociobiology was not immediately concerned with race, nor was it itself a racist doctrine. However, even if sociobiology was definitively not a racist theory, in its pursuit of a biologically based theory of human social behavior it _did_ concern itself with race indirectly. By trying to describe why, in an evolutionary and genetic way, populations of peoples hated, feared, and distrusted one another, sociobiology contributed to a biological concept of racism. So while the biological race concept was largely ignored in sociobiological theory, the social meanings of race became a focus of sociobiological research through the study of the biological mechanisms of racism. In this context, sociobiology could be and was interpreted by some as a way to rationalize racism. Racists, of course, did not need scientific theories like sociobiology to promote their ideas. Nevertheless, the intellectual claims of sociobiology—intentionally or not—could and did serve the needs of those who harbored racist ideas by giving them scientific legitimacy.
Because Wilson was a distinguished biologist trained in the traditions of the evolutionary synthesis and population biology, _Sociobiology_ did nothing to challenge the race concept: its definition had largely been settled in this corner of biology by the time the book was written. Wilson even turned to his Harvard colleague and soon-to-be antisociobiology antagonist Richard Lewontin for authority in this area, citing his work on the race concept in biology and writing in _Sociobiology_ that "human populations are not very different from one another genetically." Furthermore, because _Sociobiology_ sought to identify human universals, it was not, in itself, a racist doctrine—a fact that even Wilson's most vociferous critics acknowledged. After all, as Lewontin acknowledged, Wilson was concerned with the "universals of human nature—his chief point is that we're all alike." This was a point many sociobiologists made as well. The British sociobiologist and anthropologist Vernon Reynolds pointed out that "sociobiology expects _every_ racial group to be xenophobic and it makes _no_ statement at all about superiority."
Unlike sociobiology, earlier biologically driven theories of human nature did have race at their core. At the end of the nineteenth century, for example, social Darwinists spoke of the inability to "change the different qualities of the races." In the early twentieth century eugenicists spoke of "feebleminded" blacks and other groups, while IQ theorists of the 1960s and 1970s speculated about the relationship of race, genetics, and IQ. Sociobiologists, however, consciously sought to sever any connection between their discipline and any racist doctrine. In his Pulitzer Prize–winning work _On Human Nature_ , for example, Wilson issued a "strong caveat" declaring the search for "racial differences in behavior" as "the most emotionally explosive and politically dangerous of all subjects."
For a more robust understanding of a sociobiological discussion of racism, we must return briefly to the basic theoretical suppositions of sociobiology. Sociobiologists believe that "animals are social to the extent that cooperation is mutually beneficial." Sociality exists, therefore, because of kin selection—"the selection of genes due to one or more individuals favoring or disfavoring the survival and reproduction of relatives (other than offspring) who possess the same genes by common descent." In turn, cooperative social behavior among close kin will maximize inclusive fitness, or "the total effect of kin selection with reference to an individual." Some sociobiologists assert that both ethnicity and race are "extensions of the idiom of kinship, and that, therefore, ethnic and race sentiments are to be understood as an extended and attenuated form of kin selection." Because kin groups are both aggressive and xenophobic, according to sociobiological theory, one can assert, as some sociobiologists do, that xenophobia, ethnocentrism, and racism have a genetic basis.
In Wilson's seminal text he articulates a sociobiological explanation for how humans make sense of difference. Modern humans inherited a xenophobic trait from our hunter-gatherer ancestors, according to _Sociobiology_ , and "human behavior provides some of the best exemplification of" what Wilson calls "the xenophobia principle": a "newcomer is a threat to the status of every animal in the group, and he is treated accordingly," and "cooperative behavior reaches a peak among the insiders when repelling such an intruder." Offering a strikingly simplistic view of intergroup hatred, Wilson argues that in humans "outsiders are almost always a source of tension." When they "pose a physical threat...they loom in our vision as an evil, monolithic force." Furthermore, Wilson speculates that the outsiders are reduced "to subhuman status, so that they can be treated without conscience. They are the gooks, the wogs, the krauts, the commies—not like us, another subspecies surely, a force remorselessly dedicated to our destruction who must be met with equal ruthlessness if we are to survive." Wilson hypothesizes that this occurs at the level of a "gut feeling," and he compares the xenophobic trait of a human being and that of a rhesus monkey, suggesting that the behavior "may well be neurophysiologically homologous."
Pierre van den Berghe, trained as a sociologist, was one of the most prolific proponents of the sociobiology of ethnocentrism and xenophobia. A specialist in race and ethnic relations and a professor at the University of Washington, van den Berghe had asserted in his presociobiologically influenced work that "racism is ultimately reducible to a set of attitudes which are, of course, socially derived but which nevertheless become part of the personality system of the individual." However, in the mid-1970s van den Berghe's approach shifted, and there emerged in his work a belief in the sociobiological origins of race relations. Van den Berghe suggested, for example, that "ethnocentrism evolved during millions, or at least hundreds of thousands of years as an extension of kin selection."
Van den Berghe and Wilson were not alone in their sociobiological explanations for human intergroup antagonism. Throughout the sociobiology literature ethnocentrism and xenophobia are justified in sociobiological terms. Another of the early sociobiologists, the zoologist David Barash (also of the University of Washington), posits a theory similar to van den Berghe's, but with a twist. Barash believes that "human beings have a notable inclination to exclude individuals who are conspicuously different from us in any way." The root of this behavior is biologically adaptive "for the following reason: Among most animals, disease is a prominent cause of mortality....Since many diseases can be transmitted by infected individuals, it would be advantageous if diseased animals were somehow prevented from associating closely with the healthy ones. Thus, in many animal societies, diseased or disfigured individuals are often mercilessly hounded and excluded from the group. As a general rule, those that are different get ostracized." Barash offers little hope of "evolving" out of this predicament. Instead, as he asserts, we must "make sure that we are carefully taught to love one another." Sociobiology is thus "an antidote to racism" because "it emphasizes human universals" (e.g., human nature) and thereby unites the species in "biological oneness."
Not all scientists who wrapped themselves in the mantra of sociobiology were as kind. Psychologist J. Philippe Rushton was by far the most extreme of the sociobiologists, advocating not only sociobiological notions of racism but also typological notions of race. One might argue that his extreme views have no place in sociobiology. Rushton's work, however, has appeared in sociobiological and other respected scientific journals. He even proclaims his work sociobiological in nature in his monograph _Race, Evolution, and Behavior_. Furthermore, he was the recipient of several distinguished fellowships, including a Guggenheim, which only served to increase his legitimacy. Rushton's work, then, perhaps can be seen as a bridge between eugenics and the mainstream realm of sociobiology.
Rushton's ideas were echoes of the works of Gobineau and Morton. He was convinced that cranial capacity, which he found to be smallest among blacks, had direct correlations with "intelligence, social organization, sexual restraint, and quiescent temperament." He ascribed the origins of these differences to the Ice Age, which exerted selective pressures upon non-"Negroid" races. Rushton's work also attempted to rekindle the debunked myth of r/K selection, where _r_ is high reproduction rates and _K_ is high levels of parental investment. According to Rushton's conclusions, _r_ -selected reproductive strategies are emphasized among blacks, thus causing a "bioenergetic trade-off between which is postulated to underlie cross-species differences in brain size, speed of maturation, reproductive effort, and longevity." _K_ -selected races have higher intelligence and thereby more advanced cultures. This notion of selective pressure as applied to human social behavior is similar to sociobiological notions of gene-culture coevolution. It is interesting that Rushton's work is cited numerous times in Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray's _The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life_ , the mid-1990s best seller that linked race, genetics, and intelligence. Herrnstein and Murray nod approvingly toward Rushton's work, writing that "he has strengthened the case for consistently ordered race differences." Nonetheless, they do acknowledge that his "theory remains a long way from confirmation."
Rushton, to be sure, is far more extreme in his application of coevolutionary ideas than most sociobiologists. His work is also tarnished by his association with the Pioneer Fund—an openly racist organization that supported his research and that he would go on to head from 2002 to 2012. The fund—founded by Wickliffe Draper, whose role in the eugenics movement and in scientific racism is documented in chapter 5 of this book—is a eugenic foundation that provides approximately $1 million a year to academic researchers. Much of the work from its grants goes toward establishing the genetic bases for racial differences.
There were sociobiologists who were skeptical of the extremes of Rushton. Writing in 1986, Vernon Reynolds, Vincent Falger, and Ian Vine cautioned, "Some attempts to apply the sociobiological paradigm to human behavior have certainly been premature, ill-considered, superficial, over-confident, and indeed socio-politically naïve." They were particularly concerned that sociobiological work could mistakenly portray racism as one of the "genetic imperatives of human nature." Others, like Robin I. M. Dunbar (despite his support for studying the sociobiology of ethnocentrism), were concerned about the scope of sociobiological claims given "the difficulty with producing evidence in support of any sociobiological statement with long-lived species like our own."
**THE SOCIOBIOLOGY DEBATES**
In the months and years that followed the publication of _Sociobiology_ and the rapid growth of the field itself, the debate over the field grew increasingly personal and was sometimes outright nasty. Wilson, as the field's most distinguished member, quickly became both its spokesperson and lightning rod. Tense correspondence between Wilson and his critics reveals deep scientific and political acrimony on both sides of the debate. Some of the bitterest animosity emerged between Wilson and several of his colleagues at Harvard, particularly Richard Lewontin. Wilson claimed the attacks against him were personal in nature (as they sometimes were), and he even recused himself from faculty meetings in the Department of Organismic and Evolutionary Biology at Harvard. He found "it intolerable to sit at a department-level meeting where the chairman [in reference to Lewontin] is the same individual who is conducting a personal campaign against me and my work, largely on political grounds." Lewontin, in fact, had been very aggressive and unsparing in his criticism of _Sociobiology_. "The book has a lot of science _in it_ , but it is not _of_ science," Lewontin wrote to Wilson in October of 1975 in one of the many heated letters they exchanged following _Sociobiology_ 's publication. Concerning the scientific status of _Sociobiology_ , Lewontin told Wilson that his book was "not a work of science because it makes use of what is essentially an advocacy method to erect an untestable and non-falsifiable structure of explanation of a world that in many respects does not even exist."
Wilson expressed his disbelief in the initial reaction to his work, concluding that most of the attacks on his and other sociobiological works were partisan, and he attempted to offset the impact of his critics by dismissing them as ideological dogmatists. While Wilson did, however, recognize what he called his "more moderate" critics, he criticized them too for holding fast to the "antigenetic bias that has prevailed as virtual dogma since the fall of Social Darwinism." Accused of creating a scientific theory that sought to buttress the status quo, Wilson defended himself as a liberal who had "no interest in ideology." His "purpose was to celebrate diversity and to demonstrate the intellectual power of evolutionary biology."
Wilson's critics saw his work quite differently. In 1975, a letter to the editor in the _New York Review of Books_ authored by members of the Sociobiology Study Group of Science for the People (a political group that included several of Wilson's Harvard colleagues) attacked _Sociobiology_ and Wilson, calling the work "a particular theory about human nature, which has no scientific support, and which upholds the concept of a world with social arrangements remarkably similar to the world which E. O. Wilson inhabits." The letter associated Wilson's work with earlier biologically deterministic theories, including social Darwinism and eugenics, stating that such theories (specifically _Sociobiology_ ) "provide a genetic justification of the status quo and of existing privileges for certain groups according to class, race or sex." Wilson wrote to the _New York Review of Books_ editor Robert Silvers, claiming that the article represented "the kind of self-righteous vigilantism which not only produces falsehood but also unjustly hurts individuals and through a kind of intimidation diminishes the spirit of free inquiry and discussion crucial to the health of the intellectual community." Deeply hurt by what he believed were more than just scientific or partisan attacks against _Sociobiology_ , Wilson's anger at what he perceived to be indecorous and inappropriate behavior for the academy certainly drove his intense response to his critics. Both stunned by and incredulous at the nature of the attack against him and his book, Wilson wrote to Lewontin that December (1975) asking, "How can you make such repeated accusations which you _know_ are untrue, especially since the target is an old and close associate?"
Not all Wilson's collegial relations at Harvard were distressed by the sociobiology debates. In November 1975, Wilson had written to the Harvard paleontologist and evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould—also a critic, but one with whom, unlike with Lewontin, Wilson kept up a good personal relationship throughout the rancor that followed the book's publication. In his note, Wilson enclosed his response to the _New York Review_ article and hoped that Gould would agree that had he shown him "this elementary courtesy, your own letter would have been far different and my reputation would not have been unjustly damaged." Wilson also told Gould that he knew that what he called the incident was ideological in origin and that there was "no personal animosity between us." Throughout the sociobiology debates, Gould and Wilson maintained good relations. Gould even defended Wilson against some of the more personal attacks later directed against him.
Wilson defended his work in a 1976 article titled "Academic Vigilantism and the Political Significance of Sociobiology." He believed that _Sociobiology_ was being judged "according to whether it conforms to the political convictions of the judges, who are self-appointed" and that those found guilty by such judges, like himself, were "given a label and to be associated with past deeds that all decent persons will find repellent." Wilson defended his foray into human sociobiology, claiming that it "was approached tentatively and in a taxonomic rather than political spirit" and that it "was intended to be a beginning rather than a conclusion." Nonetheless, Wilson clearly underestimated the political and historical context into which he offered these theories, and how that context would shape the tone and intensity of the response to both his work and to sociobiology in general.
Among the first to react to the publication of _Sociobiology_ was the Sociobiology Study Group of Science for the People, which criticized sociobiology as a "tool for social oppression." The study group's purpose was to "publicize the view that _Sociobiology_ was just another form of biological determinism and to break through the solid mass of praise of the book and make the subject controversial" as well as to produce "ideological weapons to counteract and delegitimate sociobiology and biological determinism in general." Science for the People, a coalition made up largely of socialist and ideological Marxist biologists, scholars, and community activists, worked "to analyze and combat" what it called "this latest appearance of biological determinism." The group's stated goals were (1) "exposing the class control of science and technology; (2) organizing campaigns which criticized, challenged, and proposed alternatives to the present uses of science and technology; and (3) developing a political strategy by which people in the technical strata could ally with other progressive forces in society." Among the study group's members were scientists at Harvard and other Boston-area universities, including Lewontin, Gould, and biologist Ruth Hubbard.
The group's reaction to the publication of _Sociobiology_ and other sociobiological theories was often swift and unsparing of the field and its nominal leader. Its attacks on sociobiology appeared in the group's bimonthly publication _Science for the People_ , as well as in numerous journals, newspapers, and periodicals. When sociobiologists proclaimed themselves reductionist and deterministic, asserting that a biologically based human nature was inherent to the human genome, the study group responded by stating, "Determinism provides a direct justification for the status quo as 'natural.'" When sociobiologists asserted that "even with identical education and equal access to all professions, men are likely to play a disproportionate role in political life, business, and science," the group argued that evidence for male domination as a facet of human nature was wrongheaded, ignoring or misrepresenting "cross cultural evidence on sex roles" that dispute sociobiology's ideas. Finally, when sociobiologists claimed compelling genetic evidence for their assertion that there exist human universals such as spite, aggression, male dominance, ethnocentrism, and territoriality, the study group maintained that sociobiologists had no evidence for their theory. "It is the classic error of reification," said members of the group, "by which mental constructs are treated as if they were something concrete or object."
The group struggled, however, with whether _Sociobiology_ was racist. Minutes from the group's June 1977 meeting suggested a divide among its members: "Some felt the book is clearly racist, others that it is not really a serious issue in the book, others that there is racism but it is implicit." A discussion on the subject with the radical group Committee Against Racism (CAR) yielded little agreement, with CAR convinced that sociobiology was racist, arguing that "ideologies which can be used to justify racism are racist." Another group member expressed the belief that "since _Sociobiology_ helps to legitimize racial conflict by postulating that it is genetically based, it helps to promote racial conflict and do what racism does indirectly."
If Wilson was the public face of sociobiological theory, then Lewontin had quickly become the public face of opposition to that theory. Even though he was a self-proclaimed ideological Marxist, he was still, like Wilson, one of the nation's preeminent biologists. But unlike Wilson, Lewontin explicitly fused his scientific activities with his political ones. And despite his protests that he should not be considered the voice of Science for the People, he became just that, precisely because of his intellectual standing in the scientific community and his long history of engaging in what he believed were the misuses of science for political and social purposes. Lewontin claimed that "no one is a spokesman for SftP," and that calling him such misunderstood the organization, which he described as "nonhierarchic and virtually anarchistic [in] nature."
Members of the Sociobiology Study Group were not the only ones to oppose sociobiology, and although Wilson might have accused them of "academic vigilantism," their tactics in opposition to sociobiology paled in comparison with more radical groups that had threatened and committed acts of violence against Wilson. At the 1978 American Association for the Advancement of Science's annual meeting, for example, the International Committee Against Racism (INCAR), a radical Marxist organization, charged the stage as Wilson was about to speak. The protestors doused him with ice water and then, with antisociobiology placards in hand, shouted, "Racist Wilson you can't hide, we charge you with genocide!!!"
Apart from the attacks by INCAR in public settings, most critics of Wilson's engaged him intellectually on the scientific content in _Sociobiology_ and on its relevance as a political document, even as those criticisms devolved into personal attacks on both sides. Yet over time Wilson continued to engage his academic critics, particularly his Harvard colleague Lewontin, in much the same way he reacted to his purely political ones: he attacked their political proclivities rather than engaging them in scientific debate. He even accused his critics of trying to thwart academic freedom. And this strategy was largely successful—Wilson succeeded in deflecting scientific criticism of his sociobiological work by accusing many of his critics of being Marxists (which, indeed, they were). In reaction to a published interview of Lewontin in the French newspaper _Le Monde_ , Wilson wrote to the editor referring to Lewontin as "my chief Marxist critic." Wilson also suggested that opposition to sociobiology among his Harvard colleagues and Science for the People critics was driven by what he believed was their fear that Marxism was "mortally threatened by the discoveries of human sociobiology." Overall, the conflict between Lewontin and Wilson, as well as the debates over sociobiology, were part of a larger cultural trend in academia in the 1960s and 1970s in which liberals and Marxists clashed over what values should shape their work and their world. This dispute is also, of course, a glaring example of how political considerations can shape scientific researchers and the questions they pursue in their work.
Wilson's use of Marxism as an intellectual foil to _Sociobiology_ holds great irony for reasons best articulated by Wilson himself. "Marxism is sociobiology without biology," Wilson wrote in 1978, just a few years after _Sociobiology_ 's publication. Whereas Marxists view the world through a lens of class struggle, biological and genetic mechanisms were critical to the sociobiological worldview. Wilson's popularized accounts of sociobiology and his public statements on the nascent science often began not with a methodological defense of his data or theoretical claims but rather with an outline of the controversy surrounding sociobiology. Wilson spent, for example, an entire chapter of his 1983 book _Promethean Fire: Reflections in the Origin of Mind_ , attacking critics of sociobiology and accusing Lewontin and other critics of promoting "Marxism-Leninism, in a manner specialized to subordinate science to the service of that [Marxist] ideology."
Even accepting Wilson's assertion that he was a political neophyte at the time of _Sociobiology_ 's release, he quickly became an apt pupil of his discipline's politics, of academic politics more generally, and certainly of society-wide politics. Wilson, for example, kept a file titled "Political Uses of Theory by New Right." Richard Lynn, a noted racist and eugenicist who was then teaching at the New University of Ulster in Great Britain, wrote to Wilson that "several of us in Ulster have been greatly impressed by your book _Sociobiology_ and also sorry to see you coming under attack from 'liberals.' Do not be discouraged....Many of us think sociobiology reasonable and sensible." Enclosed in that correspondence was an article by Lynn called "The Sociobiology of Nationalism," published in July 1976. In it Lynn concluded, "Separatism promotes genetic variety because it divides a population into a number of smaller, inbreeding populations. Each of these develops its own genetic characteristics." Similarly, in 1977 Wilson received a letter from a Wilmot Robertson, who enclosed an article from _Instauration Magazine_ (a white supremacist publication) with the title "The Minority War on Science." "You may think we come on a little too strong," Robertson wrote, "but I do feel there is a place in the United States and in the world for one magazine that looks at the racial background of the battles now going on in the scientific profession." "If all races had an equal capability for science," the _Insaturation_ piece read, "there should be no marked differences in scientific methodology when one replaced another in a dominant position in science. If it can be shown, for example, that Western science is changing its habits and its practices as Jews achieve an ever more commanding position, then this ought to demonstrate that science in its essentials is not universal, not a body of ideas and methods that stand above nation and race, but on the other hand is dependent on race for its very character and its very existence."
Lewontin also drew Wilson's attention to the relationship that was developing between sociobiological and racist theory. "I thought you might be interested in the enclosed," Lewontin wrote to Wilson in July 1979, "which comes from the Journal of the National Front in Britain." The article, by Richard Verrall, whom Lewontin mockingly referred to as the National Front's "resident 'intellectual,'" was titled "Sociobiology: The Instincts in Our Genes." Lewontin quotes the article, which describes the sociobiological nature of racism: "The basic instinct common to all species to identify only with one's like group; to inbreed and to shun out-breeding. In human society this instinct is racial, and it—above all else—operates to ensure genetic survival. The modern races of man evolved in pre-historic times, the separate development of each race representing an evolutionary experiment which nature isolated by instinctive tribal antagonisms."
Not to miss an opportunity to point out to Wilson how Wilson's anti-Marxist jabs had angered him, Lewontin wrote, "Your red-baiting makes you a natural ally of this type, but then I guess I heard somewhere about how if one lies down with dogs, one gets up with fleas." The Sociobiology Study Group had also debated how the group would respond to the National Front's racist assault. One member was concerned that a "description of sociobiology as racist" would only encourage the National Front "to write more on sociobiology." The group also wondered if its statement would "force Wilson to make a disclaimer in a British journal." Wilson was not pleased that his sociobiological work was being used in this way. In a handwritten note found in his personal papers in a file labeled "Political Uses of Theory by New Right," Wilson wrote, "Radical right literature 1981. Worse than radical left!"
For his part, Lewontin was well practiced at being a scientific contrarian. Just a few years before he mounted a challenge to sociobiological theory, Lewontin withdrew his membership in the prestigious National Academy of Sciences in protest of what he believed was the academy's inappropriate involvement in war-related research. In addition to his contribution to the sociobiology debates, Lewontin was involved in the debates over the relationship between intelligence and race in the early 1970s. Some of Lewontin's arguments against those advancing a connection between heredity, IQ, and race anticipated his rhetoric against Wilson and others in the sociobiology debates. The Harvard psychologist Richard Hernnstein, following the 1973 publication of his book _IQ and the Meritocracy_ , threatened Lewontin with a lawsuit for his participation in an advertisement placed in both popular and academic media. The ad criticized Herrnstein's IQ research as racist, a characterization that he felt was "repulsive and slanderous," as well as a "gross misrepresentation of my writings." In response to Herrnstein's threatening letter, Lewontin wrote, "I do not want to defame you, but to expose the fallacy and pernicious effects of certain ideas that you have propagated." "I do not accuse you of being _primarily_ a racist," Lewontin asserted, "but whatever your motivation, your activities _are_ promoting the cause of racism."
Also in the early 1970s, Lewontin received similar correspondence from the physicist William Shockley, who similarly demanded the retraction of comments Lewontin had made against him concerning his public statements and publications about African Americans and intelligence. Whereas Lewontin tried to muster as much respect as he could for Herrnstein in their correspondence, he was unable to hide his sarcasm and disdain in his exchange with Shockley. "I am in receipt of your communication demanding that I make unspecified changes in the remarks in the _Harvard Crimson_ ," Lewontin wrote. He goes on to tell Shockley that he was not sure what he had had in mind in terms of changes, but that after rereading what he had said in the article, Lewontin himself felt dissatisfaction at his comments and therefore would take this opportunity to send a new statement to the editor of the _Crimson_. And so Lewontin wrote, sharing the submitted note with Shockley himself, "Shockley is a racist ideologue who is abysmally ignorant of genetics: Agitators like George Wallace and the head of the American Nazi party do not have academic credentials and attempt to address a mass audience of disaffected people, appealing directly and crudely to their passions and fears. Shockley, trading on his academic standing in electronics, and addressing himself primarily to educated and generally satisfied elites, attempts to propagate his ideology by the use of fallacious pseudo-scientific arguments, while drawing around himself a cloak of false academic objectivity. That is the iota of difference between them. Shockley should be totally ignored." Seizing a final chance to mock and provoke Shockley, Lewontin concludes his letter saying, "I do not know whether this meets your objections to my former remarks. At any rate it has the advantage of being more precise."
Lewontin's involvement in scientific matters related to race was fitting given his role as one of the world's preeminent authorities on human genetic diversity and evolutionary biology, as well as a pioneer in molecular genetics. Lewontin's 1966 articles on genetic variation, written with his colleague Jack Hubby, helped to revolutionize the use of molecular technologies (in this case gel electrophoresis) in the study of evolution. Because of this work, evolutionary biologists were finally able to directly study the amount of genetic diversity in populations by examining proteins. In 1972 Lewontin published a groundbreaking article on this subject called "The Apportionment of Human Diversity," which today remains a classic accounting of human diversity that soundly rejected human racial classification as having "no social value" and "virtually no genetic or taxonomic significance." Unlike his mentor, Dobzhansky, who throughout his career struggled to hold on to the population genetics notion of race that he himself had helped to develop, Lewontin rejected both a social and biological race concept, and he did so based on genetic data revealed with technologies unavailable to scientists like Dobzhansky just a decade earlier. Lewontin challenged a traditional population genetics definition of race by showing that populations were more genetically diverse than once thought; indeed, most genetic variation (85.4 percent) was "contained within" racial groups or "between populations within a race" (8.3 percent), whereas only 6.3 percent of "human variation was accounted for by racial classification." These findings, it should be mentioned, have been confirmed by more recent genetic studies utilizing DNA sequencing data as opposed to Lewontin's immunological data. Aided by a technological breakthrough that he himself had shepherded into evolutionary biology (the use of gel electrophoresis in population genetics) and driven by his mentor's antiracist zeal and his own sense of the relationship between science and politics, Lewontin carried out what was, in a purely scientific context, the most direct proof that, biologically, the category of race in humans was obsolete. In _Sociobiology_ Wilson acknowledged as much, quoting "The Apportionment of Human Diversity" to make the point that a similar type of distribution of frequency of behavioral traits could be expected in populations as well.
At the end of the twentieth century, the geneticist L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza confirmed Lewontin's findings using contemporary DNA techniques. His results showed that there was no significant genetic discontinuity between any so-called races in our species that would justify the use of racial classification in humans. Cavalli-Sforza believed that these results and the results of other studies implied that population genetics and evolutionary biology had satisfactorily shown that the "subdivision of the human population into a small number of clearly distinct, racial or continental, groups...is not supported by the present analysis of DNA." Given that studies had confirmed Lewontin's results for almost three decades, Cavalli-Sforza believed that "the burden of proof is now on the supporters of a biological basis for human racial classification."
Just a year before the publication of _Sociobiology_ , Lewontin published his seminal work _The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ , which was an examination of the nature of genetic diversity among organisms and the significance of that diversity in organismic evolution. As with Dobzhansky's book _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , Lewontin's book also began as a Jessup Lecture at Columbia University. Writing in the _Quarterly Review of Biology_ , Marcus Feldman called _The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ "the most important population genetics book in 10 years." Yale University biologist Jeffrey Powell called Lewontin's book a "classic." Even the philosopher of science Michael Ruse, who would later collaborate with Wilson on books about sociobiology and ethics, wrote that "any philosophical debates about the nature of biology, specifically evolutionary biology, must take account of this work, if not begin with it." In an observation that tied teacher to student, Ruse acknowledged that Lewontin's work was the most significant step in the furtherance of the debates over the nature of evolutionary theory "since Dobzhansky first published his _Genetics and the Origin of Species_."
That Wilson and Lewontin were heading for an intellectual clash could certainly have been forecast by anyone familiar with their respective works. As the sociologist Ullica Segerstråle points out, readers of _The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ would have recognized that Wilson's _Sociobiology_ was a ripe target for Lewontin. In his book, Lewontin was critical of the current state of population genetics and "suggested that fundamental theoretical revisions would have to be made within that field for it to produce valid predictive statements," most notably the erroneous idea that the relationship between genes and traits was "akin to separate beans within a bag." Segerstråle notes that Wilson was aware of this critique, and in _Sociobiology_ he "approvingly discussed exactly Lewontin's points," writing, "It remains for sociobiology to exploit both levels as opportunity provides," meaning that he advocated provisionally utilizing existing models and formulas and would wait for new ones to arise.
Looking back on the critiques of _Sociobiology_ more than ten years after the intensity of the debate had waned, Wilson still asserted that the nature of those critiques were politically, not scientifically, motivated. "The attacks were often personal in nature," he wrote in a brief autobiographic article published in the 1980s. "The critics implied that I and others working in this area were promoting racism, sexism, and other political evils, either deliberately or else as a side product of being enculturated by a capitalist-imperialist state." And in his view, he had been vindicated: "Fortunately, few people in the academic community believed the charges of Science for the People and INCAR, especially when it became more apparent that my colleagues in the radical Left were promoting a political philosophy and not just defending society from genetic determinism." Yet, curiously, even as he himself criticized the political nature of the sociobiology debates, he acknowledged that "as intellectuals and the American public at large shifted more toward conservatism in the late 1970s, the purely ideological opposition to human sociobiology diminished to near insignificance."
Unlike its reductionist predecessors, sociobiology did not speak in bold tones of genetically driven racial hierarchies. Sociobiology was different; instead of proclaiming racial inferiority for certain groups, it provided a framework to naturalize racism by offering a genetic rationale for it. The tenets of sociobiology—by rooting a genetic basis for complex human social behavior in Darwinian natural selection and Mendelian genetics (the evolutionary or modern synthesis)—helped reintroduce the idea that human difference generated biological impulses embedded in our genomes. Whereas Dobzhansky tried to eliminate typology from the biological race concept, sociobiology reintroduced it by rooting the perception and meaning of difference (e.g., xenophobia and ethnocentrism) in our genes.
**11**
**RACE IN THE GENOMIC AGE**
The 1953 discovery of the structure of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) by Francis Crick and James Watson ushered in a new era in the biological sciences. Just at the moment that the evolutionary synthesis had become the core theoretical construct in biology, a revolution in molecular biology was quickly emerging. Watson and Crick discovered DNA's double-helical structure by building on discoveries by biochemists including Oswald Avery, Maclyn McCarty, and Colin MacLeod (their work showed that nucleic acids, not proteins, constituted genes), Erwin Chargaff (his greatest find—that in all organisms the ratio between the nucleic acids adenine and thymine to guanine and cytosine is always 1:1), and Rosalind Franklin and Maurice Wilkins (whose work in X-ray crystallography helped conceptualize the double helical structure of DNA).
Until the 1960s, molecular and evolutionary biology developed largely independently of one another. Molecular and evolutionary biologists were trained in different scientific traditions (an emphasis on biochemistry versus organismal biology) with different visions of what biology should be. By the early 1960s these divisions hardened, even between colleagues in the same department. For example, at Harvard in the early 1960s, according to historian Michael Dietrich, James Watson, then chair of Organismic and Evolutionary Biology, "helped polarize the department into what he believed were those working on the 'cutting edge' of biology in molecular biology and those languishing with the concerns of 'classical' biology such as evolution and systematics." The divisions between the two groups of biologists ran deep. The evolutionary biologist Theodosius Dobzhansky once called molecular biology a "glamour field" that was "intellectually shallow." But Dobzhansky, drawing on his own intellectual legacy as a unifier, sought to reconcile these two distinct, "though overlapping and complementary," approaches to biological research. Dobzhansky proposed a compromise that sought to understand both approaches as "essential for understanding the unity and diversity of life at all levels of interpretation." On the one hand, molecular biology was shaped by a Cartesian or reductionist approach, which understood biological phenomena in the context of chemistry and physics. On the other hand, a Darwinian approach sought to understand biological phenomena in terms of the "adaptive usefulness of structures and processes to the whole organism and to the species of which it is part." Ultimately, though, as Dobzhansky famously noted, "nothing makes sense in biology except in the light of evolution."
However, by the mid-1960s, a new generation of evolutionary biologists—including Richard Lewontin and Jack Hubby at the University of Chicago, working on protein electrophoresis, as well as those experimenting with molecular data to make possible "a quantitative estimate of the 'genetic distance' between different species"—fostered significant collaborations between the fields. But throughout the remaining decades of the twentieth century, despite such bridges, the two approaches remained relatively distinct. The molecular biologist Michel Morange argues that, "although both disciplines use the word 'gene,' they have not sought to bring their two meanings closer, or even to confront them. For the molecular biologist, a gene is a fragment of DNA that codes for a protein. For the population geneticist, it is a factor transmitted from generation to generation, which by its variations can confer a selective advantage (positive or negative) on the individuals carrying it."
With the announcement of the Human Genome Project in 1989, it seemed as if molecular biology had prevailed. Genomics, an approach to biology that utilizes molecular technologies to sequence regions of, or an entire complement of, an organism's DNA (known as a genome), promised to revolutionize science and medicine. According to a 1988 National Research Council report, the primary goals of the Human Genome Project were (1) to construct a map and sequence of the human genome; (2) to develop technologies to "make the complete analysis of the human and other genomes feasible" and to use these technologies and discoveries to "make major contributions to many other areas of basic biology and biotechnology"; and (3) to focus on genetic approaches that compare human and nonhuman genomes, which are "essential for interpreting the information in the human genome."
Many in the academic community, including both natural and social scientists, feared that the reductionism so central to both the epistemological and ontological approaches of the Genome Project would reignite a form of biological determinism not seen since the days of social Darwinism and eugenics. Some also feared that racial science would emerge with renewed vigor in the genomic age. To attempt to address these fears at the outset of the Human Genome Project, James Watson called for at least 3 percent of the Genome Project's annual budget to go toward the study of ethical, legal, and social implications of genome research, as well as the formulation of policies to address such issues. Thus was born the Ethical, Legal, and Social Implications (ELSI) Research Program of the Human Genome Project. The bioethicist Eric Juengst hoped that ELSI would "help optimize the benefits to human welfare and opportunity from the new knowledge, and to guard against its misuses." Since its official formation in 1990, ELSI has funded more than $100 million in research grants.
It remains too early in the genomic revolution to tell what the long-term impact of genomics on the state of the biological race concept will be. The announcement of the completion of the human genome's draft sequence at a June 2000 White House ceremony suggests, however, that the race issue is not going away. At that event, President Clinton, flanked by genome sequencers Francis Collins and Craig Venter, announced the completion of a draft sequence of the human genome. Collins, head of the National Human Genome Research Institute, and Venter, then president of Celera Genomics, had fiercely competed to complete separate draft sequences. But in a spirit of cooperation brokered by the White House, the two scientists together offered their genomic gift to the world—one that is enhancing our understanding of human biology and, in turn, helping public health and medical professionals prevent, treat, and cure disease.
On that day, Venter and Collins also emphasized that their draft genome sequences were confirming what many natural and social scientists had been arguing for decades, that human genetic diversity cannot be captured by the race concept and that all humans have genome sequences that are 99.9 percent identical. At the White House ceremony Venter said, "The concept of race has no genetic or scientific basis." A year later, Collins wrote, "Those who wish to draw precise racial boundaries around certain groups will not be able to use science as a legitimate justification." These conclusions were not novel. Research conducted by population and evolutionary biologists, anthropologists, and historians has shown since the 1930s that racial typologies are not good markers of human genetic diversity, that human populations differ from one another genetically in the relative frequency of alleles, and that the concepts of race and racism have identifiable and changing histories.
Yet since the completion of the draft sequences and the statements on race by Venter and Collins, many still hold fast to the belief that race is, in fact, a biologically meaningful classification. There have been two general approaches to justifying use of the race concept in genomics. One is exemplified by Neil Risch, a University of California, San Francisco, statistical geneticist and genetic epidemiologist. Risch believes that "identifying genetic differences between races and ethnic groups...is scientifically appropriate." He argues that race is essential to help determine "differences in treatment response or disease prevalence between racial/ethnic groups" and strongly supports the "search for candidate genes that contribute both to disease susceptibility and treatment response, both within and across racial/ethnic groups." Such an approach exemplifies scientists who utilize the race concept in genomic research and who claim that technological and methodological improvements allow them to examine human diversity with increasing precision that is disconnected from any social prejudices about human difference. Critical of this approach are natural and social scientists who insist that the race concept is a flawed, inaccurate way to measure human genetic diversity that is inseparable from social prejudices about human difference.
A second and more common approach to the race concept among genome scientists is to conflate these two seemingly contradictory viewpoints. And this is the very paradox of the genomic age when it comes to race: scientists say that race does not accurately capture human genetic diversity, yet at the same time, some of those same scientists claim that race is a useful proxy to best capture that genetic diversity—a proxy that is especially useful in clinical settings. By 2005, for example, Francis Collins had shifted from criticisms of the race concept to advocating the need to study how genetic variation and disease risk are correlated with what he called "self-identified race, and how we can use that correlation to reduce the risk of people getting sick." This paradox is embedded in the practice of genomics in the twenty-first century. Self-reported racial identity remains an essential variable used at all stages of genetic research.
The first major controversy related to the race concept and the Human Genome Project was the Human Genome Diversity Project (HGDP), which was proposed in the early 1990s by leading evolutionary biologists and population geneticists as a "resource that is aimed at promoting worldwide research on human genetic diversity, with the ultimate goal of understanding how and when patterns of diversity formed." Project organizers believed that the genetic information garnered from it would likely "prove useful to several areas of biomedical research." Data from the HGDP, it was hoped, could help estimate the incidence of recessive genetic diseases around the world, help identify the genetic variants that contribute to disease, and examine the "contributions of environmental factors to complex human disease."
In order to accomplish its goals, the project collected DNA samples from thousands of populations across the globe, including the world's remaining indigenous populations. And it was these sampling methods and the language used to describe indigenous groups that fueled opposition to the project in some corners of academia and among indigenous rights groups. Even though project organizers were decidedly antiracist—early on, some project scientists sought to sever ties with the historic use of the race concept in scientific studies of human populations by abandoning the category of race in their analysis, proposing to use categories of _group_ and _population_ instead—critics accused HGDP scientists of racism and colonialism. Non-HGDP scientists were openly critical of the organization of the project, particularly of its framework for studying human populations. Although the HGDP saw as part of its mission to improve understanding of the diversity of non-Europeans (so as not to fall into the trap of seeing Europeans as genetically diverse and non-European groups as genetically homogeneous), the use of terms like "tribe" and "indigenous group" by project scientists left critics, including anthropologist Alan Swedlund, worried that the project might promote racism. Swedlund called the project "21st-century technology applied to nineteenth-century biology." At the same time, indigenous groups worried that they were perceived as human fossils that needed to have their DNA sampled before they disappeared.
The problem, as the sociologist of science Jenny Reardon has argued, is that the population genetics–based race concept can be both a social and a scientific idea, and that therefore not all HGDP scientists "shared the same understanding of racial categories." Some "believed that scientists could continue to use racial categories as long as they properly limited their use" to scientific and medical research. Some project scientists accepted race only as a sociocultural concept. Other scientists advocated using traditional racial categories in conjunction with a more specific understanding of the population under study. And, finally, some participating scientists held contradictory views about the race concept, using it in some contexts and not in others.
More recently, in 2002 the International HapMap Project set out to "determine the common patterns of DNA sequence variation in the human genome" in order to develop "a map of these patterns across the genome." The map, using DNA samples from "populations with ancestry from parts of Africa, Asia and Europe," would be used to determine "the genotypes of one million or more sequence variants, their frequencies and the degree of association between them." The HapMap Project, organizers hope, "will allow the discovery of sequence variants that affect common disease, will facilitate development of diagnostic tools, and will enhance our ability to choose targets for therapeutic intervention."
HapMap organizers have insisted, much like HGDP scientists did, that the project is not about measuring racial differences in the hope of uncovering disease-related information (and then associating certain racial groups with certain diseases) but rather represents the belief that human genetic variation is key to understanding the distribution of disease across human populations. The HapMap's Web site, for example, asserts that "the information emerging from the Project is helping to demonstrate that common ideas about race emerge largely from social and cultural interactions and are only loosely connected to biological ancestry." The website's "Guidelines for Referring to the HapMap Populations in Publications and Presentations" even warns that describing study populations "in terms that are too broad could result in inappropriate over-generalization." This may, in turn, "erroneously lead those who interpret HapMap data to equate geography (the basis on which populations were defined for the HapMap) with race (an imprecise and mostly socially constructed category)."
Still, despite these calculated efforts to separate human genetic diversity research from past racial science, some HapMap critics believe that the project risks recapitulating typological approaches to race by relying on geographic ancestries—the very European, Asian, and African categories that are central to the data-collection methods of the HapMap. As legal scholar Jennifer Hamilton has pointed out, such "taxonomies of geographical ancestry reflect familiar divisions that map rather neatly onto earlier racial taxonomies (e.g., Negro, Caucasian, Mongol; Africanus, Europeanus, Asiaticus)."
The emerging area of personalized medicine provides a third example of the intersection of race and science in the genomic age. This new field claims that the best treatments are individualized ones based on an individual's genome. A goal of personalized medicine is that people will have their own genomes sequenced, and that an analysis of that data will provide doctors with information both about disease risk and about an individual's pharmacogenomic profile (how one's genes influence responses to drugs). We know, for example, that a group of genes known as cytochrome P450 (the CYP family of genes) play an important role in the metabolism of most clinically used drugs. We also know that differences, or polymorphisms, in the sequence of these genes can alter the clinical responses to drugs. Some of these variations can lead to toxic reactions, while others can impact a drug's efficacy. Identifying these differences is thus a clinically useful and sometimes lifesaving tool. The challenge, however, lies in determining individual pharmacogenomic profiles, and this is where the race concept again intersects with the genomic age. Because we do not yet have the technology where this can occur (in most cases) rapidly and economically, researchers have been turning to racial and ethnic profiles as a proxy for estimating individual risks. For example, the CYP2C9 allele (or gene variant), which mediates metabolism of the anticoagulant drug Warfarin, shows up in higher frequency in what one study refers to as Black and Caucasian populations but is extremely rare in East Asian populations. The CYP2C9 pharmacogenomic literature is rife with such studies examining alleles in racial, ethnic, and national groups, including, for example, "Swedes," "African Americans," "Han Chinese," and "inner-city Hispanics."
As Dobzhansky has taught us, populations have varying allele frequencies in all their genes. That concept was the basis of the shift from a typological (or fixed) understanding of racial differences to an evolutionary synthesis understanding of racial difference, which understood population-level differences in terms of variation of allele frequencies between racial groups. Remember also that Dobzhansky argued that how we choose to arrange these groups was a methodological decision rather than a reflection of the natural order of things. This basic fact of population and evolutionary biology has led some to be highly critical of the race-based approach to personalized medicine.
To highlight the complexity of gene frequencies being dynamic both within and between populations, Craig Venter and his colleagues used the published gene sequences of two self-identified Caucasian men—himself and James Watson—to show how two white individuals could have very different pharmacogenomic profiles. Venter, for example, is an "extensive metabolizer" of CYP2D6, known to be involved in metabolizing codeine, antipsychotics, and antidepressants. Watson, on the other hand, has a variant of that gene that makes him an "intermediate metabolizer" of this class of drugs. From a race-based pharmacogenomics perspective, Venter's genetic profile was predictable. Watson's allele, however, is rare among self-identified Caucasians but seen in high frequency in East Asian populations. If one were to have used race alone to assess his ability to metabolize this class of drugs, Watson would not have received the proper care. Venter and his colleagues argue that this and other examples illustrate why the best choice is looking directly at an individual's "genomic sequence instead of relying on a patient's appearance or self-identified ethnicity." Venter and his team also point out that gene variants do not always behave as expected: "Although these complications may be due to other genetic differences, cultural factors such as diet and environment can also influence drug response."
What is interesting in the context of the history of the race concept, however, is how these examples—the HGDP, the HapMap Project, and pharmacogenomics—illustrate similar patterns of racial research in the genomic age. That is, that scientists readily claim the race concept is both a reasonable proxy for genetic diversity even as they recognize its limited utility as a classificatory tool. More recently, two meetings sponsored by the National Human Genome Research Institute in 2007 and 2008 sought to address the current challenges of studying human genetic diversity, particularly given the burgeoning interest in the relationship between self-identified race and health disparities. At the 2007 conference, "Frontiers in Population Genomics Research Meeting," one speaker called for scientists to "eliminate reliance on the construct of race" and for population geneticists to "engage populations that adequately reflect human diversity." The 2008 meeting, "Understanding the Role of Genomics in Health Disparities: Toward a New Research Agenda," was jointly sponsored by the National Human Genome Research Institute, the National Cancer Institute, and the National Center on Minority Health and Health Disparities of the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Attendees, representing many NIH institutes as well as natural and social scientists with a research interest in disparities, made several recommendations based on two days of lectures and discussions.
In an apparent attempt to, at the very least, address how the race concept is used in scientific studies, the group recommended that NIH Funding Opportunity Announcements "should require that investigators justify their use of racial and ethnic categories relative to the questions that they are asking and the methods they are using in particular research." The group also recommended the development of "statistical tools to analyze complex populations as a single unit based on genomic/molecular profile (or characteristics) rather than stratify by race and ethnicity." The report remains unpublished and it is unclear what, if any, impact its recommendations will have. Despite the best intentions of such reports, it has been over fifty years since Dobzhansky issued his challenge to the field in 1962—he said then that "the problem that now faces the science of man is how to devise better methods for further observations that will give more meaningful results"—and we are still struggling with the meaning of race in biology.
A more immediate problem is that for now, despite some trying to find useful solutions to these challenges, the NIH still reifies racial categories in its grant applications; scientists are required to describe recruitment strategies for human subjects that emphasize traditional racial classifications. Scientists working at or funded by the NIH are mandated to report race based on the U.S. Census categories and following the standards set forth by the White House Office of Management and Budget Directive No. 15, which "defines minimum standards for maintaining, collecting and presenting data on race and ethnicity for all Federal reporting." The "Targeted/Planned Enrollment Table," a fixture in all NIH grant applications that include human subjects, divides humanity into five racial groups: "American Indian/Alaska Native," "Asian," "Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Island," "Black or African American," and "White." Although the form was recently updated to include categories for "more than one race" and "unknown or not reported," it still reinforces the most antiquated notions of this fundamentally flawed concept, making it more difficult to explore the subtlety and complications inherent to human genetic diversity. So long as the NIH is obligated to follow Office of Management and Budget rules, the system will perpetuate this racial paradigm.
While the NIH meetings were a call to action for the field, some have more directly attempted to address Dobzhansky's challenge to devise better methods to understand human diversity. The molecular epidemiologist Timothy Rebbeck and bioethicist Pamela Sankar at the University of Pennsylvania, for example, acknowledge that "much of the persistent controversy over the use of the terms 'ethnicity,' 'ancestry,' or 'race' may be attributable to the imprecision of their use." They believe that defining the terminology of race on a study-by-study basis may be a way to simultaneously embrace the inconsistencies of the race concept and find meaning in its specific context. Yet ultimately, they recognize that as a measure, race "may have utility in increasing study efficiency or reducing confounding," but "an important future direction for research will be to develop new measures that correlate with SIRE [self-identified race or ethnicity] that may better reflect the complex nature of this variable."
If these struggles over race at the outset of the genomic age can teach us anything about the history of the race concept, it is that even a generation of scientists reared in the wake of the evolutionary synthesis and population genetics (who had been trained to reject typology as a component of their analysis of populations) still struggle with utilizing a concept that has such a contradictory and sometimes awful history. These scientists—contradictions and all—indeed reflect and are working in the traditions of Dobzhansky and the evolutionary synthesis.
**EPILOGUE**
Dobzhansky's Paradox and the Future of Racial Research
**I** n 1998 the public health psychiatrist Mindy Fullilove published an article in the _American Journal of Public Health_ challenging the utility of race as a variable in health research, pointing to the risks of relying on an archaic and imprecise way to organize human diversity and calling upon the field "to abandon race as a variable in public health research." The race concept "is an arbitrary system of visual classification that does not demarcate distinct subspecies of the human population," Fullilove asserted, arguing that the concept could not "provide the information we need to resolve the health problems of populations." In its place, she proposed that public health professionals "invent a new science that embodies the human rights and civil rights essential to the health of human populations." Although Fullilove acknowledged that "'race' is an ingrained part of personal identity," she believed that abandoning "racial classification schemes is to challenge deeply held and socially endorsed ways of seeing one's place in the world." Fullilove's proposition was as much a call to science to find new methods to study the relationship between health outcomes and human diversity as it was to remind her fellow scientists that "following the illusion of race cannot provide the information we need to resolve the health problems of populations."
Fullilove was not, of course, the first scientist or scholar to call for rethinking the scientific methodologies that measure human diversity. At the turn of the twentieth century, W. E. B. Du Bois called into question the scientific legitimacy of the biological race concept in _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_. In the early 1940s the anthropologist Ashley Montagu called for an abandonment of the race concept in his classic work _Man's Most Dangerous Myth_. The evolutionary biologist Theodosius Dobzhansky, who had in the 1930s and 1940s been largely responsible for reimagining and preserving the race concept in biology in his work on the evolutionary synthesis, came to believe by the 1960s that "the problem that now faces the science of man is how to devise better methods for further observations that will give more meaningful results." And in 1972, the evolutionary biologist Richard Lewontin wrote that human racial classifications have "virtually no genetic or taxonomic significance." Despite these calls, the population genetics–based race concept as first articulated by Dobzhansky is alive and well in the biological sciences.
Part of the challenge of situating this history in present-day debates about race is that, in general, unlike pre-twenty-first-century arguments about the race concept in biological thought, today's debates generally lack the clear ideological and political antipodes of racist and nonracist, reactionary and liberal. Instead, today's scientific debates take place (with some exceptions, of course) in a way that seeks to avoid the ideological and racist baggage of the past. Claims for race-based medicine in the genomic era are allegedly about drug safety and efficacy, reducing health disparities, and ultimately bettering human health and saving lives. Most of the discussion today about race in biology concerns the noble goal of utilizing an individual's self-identified ancestry to help determine the best course of medical treatments as we move closer to personalized medicine. Although there is a legitimate fear that this type of research will serve only to reify racial categories and harden racial prejudices, that is not, in most cases, its purpose. The question as it is often framed in today's debates about race is not whether racial classifications are harmful—and this is with an acknowledgment that race is a social construction—but whether race is a valuable biological variable and whether we can best improve the health of individuals and populations by continuing to use this variable.
In public health, the attention to health disparities has further deepened the interest of public health professionals in the race concept. Some in public health have chosen to integrate a socially constructed race concept into novel methodologies designed to study health disparities, while others have drawn on quasi-typological ideas of race to understand the relationship between biology and health. The work of Nancy Krieger at Harvard, for example, rejects the biological race concept but utilizes race in a novel methodology that she calls the "Public Health Disparities Geocoding Project." Her method seeks to understand the underpinning of racial disparities in health by examining the underlying socioeconomic causes of disparities. In order to overcome a virtual "absence of socioeconomic data in most U.S. public health surveillance systems," she has developed a method that utilizes geocoded residential addresses and area-based socioeconomic measures. Others have made alternative proposals. Ichiro Kawachi, Norman Daniels, and Dean Robinson argue that "historical, political, and ideological obstacles" have "hindered the analysis of race and class as codeterminants of disparities in health." They propose that "racial and class identities are mutually constitutive," as race is "neither a biologically meaningful category nor a proxy for class, but is a separate construct from class, more akin to caste." They call for a strengthening of the U.S. data infrastructure "to improve the measurement of race/ethnicity as well as class/socioeconomic status" so that policy makers can better "monitor the effects of their policies on health disparities." Still others have called for more clarity in the use of race in health research. "At a minimum," R. Dawn Comstock, Edward Castillo, and Suzanne Lindsay argue, "researchers should clearly state the context in which these valuable epidemiologic and public health research variables are being used, describe the method used to assess these variables, and discuss all scientific findings." Doing so, they believe, "will ensure continued constructive dialog about the interpretation of findings regarding race or ethnicity."
Finally, epidemiologist Camara Jones argues that racism, not race, may be a "root cause of observed race-associated differences in health outcomes." Race, according to Jones, "is a social classification in our race-conscious society that conditions most aspects of our daily life experiences and results in profound differences in life chances." An understanding of what she calls the three levels of racism—institutionalized racism ("differential access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society by race"), personally mediated racism ("prejudice and discrimination, where prejudice means differential assumptions about the abilities, motives, and intentions of others according to their race, and discrimination means differential actions toward others according to their race"), and internalized racism ("acceptance by members of the stigmatized races of negative messages about their own abilities and intrinsic worth")—may offer a better understanding of the etiology of health disparities as well as concrete strategies to redress them.
The latest ways to utilize race and begin to rethink how to create a measurement variable from human genetic diversity are, despite their best intentions, overwhelmed in the larger research enterprise by studies that claim that race is, in fact, a methodologically sound classificatory tool in the biological sciences. Continued claims that race is, in fact, a useful tool for classification is driven by four factors. First, the reductionist ontology that underlies genomic science has given rise to the belief that biology is destiny, and that both at the individual and population levels, genes hold the ultimate information for understanding our health and understanding who we are. The philosopher of science Sahotra Sarkar worries that such reductionism in genetics "attempts to explain phenotypic properties from a genotypic basis without attributing any particular structure to the genotype." Claims that race is a meaningful biological classificatory tool do make sense as an extension of reductionism as the line between phenotype and genotype is blurred.
Second, genomic technology has enhanced our ability to examine the 0.1 percent of nucleic acids in the human genome that, on average, vary between individuals. Over the past decade, the Human Genome Project and the technological revolution that spawned it are driving novel research to examine these differences. Many of these 0.1 percent differences will involve phenotypic variations including hair color, body shape and size, skin tone, disease susceptibility, and blood type. The 0.1 percent of variations between people can also be used to study both individual and population-level traits, including disease risk. However, this is still prohibitively expensive to do for everyone, so scientists are instead using population and ethnic groups as well as races as proxies to measure susceptibility and risk. One area where we are seeing some of the earliest manifestations of such an approach is in pharmacogenomic testing—a way to predict, based on an individual's genotype, how one will react (either negatively or positively) to a particular drug. Will drug A, for example, be an effective and safe treatment for patient Y, or will it be toxic and nonefficacious? But, for the moment, because of the expense of sequencing individual genomes, scientific studies are often relying on an individual's race to make pharmacogenomic predictions.
The problem with such an approach, as the bioethicist Sandra Soo-Jin Lee points out, is that it inevitably "suggests that the population under study is assumed to be homogeneous with respect to allele frequencies but in fact comprises subpopulations that have different allele frequencies for the candidate gene." In other words, as Dobzhansky tried to teach us many years ago, "racial differences are more commonly due to variations in the relative frequencies of genes in different parts of the species population than to an absolute lack of certain genes in some groups and their complete homozygosis in others.... _Individuals carrying or not carrying a certain gene may sometimes be found in many distinct races of a species_." It is therefore not accurate to make assumptions about an individual's genes based on their race. Race as a proxy predictions will sometimes be accurate if the gene frequencies for, let's say, a drug's metabolism are high enough in a particular racial group. But inevitably, many will receive no benefit or may even be harmed based on these assumptions.
The 0.1 percent difference between people is also being used to promote a closer examination of genetic ancestry. A simple Google search reveals companies that claim a pretty simple correlation between your genes and your race. Although it doesn't use the term "race," one company allows you to "discover your estimated percentage of ancestry from four different population groups: European, Indigenous American, Sub-Saharan African, and East Asian." Another company's promotional video claims that DNA "is the key to discovering where your family is from, and learning about the places and culture that make you who you are." Critics, however, have pointed out that these tests "cannot pinpoint the place of origin or social affiliation of even one ancestor with exact certainty." Keith Wailoo, Alondra Nelson, and Catherine Lee also worry that "the mere hint that genetic markers are distributed in different frequencies across populations has led some people to quickly treat such variation as a proxy for racial and ethnic differences, lending renewed authority to biological conceptions of human difference."
Third, the critical task of understanding and reducing health disparities has researchers looking at all possible explanations, including genetic ones, for disparities in health outcomes. The renewed focus on race and genetics suggests, however, that an analysis of the complex relationship between individuals, populations, and health has been surrendered to a simplistic, racialized worldview. An inability to digest (and frequently even to acknowledge) these complexities restricts scientific theory and practice to simplicity when complexity is needed. This underlies the drive to correlate race, genetics, and health disparities.
Fourth and finally, the history of the biological race concept demonstrates that race is deeply embedded in scientific and social thought, and that racialized thinking was an integral part of genetics in the twentieth century. This history has shaped scientific thinking about human difference as well as popular thinking about that difference. That Craig Venter's criticisms of the race concept at the outset of the twenty-first century are similar to those made by W. E. B. Du Bois at the beginning of the twentieth—calling into question both the utility of racial classifications and the claim that health disparities can be explained by elucidating the relationship between genetics and race—suggests that we are having frustratingly similar arguments about race and human difference despite the benefit of one hundred years of knowing better.
In light of this history, we should not underestimate the tenacity of the race concept. As scientists continue to struggle with the meanings of race, they should remember Dobzhansky's paradoxical thinking about the race concept: on the one hand, Dobzhansky believed the race concept to be a critical methodological tool for biologists to make sense of genetic diversity within species. On the other hand, Dobzhansky understood the imprecise nature of the term, its limited utility, and its potential for abuse. But despite these acknowledged contradictions, Dobzhansky held fast to and publically defended the concept for much of his career. Toward the end of his career he struggled to disown this paradox. He did this most probably because of the ways in which he saw the biological race concept being appropriated in the early years of the civil rights movement by those fanatically opposed to African American civil rights, because of disputes with other scientists who he believed were misusing the race concept in their work, _and ultimately_ because he seemed to realize that he was fighting a Sisyphean battle in trying to separate what he had formerly considered the separate domains of the scientific and social meanings of the biological race concept. Nevertheless, genetics continues to function within Dobzhansky's paradox. Despite his brilliance as an evolutionary theorist, Dobzhansky left us with only a warning and not a new method to study human diversity. History has shown that even acknowledging that race has a social meaning cannot disconnect the concept from its typological and racist past (or present). Despite the best intentions of scientists and scholars, race will always remain what Ashley Montagu once called a "trigger word....Utter it and a whole series of emotionally conditioned responses follow."
And so while the race concept can provide us with some information about health and human evolutionary history, ultimately that information is incomplete. What we know from Dobzhansky, his sometimes collaborator L. C. Dunn, the evolutionary geneticist Richard Lewontin, and, most recently, Craig Venter, is that race is not a particularly useful measure of human genetic diversity. We also know from Du Bois and other historians and social scientists that the biological race concept is inseparable from its social history, and that race can be harmful to an understanding of both human health and evolutionary history.
We are a genetically diverse species, and there is meaning in that diversity. But as a species we seem thus far unable to reliably distinguish between the scientific ramifications and the social meanings of human difference. "Race" is a historical, not a scientific, term. Yet until the scourge of racism is eliminated from our lives and institutions, developing scientific methods unburdened by racial ideology to study human difference will be limited by the historical nature of the race concept itself.
In 1940, toward the end of his career, W. E. B. Du Bois penned his autobiography, _Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept_. David Levering Lewis, Du Bois's biographer, believes that the book was intended to be "not so much the story of his own life, then, but the autobiography of the twentieth century as it had lived through him." The book is thus, in large part, both a personal account of the meaning of race in Du Bois's own life and an evaluation of its political, sociological, and scientific meanings over the course of his lifetime. Du Bois understood that scientific concepts of race had played a critical role in both providing support for racist claims and in buttressing the racial order, writing in _Dusk of Dawn_ that he "had too often seen science made the slave of caste and race hate." Yet Du Bois also understood that the world and the race concept had changed, in some ways for the better and others for the worse, over his lifetime. "Life has its pain and evil—its bitter disappointments," Du Bois wrote at the book's close, "but I like a good novel, and in healthful length of days, there is infinite joy in seeing the World, the most interesting of continued stories, unfold, even though one misses THE END."
In our own time, we continue to struggle with the power of the race concept. Biologists may today develop new ways of studying human populations that, to whatever degree, distance themselves from the race concept and its historical baggage, and those new methods may, in fact, be an improvement over where we stood before. Yet we should not be waiting for or expecting science and scientists to change our thinking about race. Science may have helped bring us to this point, but it is unlikely to extract us from it.
That social and natural scientists have been rejecting, abandoning, and discrediting the race concept for over a century suggests that, for now, the race concept in biology is here to stay.
**NOTES**
INTRODUCTION
. Ashley Montagu, _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 1997); Jacques Barzun, _Race: A Study in Superstition_ (New York: Harper and Row, 1965); Barbara J. Fields, "Ideology and Race in American History," in _Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward_ , ed. J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson, 143–77 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982).
. Bruce Dain, _A Hideous Monster of the Mind: American Race Theory in the Early Republic_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002), vii.
. Daniel J. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995).
. Karen E. Fields and Barbara J. Fields, _Racecraft: The Soul of Inequality in American Life_ (New York: Verso, 2012), 18–19.
. Ibid., 5–6.
. Thomas Jefferson, _Notes on the State of Virginia_ , ed. William Peden (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955), 138–140, 143.
. Ashley Montagu, _Statement on Race_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 9–13.
. Jenny Reardon, _Race to the Finish: Identity and Governance in an Age of Genomics_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 22–23.
. Ibid.; Lee D. Baker, _From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Gregory Dorr, _Segregation's Science: Eugenics and Society in Virginia_ (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008).
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Mankind Evolving: The Evolution of the Human Species_ (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 266.
. Ibid., 252–53.
. Gerald Markowitz and David Rosner, _Children, Race, and Power: Kenneth and Mamie Clark's Northside Center_ (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996), 90–94.
. William Stanton, _The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes Toward Race in America, 1815–59_ (Chicago: University Of Chicago Press, 1960), 25.
. Mae M. Ngai, _Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 3–5.
. Baker, _From Savage to Negro_ , 3.
. Charles E. Rosenberg, _No Other Gods: On Science and Society and American Social Thought_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1961), 1.
. K. Anthony Appiah and Amy Gutmann, _Color Consciousness: The Political Morality of Race_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 41–42.
. Brian D. Smedley et al., eds., _Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care_ (Washington, D.C.: National Academies Press, 2003); John Yinger, _Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost: The Continuing Costs of Housing Discrimination_ (New York: Sage, 1995).
**1. A EUGENIC FOUNDATION**
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Folder, Davenport, Charles B. Lecture: "Racial Traits," February 21, 1921.
. Daniel J. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 46.
. Ibid., 85.
. Mark Pittenger, _American Socialists and Evolutionary Thought, 1870–1920_ , History of American Thought and Culture (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 248.
. Celeste Condit, _The Meanings of the Gene_ (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999), 27; Mark A. Largent, _Breeding Contempt: The History of Coerced Sterilization in the United States_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2011). 1.
. Paul Popenoe and Roswell Hill Johnson, _Applied Eugenics_ (New York: Macmillan, 1933), 141.
. William Provine, "Genetics and Race," _American Zoologist_ 26 (1986): 857.
. Ibid., 868.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Folder, Davenport, Charles B. Lecture: "Do Races Differ in Mental Capacity?" March 1928.
. Popenoe and Johnson, _Applied Eugenics_ , 283–84.
. Eugenics Record Office Papers, American Philosophical Society, Box 62, Folder A: 974x6#10, "Pedigree of W. E. B. Du Bois"; Mark Aldrich, "Progressive Economists and Scientific Racism: Walter Willcox and Black Americans, 1895–1910," _Phylon_ 40 (1979): 1–14.
. See, for example, Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ ; Peter Schrag, _Not Fit for Our Society: Nativism and Immigration_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); Stefan Kühl, _The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002); Laura Briggs, _Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, Science, and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Largent, _Breeding Contempt_ ; Alexandra Minna Stern, _Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).
. Michael G. Kenny, "Toward a Racial Abyss: Eugenics, Wickliffe Draper, and the Origins of the Pioneer Fund," _Journal of History of the Behavioral Sciences_ 38 (summer 2002): 259–83.
. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , 3.
. Francis Galton, _Memories of My Life_ (London: Methuen, 1908), 1:141.
. Karl Pearson, _The Life, Letters, and Labours of Francis Galton, Volume 2: Researches of Middle Life_ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1924), 74.
. Raymond E. Fancher, "Biographical Origins of Francis Galton's Psychology," _Isis_ 74 (June 1983): 228–29.
. Ibid., 228.
. Nicholas Wright Gillham, _A Life of Sir Francis Galton: From African Exploration to the Birth of Eugenics_ (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 26–27.
. Ibid., 30–31.
. Fancher, "Biographical Origins," 231.
. Ibid., 232.
. Biographies and biographical articles on Galton include Gillham, _Sir Francis Galton_ ; Michael Bulmer, _Francis Galton: Pioneer of Heredity and Biometry_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003); Ruth Schwartz Cowan, "Sir Francis Galton and the Study of Heredity in the Nineteenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1969); and Fancher, "Biographical Origins."
. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , 6.
. Galton, _Memories of My Life_ , 141.
. Raymond Fancher, "Francis Galton's African Ethnography and Its Role in the Development of His Psychology," _British Journal for the History of Science_ 16 (1983): 67–79.
. Cowan, "Sir Francis Galton," 25.
. _Macmillan's Magazine_ , 1st Paper, June 1865, 2nd Paper, August 1865, vol. 12:157–66, 318–27.
. Ibid.
. Fancher, "Galton's African Ethnography," 67–79; Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , 8.
. Norma Myers, _Reconstructing the Black Past: Blacks in Britain, 1780–1830_ (London: Cass, 1996).
. See Gretchen Gerzina, _Black Victorians/Black Victoriana_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2003), and James Walvin, _Black and White: The Negro and English Society, 1555–1945_ (London: Lane, 1973).
. Michael Banton, _White and Coloured: The Behavior of British People Towards Coloured Immigrants_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1960), 57.
. Ibid., 58.
. John Stuart Mill, _Principles of Political Economy_ (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), 319, quoted in Fancher, "Galton's African Ethnography," 68.
. Cowan, "Sir Francis Galton," 26.
. Banton, _White and Coloured_ , 60.
. Francis Galton, "Letters of Henry Stanley from Equatorial Africa to the 'Daily Telegraph.' London: 1877," _Edinburgh Review_ 147 (January 1878): 177.
. John C. Kenna, "Sir Francis Galton's Contribution to Anthropology," _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland_ 94 (July–December 1964): 85.
. Francis Galton, _Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Consequences_ (Gloucester, Mass.: Smith, 1972), 40.
. Banton, _White and Coloured_ , 59; Warwick Anderson, _The Cultivation of Whiteness: Science, Health, and Racial Destiny in Australia_ (New York: Basic Books, 2003).
. Francis Galton, _Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Consequences_ (London: Macmillan, 1869), vi.
. All the review quotes are in Gillham, _Sir Francis Galton_ , 170.
. William B. Provine, _The Origins of Theoretical Population Genetics_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 24.
. Garland Allen, "Genetics, Eugenics, and Society: Internalists and Externalists in Contemporary History of Science," _Social Studies of Science_ 6 (February 1976): 106.
. Galton, _Hereditary Genius_ (1869), 336.
. Ibid., 336–37.
. Ibid., 337, 339.
. Ibid., 338.
. Ibid., 338–39.
. Francis Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development_ (New York: Macmillan, 1883), 24.
. Ibid., 24–25.
. Ibid., 332.
. Ibid., 1–2.
. "Galton's Human Faculty," unsigned review of _Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development_ , by Francis Galton, _Science_ 2 (July 20, 1883): 80.
. Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty_ , 305–7.
. Cowan, "Sir Francis Galton," 144, 200.
. Ibid., 200.
. Ibid., 203.
. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , xiii.
. Francis Galton, _Essays in Eugenics_ (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1909), 35.
. Ivan Hannaford, _Race: The History of an Idea in the West_ (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996), 123.
. Audrey Smedley, _Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview_ (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), 164.
. Arthur O. Lovejoy, _The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the History of an Idea_ (New York: Harper and Row, 1960), 59.
. Smedley, _Race in North America_ , 164.
. Ibid., 36–40; Hannaford, _Race_.
. Smedley, _Race in North America_ 165.
. Georges Louis Leclerc, _Natural History: Containing a Theory of the Earth, a General History of Man, of the Brute Creation, and of Vegetables, Minerals, &c_. (London: Barr, 1792), 317–18.
. Stephen Jay Gould, _The Mismeasure of Man_ (New York: Norton, 1996), 403, 408.
. Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty_ , 331.
. Galton, "Letters," 189.
. Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty_ , 310–311.
. Ibid., 314.
. Ibid., 316–17.
. Michael G. Kenny, "Toward a Racial Abyss: Eugenics, Wickliffe Draper, and the Origins of the Pioneer Fund," _Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences_ 38 (2002): 261.
. Galton, _Essays in Eugenics_ , 25.
. Susan Lindee, _Moments of Truth in Genetic Medicine_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 122.
. Galton, _Inquiries into Human Faculty_ , 217.
. Ibid., 217–18.
**2. CHARLES DAVENPORT AND THE BIOLOGY OF BLACKNESS**
. Oscar Riddle, "Charles Benedict Davenport," _Science_ 99 (June 2, 1944): 441–42.
. Edwin Black, _War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race_ (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 2003), 32–33.
. Ibid., 33.
. Daniel J. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 45.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Lectures H–M, File, Davenport, Charles B. Lecture: "Heredity and Eugenics," 1920.
. Thomas Kessner, _The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880–1915_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 7–8.
. Osborn to Johnson, May 2, 1924. Henry Fairfield Osborn Collection, File: Johnson; American Museum of Natural History Archives.
. Osborn to Grant, December 23, 1919. Henry Fairfield Osborn Collection, File: Grant, Madison, Folder 39; American Museum of Natural History Archives.
. Osborn to Johnson, December 19, 1922. Henry Fairfield Osborn Collection, File: Johnson; American Museum of Natural History Archives.
. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , 102–3.
. William H. Tucker, _The Science and Politics of Racial Research_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 95.
. Ibid., 94–95; David A. Hollinger, "How Wide the Circle of the 'We'? American Intellectuals and the Problems of the Ethnos since World War II," in _Scientific Authority and Twentieth-Century America_ , ed. Ronald G. Walters, 13–31 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977).
. Tucker, _Science And Politics_ , 96.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Davenport to Johnson, December 24, 1923.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Johnson to Davenport, December 27, 1923.
. Matthew Jacobson, _Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 93.
. Mae Ngai, "The Architecture of Race in American Immigration Law: A Reexamination of the Immigration Act of 1924," _Journal of American History_ 86 (June 1999): 69–71.
. Jacobson, _Whiteness_ , 95.
. Ibid., 98.
. Julie Novkov, "Racial Constructions: The Legal Regulation of Miscegenation in Alabama, 1890–1934," _Law and History Review_ 20 (summer 2002): 252.
. C. Vann Woodward, _The Strange Career of Jim Crow_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), 6.
. Gregory Dorr, _Segregation's Science: Eugenics and Society in Virginia_ (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008).
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Lectures A–H, File, Davenport, Charles B. Lecture: "A Biologist's View of the Negro Problem," n.d.
. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , 46.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Hrdlička, Aleš: Davenport to Hrdlička, November 27, 1906.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Hrdlička, Aleš: Hrdlička to Davenport, November 28, 1906.
. Gertrude C. Davenport and Charles B. Davenport, "Heredity of Skin Pigmentation in Man," _American Naturalist_ 44 (November 1910): 641–72. The second half of the article was published in vol. 44 (December 1910): 705–31.
. Ibid., (November 1910): 672.
. William B. Provine, "Geneticists and the Biology of Race Crossing," _Science_ 182 (November 23, 1973): 790–96.
. Davenport and Davenport, "Heredity of Skin Pigmentation," 668.
. Paul Popenoe and Roswell Hill Johnson, _Applied Eugenics_ (New York: Macmillan, 1933), 284, 294.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Popenoe, Paul, Folder 2: Davenport to Popenoe, July 13, 1914.
. Dorr, _Segregation's Science_ , 2–3. See also Harvey Jordan, "The Biological Worth and Social Status of the Mulatto," _Popular Science Monthly_ 82 (June 1913): 573–82.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Jordan, H. E.: Jordan to Davenport, July 16, 1913.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Jordan, H. E.: Davenport to Jordan, August 7, 1913.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Jordan, H. E.: Jordan to Davenport, November 27, 1912, and Davenport to Jordan, November 30, 1912.
. Davenport and Davenport, "Heredity of Skin Pigmentation," 666.
. Charles B. Davenport, _Heredity of Skin Color in Negro-White Crosses_ (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1913), 28–30.
. Charles B. Davenport, "The Effects of Race Intermingling," _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ 56 (1917): 364.
. Ibid., 364–68.
. Peggy Pascoe, "Miscegenation Law, Court Cases, and Ideologies of 'Race' in Twentieth-Century America," _Journal of American History_ 83 (June 1996): 44–69; Dorr, _Segregation's Science_.
. Charles Davenport and Morris Steggerda, _Race Crossing in Jamaica_ (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1929), 477.
. Lothrop Stoddard, _The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy_ (New York: Scribner, 1920), 301.
. Stoddard to Osborn, January 23, 1923. Henry Fairfield Osborn Collection, American Museum of Natural History; Norman Hapgood, "The _New_ Threat of the Ku Klux Klan," _Hearst's International_ (January 1923): 8–12.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Folder, Davenport, Charles B. Lecture: "Racial Traits," February 21, 1921.
**3. EUGENICS IN THE PUBLIC'S EYE**
. Henry Fairfield Osborn, "Address of Welcome," in _Scientific Papers of the Second International Conference of Eugenics_ , vol. 1, _Eugenics, Genetics, and the Family_ (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1923), 1.
. Ibid., 4.
. Charles Davenport, "Research in Eugenics," in _Eugenics, Genetics, and the Family_ , 24.
. Ibid., 28.
. William B. Provine, _Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 180.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Morgan, Thomas Hunt: Morgan to Davenport, January 18, 1915.
. Garland Allen, _Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 228.
. American Museum of Natural History, _Annual Report of the Trustees of the American Museum of Natural History for the Year (1921)_ (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1921), 31.
. Ibid., 33.
. Osborn to William Gregory, May 25, 1935. Henry Fairfield Osborn Collection, American Museum of Natural History Archives; Geoffrey Hellman _Bankers, Bones and Beetles: The First Century of the American Museum of Natural History_ (Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press, 1969), 194; John Michael Kennedy, "Philanthropy and Science in New York City: The American Museum of Natural History, 1868–1968" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1968), 208–9.
. Elazar Barkan, _The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States Between the World Wars_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 67.
. Franz Boas, "The Problem of the American Negro," _Yale Review_ 10 (January 1921): 384–95.
. Ibid.
. Ibid., 392.
. Franz Boas Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, White, Walter: Walter White to Franz Boas, March 15, 1921.
. Franz Boas Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Boas Lectures: "The Races of Man," 1896.
. Franz Boas Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Boas Lectures: "Commencement Address at Atlanta University," May 31, 1906. See also Julia E. Liss et al., "Diasporic Identities: The Science and Politics of Race in the Work of Franz Boas and W. E. B. Du Bois, 1894–1919," _Cultural Anthropology_ 13 (May 1998): 127–66.
. Lee D. Baker, _From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 119.
. Harry Laughlin, _The Second International Exhibition of Eugenics Held September 22 to October 22, 1921, in Connection with the Second International Congress of Eugenics in the American Museum of Natural History, New York: An Account of the Organization of the Exhibition, the Classification of the Exhibits, the List of Exhibitors, and a Catalog and Description of the Exhibit_ (Baltimore: Wilkins and Wilkins, 1923), 13, 20.
. Ibid., 13–14.
. Ibid., 14.
. Ibid., 16.
. Ibid., 21.
. Ibid., 23.
. Ibid., 38.
. Ibid., 70–71.
. Ibid., 108.
. Kennedy, "Philanthropy and Science," 208.
. William H. Tucker, _The Science and Politics of Racial Research_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 88.
. Kennedy, "Philanthropy and Science," 208.
. Laughlin, _Second International Exhibition_ , 40.
. Daniel J. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 75.
. Grant, _Passing of the Great Race_ , 53.
. Ibid., 77.
. Ibid., 69.
. Ibid., 78.
. Ibid., xv.
. Ibid., xvii.
. Barkan, _Retreat of Scientific Racism_ , 70.
. Gregory Michael Dorr, "Segregation's Science: The American Eugenics Movement and Virginia, 1900–1980" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 2000), 250.
. Gregory Dorr, _Segregation's Science: Eugenics and Society in Virginia_ (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008), 79.
. Dorr, "Segregation's Science," 253.
. Ibid., 254.
. R. Bennett Bean, "Notes on the Body Form of Man," in _Scientific Papers of the Second International Conference of Eugenics_ , vol. 2, _Eugenics in Race and State_ (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1923), 17.
. Ernest A. Hooton, "Observations and Queries as to the Effect of Race Mixture on Certain Physical Characteristics," in _Eugenics in Race and State_ , 64–74.
. W. F. Willcox, "Distribution and Increase of Negroes in the United States," in _Eugenics in Race and State_ , 171.
. Ibid., 174.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, "Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro," _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_ 9 (January 1897): 127–33.
. Frederick L. Hoffman, "The Problem of Negro-White Intermixture and Intermarriage," in _Eugenics in Race and State_ , 175–188.
. Osborn, "Address of Welcome," 2.
. Committee on Racial Problems, Joint with SSRC: Institutionalization of Infants for Controlled Data Accumulation, Letter from Knight Dunlap to Members of the Executive Committee, March 28, 1929, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
**4. THE NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL AND THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RACE**
. Committee on Racial Problems: 1928–1932, "Final Report," April 1931, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Barbara Tizard, "IQ and Race," _Nature_ 247 (February 1, 1974): 316.
. Committee on Race Characters: 1921–1922. Open letter to the Committee from Clark Wissler, Chairman, NRC Division of Anthropology and Psychology, March 24, 1921, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Committee on Racial Problems, Joint with SSRC: Institutionalization of Infants for Controlled Data Accumulation, Letter from Knight Dunlap to Members of the Executive Committee, March 28, 1929, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Daryl Michael Scott, _Contempt and Pity: Social Policy and the Image of the Damaged Black Psyche, 1880–1996_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), xi.
. Philip Dray, _At the Hands of Persons Unknown: The Lynching of Black America_ (New York: Random House, 2002), 190; Kevin Gaines, _Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 66–99.
. August Meier, _Negro Thought in America, 1880–1915_ (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1968).
. Kelly Miller, _Race Adjustment: Essays on the Negro in America_ (New York: Neale, 1909), 44.
. Rayford W. Logan, _The Negro in the United States: A Brief History_ (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1957).
. W. E. B. Du Bois, _Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil_ (New York: Washington Square Press, 2004), 36.
. C. Vann Woodward, _The Strange Career of Jim Crow_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974). See also C. Vann Woodward, _Origins of the New South: 1877–1913_ (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971).
. Nicolas Lemann, _The Promised Land: The Great Black Migration and How It Changed America_ (New York: Knopf, 1991).
. Joe W. Trotter, _The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender_ (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991).
. Mark R. Schneider, _"We Return Fighting": The Civil Rights Movement in the Jazz Age_ (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2002), 20.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Report to the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration," March 8, 1923, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group: appendix I, 4.
. National Research Council, _A History of the National Research Council, 1919–1933_ (Wilmington, Del., Scholarly Resources, 1974), 7.
. National Research Council, "The National Research Council: Organization of the National Research Council," _Science_ 49 (May 16, 1919): 458.
. National Research Council, _History of the National Research Council_ , 9–10.
. Daniel J. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 208–10; Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, _The Politics of Knowledge: The Carnegie Corporation, Philanthropy, and Public Policy_ (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1989).
. Roger L. Geiger, _To Advance Knowledge: The Growth of American Research Universities, 1900–1940_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 99.
. Ibid., 100.
. Cole's January 8, 1914, talk at the conference was later published as Leon J. Cole, "Biological Eugenics: Relation of Philanthropy and Medicine to Race Betterment," _Journal of Heredity_ 5 (1914): 305–12.
. Ibid., 306.
. Garland E. Allen, "The Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor, 1910–1940: An Essay in Institutional History," _Osiris_ 2 (1986): 225–64.
. Charles B. Davenport, _Heredity of Skin Color in Negro-White Crosses_ (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1913).
. Allen, "Eugenics Record Office," 225–64.
. Ibid., 5.
. Lagemann, _Politics of Knowledge_ , 4.
. Ibid., 5–6.
. Judith Sealander, "Curing Evils at Their Source: The Arrival of Scientific Giving," in _Charity, Philanthropy, and Civility in American History_ , ed. Lawrence J. Friedman and Mark D. McGarvie (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 229.
. Merle Curti, "American Philanthropy and the National Character," _American Quarterly_ 10 (winter 1958): 436.
. Lagemann, _Politics of Knowledge_ , 81.
. Ibid., 47.
. Ibid., 48; Geiger, _To Advance Knowledge_ , 146.
. Ibid., 147.
. National Research Council, _History of the National Research Council_ , 34–38.
. Committee on Race Characters: 1923–1926, A. E. Jenks to Robert M. Yerkes, September 17, 1923, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group; Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , 80–81.
. Daniel Kevles, "Testing the Army's Intelligence: Psychologists and the Military in World War I," _Journal of American History_ 55 (December 1968): 565–81; Stephen Jay Gould, _The Mismeasure of Man_ (New York: Norton, 1996), 222–63.
. Gould, _Mismeasure of Man_ , 260–62.
. Committee on Race Characters: 1923–1926, Jenks to Yerkes, September 17, 1923.
. Committee on Race Characters: 1923–1926, "Research Outline from the Division of Anthropology and Psychology," National Research Council, December 10, 1923, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group: 2
. Ibid., 3.
. Committee on Race Characters: 1923–1926, Jenks to Yerkes, October 23, 1923, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Committee on Race Characters: 1923–1926, "Research Outline from the Division of Anthropology and Psychology," December 10, 1923.
. Ibid., 6.
. Ibid., 7–9
. Ibid., 10.
. Ibid., 10–11.
. Lee D. Baker, _From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 5, 93–94; See also Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics_ , and Nancy Stepan, _The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain, 1800–1960_ (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1982).
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Report to the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration," March 8, 1923, appendix I, 1.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, Clark Wissler, _Final Report of the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration_ , Reprint and Circular Series of the National Research Council (Washington, D.C.: National Academies Press, 1929), 7–8.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Report to the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration," March 8, 1923, 2.
. Madison Grant, _The Passing of the Great Race: The Racial Basis of European History_ (New York: Scribner, 1916); Lothrop Stoddard, _The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy_ (New York: Scribner, 1920).
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Conference on Racial Intermixture," February 17, 1923, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group: 4–5, 8, 15.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Report to the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration," March 8, 1923, 2–3.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Conference on Racial Intermixture," February 17, 1923, 7.
. Charles B. Davenport, "The Effects of Race Intermingling," _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ 56 (1917): 364.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Report to the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration," March 8, 1923, appendix I, 5.
. Ibid., 6.
. Ibid.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Conference on Racial Intermixture," February 17, 1923, 8.
. Charles Davenport and Morris Steggerda, _Race Crossing in Jamaica_ (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1929).
. Raymond Pearl Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, National Research Council, Yerkes to Pearl, May 16, 1923.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, Annual Reports, "Report and Recommendations of the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migrations," April 5, 1926, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group: 6; Raymond Pearl, "On the Pathological Relations Between Cancer and Tuberculosis," _Proceedings of the Society for Experimental Biology and Medicine_ 26 (1928): 55–73; Raymond Pearl and Agnes Latimer Bacon, "New Data on Alcohol and Duration of Life," _Nature_ 121 (1928): 15–16; and Raymond Pearl and Agnes Latimer Bacon, "Biometrical Studies in Pathology, V: The Racial and Age Incidence of Cancer and Other Malignant Tumors," _Archives of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine_ 3 (1927): 963–92.
. Edwin Black, _War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race_ (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 2003), 412.
. Raymond Pearl Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, NAACP, #2, Correspondence between Walter White and Raymond Pearl.
. Elazar Barkan, _The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States Between the World Wars_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 212–20.
. Raymond Pearl Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, National Research Council, Yerkes to Pearl, November 25, 1922; Davenport, "Effects of Race Intermingling," 364–68.
. Ibid., Pearl to Yerkes, November 28, 1922.
. Ibid., Yerkes to Pearl, November 29, 1922.
. Quoted in William H. Tucker, _The Science and Politics of Racial Research_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 71.
. Raymond Pearl and Agnes Latimer Bacon, "Biometrical Studies in Pathology, VI: The Primary Site of Cancers and Other Malignant Tumors," _Archives of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine_ 6 (1928): 67–89.
. Ibid., 81.
. Pearl and Bacon, "Biometrical Studies in Pathology, V," 963–92.
. Ibid., "Biometrical Studies in Pathology, VI," 80–81.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, 23, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Raymond Pearl, "Evolution and Mortality," _Quarterly Review of Biology_ 3 (June 1928): 271–80.
. Ibid., 274.
. Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, "Report to the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration," March 8, 1923, appendix I, 8.
. Wissler, _Final Report_ , 15.
. Ibid., 9, 10, 14; Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, Annual Reports, "Report and Recommendations of the Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migrations," April 5, 1926, 6.
. Edmund Ramsden, "Social Demography and Eugenics in the Interwar United States," _Population and Development Review_ 29 (December 2003): 548.
. Wissler, _Final Report_ , 17–21.
. Ibid., 16.
**5. COLORING RACE DIFFERENCE**
. Committee on the Study of the American Negro, 1926–1929, "Committee on the American Negro: Proposals for the Organization of Investigations on the American Negro," n.d., in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Robert J. Terry. "The American Negro," _Science_ 69 (March 29, 1929): 337–41.
. Committee on the Study of the American Negro, 1926–1929, R. M. Terry to G. M. Stratton, October 20, 1925.
. Ibid., Letter from A. E. Jenks to G. M. Stratton, January 27, 1926.
. Ibid., "Report of Progress, Committee on the American Negro, 1926–1927, appendix K," in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Ibid., "Committee on the American Negro: Proposals for the Organization of Investigations on the American Negro."
. Ibid., "Report of Progress, Committee on the American Negro, 1928–1929, appendix G."
. Ibid., "Report of Progress, Committee on the American Negro, 1926–1927, appendix K."
. Ibid., "A&P Annual Meeting: 1928."
. Ibid., "Report of Progress, Committee on the American Negro, 1928–1929, appendix G."
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group: 3.
. Ibid., 5
. Ibid.
. Fred Eggan, "Fay-Cooper Cole, 1881–1961," _American Anthropologist_ 65 (June 1963): 641–48.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, 9.
. Franz Boas, "Changes in the Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants," _American Anthropologist_ 14 (July–September, 1912): 530–62.
. Audrey Smedley, _Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview_ (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), 276.
. Ibid., 276–77.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, 16–17.
. Ibid., 18.
. Ibid., 19.
. Ibid., 21.
. Ernst Mayr, "Darwin's Impact on Modern Thought," _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ 139 (December 1995): 317–25.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, 19–20.
. William B. Provine, _The Origins of Theoretical Population Genetics_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001).
. Kenneth Ludmerer, "American Geneticists and the Eugenics Movement, 1905–1935," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 2 (September 1969): 347–48, 350–51.
. Joan Fisher Box, _R. A. Fisher: The Life of a Scientist_ (New York: Wiley, 1978), 268, as quoted in Elazar Barkan, _The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States Between the World Wars_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 222; R. A. Fisher, _The Genetic Theory of Natural Selection_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1930), 258.
. Edward East, _Mankind at the Crossroads_ (New York: Scribner's, 1923), 133.
. Bentley Glass, "Geneticists Embattled: Their Stand Against Rampant Eugenics and Racism in America During the 1920s and 1930s," _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ 30 (1986): 135.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, 31.
. Ibid., 33.
. Melville J. Herskovits, _The American Negro: A Study in Race Crossing_ (New York: Knopf, 1928), 67, 82.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, 22.
. Ibid., 12–13.
. Wayne C. Richard, "Joseph Peterson: Scientist and Teacher," _Peabody Journal of Education_ 46 (July 1968): 3–8.
. Joseph Peterson, _The Comparative Abilities of White and Negro Children_ (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1923).
. Joseph Peterson, "Methods of Investigating Comparative Abilities in Races," _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_ 140 (November 1928): 178–85.
. Charles H. Thompson, "The Conclusions of Scientists Relative to Racial Differences," _Journal of Negro Education_ 3 (July 1934): 498.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, 36–41.
. Ibid., 42.
. Committee on Racial Problems, 1928–1931, Joint with SSRC, "Memo," March 26, 1928, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Transcript of the "Conference on Racial Differences," February 1928, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group: 77–80.
. Committee on Racial Problems, 1928–1931, Joint with SSRC, "Minutes of the Meeting Held January 12, 1929," January 12, 1929, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Ibid., "Final Report," April, 1931, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Ibid., Memorandum to the Members of the Conference of Directors, May 12, 1930, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Roy M. Dorcus, "Knight Dunlap: 1875–1949," _American Journal of Psychology_ 63 (January 1950): 114–19.
. Mary Ann Mason, _From Father's Property to Children's Rights: The History of Child Custody in the United States_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994); Matthew A. Crenson, _Building the Invisible Orphanage: A Prehistory of the American Welfare System_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998).
. Committee on Racial Problems, 1928–1931, Joint with SSRC, Fay-Cooper Cole to Knight Dunlap, September 17, 1928, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Ibid., Franz Boas to Knight Dunlap, April 1, 1929, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Ibid., "Report Made to the SSRC Committee on Problems and Policy, August 1930, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group, 1–2.
. Ibid., 3–4.
. Ibid., "Joint Committee on Racial Matters of the Social Science Research Council and the National Research Council," 6.
. Ibid., "Final Report," April 31.
. Susan Reverby, _Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 24–26.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Kidder, Alfred: Davenport to Kidder, October 21, 1926.
. Ibid., November 3, 1926.
. Ibid., Committee on the American Negro: Davenport to Terry, January 4, 1927.
. Ibid., November 12, 1928.
. Ibid., March 4, 1929.
. Ibid., File, W. P. Draper, Folder 2, 1929–1932: Davenport to Draper, July 16, 1929; W. P. Draper, Folder 1, 1923–1928: Davenport to Draper, May 25, 1928.
. Ibid., Folder 1, 1923–1928: Draper to Davenport, March 20, 1923.
. Ibid., February 5, 1926.
. Ibid., Davenport to Draper, February 6, 1926.
. Ibid., March 15, 1926.
. Ibid., File, Todd, T. Wingate: Davenport to Todd, October 27, 1928.
. William H. Tucker, _The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002), 30–33.
. Charles B. Davenport, "Race Crossing in Jamaica," _Scientific Monthly_ 27 (September 1928): 225–38.
. Charles Davenport and Morris Steggerda, _Race Crossing in Jamaica_ (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1929), 477.
. Frank H. Hankins, "Heredity and Environment," _Social Forces_ 9 (June 1931): 587–88.
. Karl Pearson, review of _Race Crossing in Jamaica_ , by Charles Davenport and Morris Steggerda, _Nature_ 126 (1930): 427.
. Glass, "Geneticists Embattled," 130–54.
. William B. Provine, "Geneticists and the Biology of Race Crossing," _Science_ 182 (November 23, 1973): 790–96.
. William E. Castle, "Race Mixture and Physical Disharmonies," _Science_ 71 (June 13, 1930): 605.
. Ibid.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Davenport, Charles B. Lectures: "Do Races Differ in Mental Capacity, March 1924" [The date on this file must be incorrect since the lecture discusses research being carried out in Jamaica by Steggerda, research that did not begin until 1926], "Racial Traits, February 1921," and "Heredity and Race Eugenics, 1927."
. Davenport, "Race Crossing in Jamaica."
. Peggy Pascoe, "Miscegenation Law, Court Cases, and Ideologies of 'Race' in Twentieth-Century America," _Journal of American History_ 83 (June 1996): 44–69.
. Gregory Michael Dorr, "Segregation's Science: The American Eugenics Movement and Virginia, 1900–1980" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 2000), 515.
. Robert R. Hurwitz, "Constitutional Law: Equal Protection of the Laws, California Anti-Miscegenation Laws Declared Unconstitutional," _California Law Review_ 37 (March 1949): 127n28.
. Tucker, _Funding of Scientific Racism_ , 33–38; E. S. Cox, _White America_ (Richmond, Va.: White America Society, 1923).
. John P. Jackson Jr., _Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case Against Brown v. Board of Education_ (New York: New York University Press, 2005), 34–35.
**6. BIOLOGY AND THE PROBLEM OF THE COLOR LINE**
. W. E. B. Du Bois, ed., _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ (Atlanta: Atlanta University Press, 1906).
. Lee D. Baker, _From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 115.
. Ibid., 99–10, 113.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, _The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches_ (Chicago: McClurg, 1903), vii.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, Elijah Anderson, and Isabel Eaton, _The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study_ (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996).
. W. E. B. Du Bois, _Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept_ (Piscataway, N.J.: Transaction, 1983), 58.
. Ibid., 63.
. Wissler to Du Bois, November 31, 1905, in _The Correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois, Volume 1: Selections, 1877–1934_ , ed. Herbert Aptheker (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1977), 115.
. Joseph Deniker, _The Races of Man: An Outline of Anthropology and Ethnology_ (Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1971), 2–3.
. Du Bois to Carnegie, May 22, 1906, in Aptheker, _Correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois_ , 121–22.
. Franz Boas Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt: Du Bois to Boas, October 11, 1905, and Boas to Du Bois, October 14, 1905.
. Ibid., Boas Lectures: Commencement Address at Atlanta University, May 31, 1906.
. Du Bois, _Health and Physique_ , 13.
. Ibid., 13.
. Ibid., 16.
. Ibid., 28.
. Ibid., 29.
. Ibid.
. Ibid., 24–27.
. Ibid., 31–58.
. Ibid., 89–90.
. Frederick L. Hoffman, _Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro_ (New York: American Economic Association, 1896).
. Ibid., 326.
. Megan J. Wolff, "The Myth of the Actuary: Life Insurance and Frederick L. Hoffman's Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro," _Public Health Reports_ 121 (January–February, 2006): 86.
. Ibid., 88.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, "Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro," _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_ 9 (January 1897): 133.
. Ibid., 127.
. Du Bois, _Health and Physique_ , 89–90.
. Baker, _From Savage to Negro_. See also Elazar Barkan, _The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States Between the World Wars_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
. Du Bois, _Dusk of Dawn_ , 100.
. Dominic J. Capeci Jr. and Jack C. Knight, "Reckoning with Violence: W. E. B. Du Bois and the 1906 Atlanta Race Riot," _Journal of Southern History_ 62 (November 1996): 740; David Levering Lewis, _W. E. B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race_ (New York: Holt, 1993).
. David L. Lewis. "Atlanta Is Swept by Raging Mob: Over 16 Negroes Reported to Be Dead," _Atlanta Constitution_ , September 23, 1906, B1; David Fort Godshalk, _Veiled Visions: The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005).
. Capeci and Knight, "Reckoning with Violence," 749.
. Ibid., 759.
. Lewis, _W. E. B. Du Bois_ , 3.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, _Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil_ (New York: Washington Square Press, 2004), 54–55.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, "Purity of Blood," in _Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races, Volumes 9–10, 1914–1915_ (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969) 276; Carol M. Taylor, "W. E. B. Du Bois's Challenge to Scientific Racism," _Journal of Black Studies_ 11 (1981): 449–60.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, "Races," _Crisis_ 2 (August 1911): 157.
. David Levering Lewis, _W. E. B. Du Bois: The Fight for Equality and the American Century, 1919–1963 (_ New York: Holt, 2000), 235–36.
. Ibid., 236–37.
. Daylanne K. English, _Unnatural Selections: Eugenics in American Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 41.
. Lewis, _W. E. B. Du Bois: Fight for Equality_ , 455–56.
. Anthony Appiah, "The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race," _Critical Inquiry_ 12 (autumn 1985): 4–5.
. Jacques Barzun, _Race: A Study in Modern Superstition_ (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1937), 1.
. Ruth Benedict, _Race: Science and Politics_ (New York: Viking, 1940), v–vi.
. Ibid., 11.
. Ivan Hannaford, _Race: The History of an Idea in the West_ (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996), 376–90.
. Benedict, _Race_ , 230–31.
. Ibid., 233.
. Harvard Sitkoff, _A New Deal for Blacks: The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue; The Depression Decade_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981).
. Barzun, _Race_ , 11.
. Ibid., 7, 10.
. Ibid., 27
. Columbia University Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Jacques Barzun Collection, Box 6, File, Race: A Study in Superstition (vol. II): Barzun to Oliver C. Cox, April 19, 1948.
. Rosemary Firth, review of _Race: A Study in Modern Superstition_ , by Jacques Barzun, _Man_ 39 (May 1939): 38–39.
. Barkan, _Retreat of Scientific Racism_ , 109.
. Clark Wissler, review of _Race: A Study in Modern Superstition_ , by Jacques Barzun, _American Historical Review_ 44 (October 1938): 62.
. Columbia University Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Jacques Barzun Collection, Box 6, File: Race: A Study in Superstition (vol. II), Barzun to Editor, _American Historical Review_ , December 1, 1938.
. Barzun, _Race_ , 283.
. Ibid., 296.
. Madison Grant, _The Passing of the Great Race: The Racial Basis of European History_ (New York: Scribner, 1916), 45.
. William H. Tucker, _The Science and Politics of Racial Research_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 27.
. Stefan Kühl, _The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 39.
. Edwin Black, _War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race_ (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 2003), 294–95, 312–14; Kühl, _Nazi Connection_ , 48–49.
**7. RACE AND THE EVOLUTIONARY SYNTHESIS**
. Stephen Jay Gould, introduction to _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , by Theodosius Dobzhansky (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), xxi.
. Ernst Mayr, _The Growth of Biological Thought: Diversity, Evolution, and Inheritance_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1982), 567; Jan Sapp, _Genesis: The Evolution of Biology_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 143. Sapp's and Mayr's points are both based on the conclusions of Julian Huxley's classic summary of the evolutionary synthesis titled _Evolution: The Modern Synthesis_ (London: Allen and Unwin, 1942).
. Ernst Mayr, "The Role of Systematics in the Evolutionary Synthesis," in _Systematics and the Origin of Species_ , ed. Ernst Mayr and William B. Provine (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980), 123–24.
. Mayr, _Growth of Biological Thought_ , 570.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers, American Philosophical Society, Restricted File: Dobzhansky to R. C. Murphy, March 7, 1947.
. Dobzhansky, _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ ; Huxley, _Evolution_ ; George G. Simpson, _Tempo and Mode in Evolution_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944); Mayr, _Systematics and the Origin of Species_.
. Ernst Mayr, "Prologue: Some Thoughts on the History of the Evolutionary Synthesis," in _The Evolutionary Synthesis: Perspective on the Unification of Biology_ , ed. Ernst Mayr and William B. Provine (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980), 13.
. Ibid., 17.
. Ernst Mayr, "Typological versus Population Thinking," in _Conceptual Issues in Evolutionary Biology_ , ed. Eliot Sober (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994), 158; Eliot Sober, "Population Thinking, and Essentialism," _Philosophy of_ Science 47 (1980): 367–68.
. Lisa Gannett and James R. Griesemer, "The Genetics of ABO Blood Groups," in _Classical Genetic Research and Its Legacy: The Mapping of Cultures of Twentieth-Century Genetics_ , ed. Hans-Jörg Rheinberger and Jean-Paul Gadillière (New York: Routledge, 2004), 161.
. Kenneth Ludmerer, "American Geneticists and the Eugenics Movement, 1905–1935," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 2 (September 1969): 337–62.
. Elazar Barkan, _The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States Between the World Wars_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 140.
. Julian Huxley, "Letter to the Editor," _Eugenics Review_ 29 (1938), as quoted in William B. Provine, "Geneticists and the Biology of Race Crossing," _Science_ 182 (November 23, 1973): 790–96.
. Gould, introduction, xxv.
. Sophia Dobzhansky Coe, "Theodosius Dobzhansky: A Family Story," in _The Evolution of Theodosius Dobzhansky: Essays on His Life and Thought in Russia and America_ , ed. Mark Adams, 13–28 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
. See chapters by Nikolai L. Kremenstov, Daniel A. Alexandrov, and Mikhail B. Konashev in Adams, _Evolution of Theodosius Dobzhansky_ , 31–84.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Morgan and His School in the 1930s," in Mayr and Provine, _Evolutionary Synthesis_ , 445.
. V. B. Smocovitis, _Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 133.
. Sewell Wright, review of _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , by Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Botanical Gazette_ 99 (June 1938): 955–56; Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Sewall Wright: Wright to Dobzhansky, October 22, 1937.
. Gould, introduction, xxvi.
. Barkan, _Retreat of Scientific Racism_.
. William Provine, "Genetics and Race," _American Zoologist_ 26 (1986): 857–87.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky and L. C. Dunn, _Heredity, Race, and Society_ (New York: Penguin, 1947); Theodosius Dobzhansky, _The Biological Basis of Human Freedom_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956); Bruce Wallace and Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Radiation, Genes, and Man_ (New York: Holt, 1959); Theodosius Dobzhansky, _The Biology of Ultimate Concern_ (New York: New American Library, 1967); Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Genetic Diversity and Human Equality_ (New York: Basic Books, 1973).
. Mayr, "Prologue."
. Daniel A. Alexandrov, "Filipchenko and Dobzhansky: Issues in Evolutionary Genetics in the 1920s," in Adams, _Evolution of Theodosius Dobzhansky_ , 49–62; William B. Provine, "Origins of the GNP Series," in _Dobzhansky's Genetics of Natural Populations: I–XLIII_ , ed. R. C. Lewontin, John Moore, and William B. Provine, and Bruce Wallace, 5–76 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981).
. Mark B. Adams, "Towards a Synthesis: Population Concepts in Russian Evolutionary Thought, 1925–1935," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 3 (spring 1970): 107–29.
. Ernst Mayr Papers, American Philosphical Society, Transcript, May 23, 1974, Session II (B) Afternoon, 7.
. Sewell Wright Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, 1943, Dobzhansky, Theodosius: Dobzhansky to Wright, September 28, 1943.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Geographical Variation in Lady-Beetles," _American Naturalist_ 67 (March–April 1933): 98–99.
. Provine, "Origins of the GNP," 59.
. Mayr, _Systematics and the Origin of Species_.
. Provine, "Origins of the GNP," 11.
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Provine, William: "Reply from Dobzhansky." Although there is no date on Dobzhansky's letter to Provine, the original Provine solicitation was sent on August 5, 1971. All the responses to Provine from other scientists were dated in the second half of 1971.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers, American Philosophical Society, Notebooks, Box 1, 1953: Dobzhansky to Dunn, January 23, 1954 (letter taped into journal).
. Audrey Smedley, _Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview_ (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), 303–10.
. Ralph Bunche, "What Is Race?" in _Ralph Bunche: Selected Speeches and Writings_ , ed. Charles P. Henry, 207–20 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995). Originally published in Ralph Bunche, _A World View of Race_ (Washington, D.C.: Associates in Negro Folk Education, 1936).
. Ibid., 214–15.
. Ibid., 219.
. Ibid., 207.
. Dobzhansky, _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ , 47.
. Ibid., 60–62. Emphasis added.
. Ibid., 60, 62–63.
. Ibid., 62–63.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "The Race Concept in Biology," _Scientific Monthly_ 52 (February 1941): 161.
. Columbia University Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Jacques Barzun Collection, Box 6, File, Race: A Study in Superstition (vol. II): Dobzhansky to Barzun, December 18, 1942.
. Dobzhansky, "Race Concept," 161–62.
. Ibid., 163–64.
. Mayr and Provine, _Evolutionary Synthesis_ , 29.
. Dobzhansky, "Race Concept," 165.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, Box 12, Dobzhansky to Montagu, May 22, 1944.
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Dobzhansky, Theodosius—Dunn Correspondence #5, 1946–7: Dobzhansky to Dunn, March 10, 1947.
. Mary F. Lyon, "L. C. Dunn and Mouse Genetic Mapping," in _Perspectives on Genetics: Anecdotal, Historical, and Critical Commentaries, 1987–1998_ , ed. James F. Crow and William F. Dove, 161–66 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000); Melinda Gormley, "Geneticist L. C. Dunn: Politics, Activism, and Community" (Ph.D. diss., Oregon State University, 2006), 112–22.
. Joe Cain, "Co-opting Colleagues: Appropriating Dobzhansky's 1936 Lectures at Columbia," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 35 (summer 2002): 207–19.
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Dobzhansky, Theodosius—Dunn Correspondence #1, 1936–7: Dobzhansky to Dunn, May 27, 1936.
. Ibid., Dunn to Dobzhansky, May 4, 1937.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Leslie Clarence Dunn, 1893–1974," in _A Biographical Memoir_ (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1978). For more detailed information on Dunn's life and work, see Gormley, "Geneticist L. C. Dunn"; and Dorothea Bennett, "L. C. Dunn and His Contribution to T-Locus Genetics," _Annual Review of Genetics_ 11 (1977): 1–12.
. L. C. Dunn, "A Biological View of Race Mixture," _Proceedings of the American Sociological Society_ 19 (1925): 47.
. L. C. Dunn, "An Anthropometric Study of Hawaiians of Pure and Mixed Blood," _Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology_ 11 (1928): 91–211.
. Gormley, "Geneticist L. C. Dunn," 98–101.
. Charles Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, L. C. Dunn Correspondence: Dunn to Merriam, July 3, 1935.
. Garland E. Allen, "The Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor, 1910–1940: An Institutional History," _Osiris_ 2 (1986): 225–64.
. Dobzhansky, "Leslie Clarence Dunn," 85.
. Gormley, "Geneticist L. C. Dunn," 491–96.
. Bennett, "L. C. Dunn," 1.
. L. C. Dunn and Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Heredity, Race, and Society_ (New York: Penguin, 1946), 6.
. Ibid., 5.
. Ibid., 10.
. Robert Cook and Jay L. Lush, "Genetics for the Millions: An Unfinished Story," _Journal of Heredity_ 38 (October 1947): 299–305.
. Dunn and Dobzhansky, _Heredity, Race, and Society_ , 91–92.
. Ibid., 108–9.
. Ibid., 108.
. Ibid., 113.
. Bentley Glass, review of _Heredity, Race, and Society_ , by Theodosius Dobzhansky and L. C. Dunn, _Quarterly Review of Biology_ 22 (June 1947): 152.
. Cook and Lush, "Genetics for the Millions," 303–4.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, Box, Dobzhansky: Dobzhansky to Montagu, March 9, 1948.
. Ibid., May 1, 1948.
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Dobzhansky, Theodosius—Dunn Correspondence #5, 1946–7: Dobzhansky to Dunn, November 25, 1946.
. See, for example, Carl L. Hubbs, "Concepts of Homology and Analogy," _American Naturalist_ 78 (July–August, 1944): 289–307; Roger Lewin, "When Does Homology Mean Something Else?" _Science_ 237 (September 1987): 1570; N. Jardine, "The Concept of Homology in Biology," _British Journal for the Philosophy of Science_ 18 (1967): 125–39; and G. P. Wagner, "The Biological Homology Concept," _Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics_ 20 (1989): 51–69.
. Jonathan Marks, _What It Means to be 98% Chimpanzee: Apes, People, and Their Genes_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 73–74.
. Susan Sperling, "Ashley Montagu (1905–1999)," _American Anthropologist_ 102 (September 2000): 583–88; Michelle Brattain, "Race, Racism, and Antiracism: UNESCO and the Politics of Presenting Science to the Postwar Public," _American Historical Review_ 112 (December 2007): 1393–94.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Lieberman, Leonard: Lieberman to Montagu (with Montagu's answers), August 22, 1994.
. M. F. Ashley Montagu, "The Genetical Theory of Race, and Anthropological Method," _American Anthropologist_ 44 (July–September 1942): 370, 373.
. Ibid., 375–76.
. Ibid., 369.
. Brattain, "Race, Racism, and Antiracism," 1395.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, Lieberman to Montagu, August 22, 1994.
. Andrew P. Lyons, "The Neotenic Career of M. F. Ashley Montagu," in _Race and Other Misadventures: Essays in Honor of Ashley Montagu In His Ninetieth Year_ , ed. Larry T. Reynolds and Leonard Lieberman (Dix Hills, N.Y.: General Hall, 1996), 10–11.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Dobzhansky, Theodosius: Montagu to Dobzhansky, May 23, 1944.
. Ashley Montagu, _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945), 244.
. Ibid., 45.
. Frank H. Hankins, review of _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ , by Ashley Montagu, _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_ 227 (May 1943): 191–92.
. Clyde Kluckhohn, review of _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ , by Ashley Montagu, _Isis_ 34 (summer 1943): 419.
. Bentley Glass, review of _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ , by Ashley Montagu, _Quarterly Review of Biology_ 21 (March 1946): 128.
. Aldous Huxley, foreword to Montagu, _Man's Most Dangerous Myth_ , vii.
. See, for example, M. F. Ashley Montagu, "The African Origins of the American Negro and His Ethnic Composition," _Scientific Monthly_ 58 (January 1944): 58–65; M. F. Ashley Montagu, "Physical Characteristics of the American Negro," _Scientific Monthly_ 59 (July 1944): 56–62; M. F. Ashley Montagu, "Intelligence of Northern Negroes and Southern Whites in the First World War," _American Journal of Psychology_ 58 (April 1945): 161–88; M. F. Ashley Montagu, "Blood Group Factors and Ethnic Relationships," _Science_ 103 (March 1, 1946): 284; and Ashley Montagu and Benjamin Pasamanick, "Racial Intelligence," _Scientific Monthly_ 66 (January 1948): 81–82.
**8. CONSOLIDATING THE RACE CONCEPT IN BIOLOGY**
. James T. Patterson, _Brown v. Board of Education: A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 67; Michael J. Klarman, _Unfinished Business: Racial Equality in American History_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 148.
. Aldon D. Morris, "A Retrospective on the Civil Rights Movement: Political and Intellectual Landmarks," _Annual Review of Sociology_ 25 (1999): 517–39; Harvard Sitkoff, _New Deal for Blacks: The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); John Dittmer, _Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Charles W. Eagles, "Toward New Histories of the Civil Rights Era," _Journal of Southern History_ 66 (November 2000), 815–48; Richard M. Dalfiume, "The 'Forgotten Years' of the Negro Revolution," _Journal of American History_ 55 (June 1968): 90–106.
. James T. Patterson, _Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945–1974_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 389–95.
. C. Vann Woodward, _The Strange Career of Jim Crow_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 146–47.
. _Argument: The Oral Argument Before the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1952–55_ , ed. Leon Friedman (New York: Chelsea House, 1969), 330.
. Ibid., 330.
. See, for example, Walter A. Jackson, _Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience: Social Engineering and Racial Liberalism, 1938–1987_ , Fred W. Morrison Series in Southern Studies (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990); Oliver C. Cox, "The Modern Caste School of Race Relations," _Social Forces_ 21 (December 1942): 218–26.
. Gunnar Myrdal, _An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and American Democracy_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1996). Regarding the Clarks' studies, see, for example, Herbert Garfinkel, "Social Science Evidence and the School Segregation Cases," _Journal of Politics_ 21 (February 1958): 37–59; William H. Tucker, _The Science and Politics of Racial Research_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 138–53; Richard Kluger, _Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality_ (New York: Knopf, 1980), 315–45; Patterson, _Brown v. Board of Education_ , 67–68.
. Sanjay Mody, " _Brown_ Footnote Eleven in Historical Context: Social Science and the Supreme Court's Quest for Legitimacy," _Stanford Law Review_ 54 (April 2002): 795, 804, 806, 808, 814–29.
. Myrdal, _American Dilemma_ ; David W. Southern, "An American Dilemma After Fifty Years: Putting the Myrdal Study and Black-White Relations in Perspective," _History Teacher_ 28 (February 1995): 227–53.
. Myrdal, _American Dilemma_ , 89.
. Ibid., 15.
. Kluger, _Simple Justice_ , 582–616; Patterson, _Brown v. Board of Education_ , 46–69.
. Frances Gaither, "Democracy: The Negro's Hope," _New York Times_ , April 2, 1944, BR7.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, review of _An American Dilemma_ , by Gunnar Myrdal, _Phylon_ 5 (2nd quarter 1944): 114–24.
. Oscar Handlin, review of _An American Dilemma_ , by Gunnar Myrdal, _New York Times Book Review_ , April 21, 1963, 1, as quoted in Jackson, _Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience_ , 294.
. Ibid., 330–31.
. John P. Jackson Jr., _Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case Against Brown v. Board of Education_ (New York: New York University Press, 2005), 41.
. Ibid., 91.
. Curt Stern, "Model Estimates of the Frequency of White and Non-White Segregants in the American Negro," _Acta Genetica Basel_ 4 (1953): 281–98.
. James V. Neel, "Curt Stern, 1902–1981," _Annual Review of Genetics_ 17 (1983): 1–10; James V. Neel, "The William Allan Memorial Award," _American Journal of Human Genetics_ 27 (1975): 135–39.
. D. Peter Snustad and Michael J. Simmons, _Principles of Genetics_ (New York: Wiley, 2003), 773.
. Neel, "William Allan Memorial Award," 136–37.
. Neel, "Curt Stern," 7.
. Curt Stern Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Lecture: "Why Do People Differ?": Stern to NAACP, Rochester, February 11, 1946.
. Ibid., File, Stern, C.: "The Biology of the Negro": Leon Svirsky to Stern, August 20, 1954.
. Curt Stern, "The Biology of the Negro," _Scientific American_ 191 (October 1954): 81.
. Ibid., 85.
. Curt Stern Papers, Correspondence: undated and unsigned correspondence to Stern.
. Ibid., "Crackpot Letters": C. L Barnett to Stern, August 13, 1955; Mrs. John Lansdell Howerton to Stern, n.d.
. Ibid., "The Biology of the Negro," Correspondence: Marcus Julius Frogstein to Stern, October 11, 1954.
. Ibid., H. J. Romm to Stern, September 29, 1954; Arndt to Stern, October 8, 1954.
. Stern, "Biology of the Negro," 82.
. Ashley Montagu, _Statement on Race: An Annotated Elaboration and Exposition of the Four Statements on Race Issued by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 1.
. Michelle Brattain, "Race, Racism, and Antiracism: UNESCO and the Politics of Presenting Science to the Postwar Public," _American Historical Review_ 112 (December 2007): 1386–1413.
. International Eugenics Congress, _Problems in Eugenics: Papers Communicated to the First International Eugenics Congress_ (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1912); Edwin Black, _War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race_ (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 2003), 236, 245
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, Series I, File, Boas, Franz: Boas to Dunn, October 25, 1937.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, Box 30, File, Lieberman, Leonard: undated interview of Montagu by Leonard Lieberman, Andrew Lyons, and Harriet Lyons. This interview was published by the authors in _Current Anthropology_ 36 (December 1995): 841.
. Montagu, _Statement on Race_ , 4–6.
. Ibid., 7–9.
. Ibid., 9.
. Ibid., 9–13.
. Ashley Montagu, "No Scientific Basis for Race Bias Found by World Panel of Experts," _New York Times_ , July 18, 1950, 1.
. Ashley Montagu, "The Myth of Race," _New York Times_ , July 19, 1950, 30.
. Ashley Montagu, "Let's Forget About the Myth of Race," _Hartford Courant_ , July 20, 1950, 8.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, Box 7, File, Castle, W. E.: Castle to Montagu, April 21, 1951.
. Ibid., Box 11, File, Dunn, L. C.: Dunn to Montagu, March 3, 1950.
. Ibid., Box 12, File, Dobzhansky, T.: Dobzhansky to Montagu, October 16, 1950.
. Ibid., Montagu to Dobzhansky, May 23, 1944.
. Ibid., Dobzhansky to Montagu, January 26, 1951.
. Ashley Montagu, "In Memoriam: Osman Hill," _Journal of Anatomy_ 120 (1975): 387–90.
. Osman Hill, letter to the editor, _Man_ 51 (January 1951): 16–17.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, Box 12, File, Dobzhansky, T.: Dobzhansky to Montagu, January 26, 1951.
. "UNESCO and Race," _Man_ 51 (May 1951): 64.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, Box 12, File, Dobzhansky, T.: Dobzhansky to Montagu, February 24, 1951.
. Jackson, _Science for Segregation_ , 61; Brattain, "Race, Racism, and Antiracism," 1393–94.
. Montagu, _Statement on Race_ , 137–38.
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, UNESCO, 1951: Alfred Métraux to Dunn, June 26, 1951.
. Montagu, _Statement on Race_ , 139.
. Ibid., 143.
. Ibid., 140.
. Ibid., 10, 145.
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, File, UNESCO, 1951: Dunn to Métraux, February 26, 1952; Métraux to Dunn, April 18, 1952.
. William Provine, "Genetics and Race," _American Zoologist_ 26 (1986): 877; UNESCO, _The Race Concept: Results of an Inquiry_ (Paris: UNESCO, 1952).
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, File, UNESCO, 1951: R. A. Fisher to Métraux, October 3, 1951.
. Ibid., S. E. Washburn to Métraux, October 15, 1951.
. Ibid., File, Provine, William: Dobzhansky to Provine, undated; Wright to Provine, August 17, 1971; Dunn to Provine, November 17, 1971.
. Ibid., Darlington to Provine, August 13, 1971; Stern to Provine, August, 18, 1971.
. Elazar Barkan, _The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States Between the World Wars_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 341–42.
. Elazar Barkan, "The Politics of the Science of Race: Ashley Montagu and UNESCO's Anti-racist Declarations," in _Race and Other Misadventures: Essays in Honor of Ashley Montagu in His Ninetieth Year_ , ed. Larry T. Reynolds and Leonard Lieberman (Dix Hills, N.Y.: General Hall, 1996), 103–4.
. Ibid., 103.
. Provine, "Genetics and Race," 877.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers, American Philosophical Society, Notebooks Box 1: "June 14 Paris–Iceland," 1951; Ashley Montagu Papers, Box 12, File, Dobzhansky, T.: Dobzhansky to Montagu, February 24, 1951.
. Brattain, "Race, Racism, and Antiracism," 1413.
. Ibid., 1386–87, 1407–12.
. Ibid., 1413.
. Leslie C. Dunn Papers, File, UNESCO, 1951: R. A. Fisher to Métraux, October 3, 1951; Provine, "Genetics and Race," 875.
. UNESCO, _Race Concept_ , 40–60.
. L. C. Dunn, _Race and Biology_ (Paris: UNESCO, 1965), 7.
. UNESCO, _Race Concept_ , 79–80.
. Montagu, _Statement on Race_ , 61,65.
. See, for example, Lee D. Baker, _From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); and Tucker, _Science and Politics_.
. C. P. Snow, _The Two Cultures_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 3, 4.
. V. B. Smocovitis, _Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 152–53, 167.
. The Reminiscences of Leslie C. Dunn (1960), p. 886, in the Columbia Center for Oral History.
. Ronald G. Walters, "Uncertainty, Science, and Reform in Twentieth-Century America," in _Scientific Authority and Twentieth-Century America_ , ed. Ronald G. Walters (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 6.
. Ibid., 8–10.
. Paul Boyer, _By the Bomb's Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age_ (New York: Pantheon, 1985), 354; Margot A. Henriksen, _Dr. Strangelove's America: Society and Culture in the Atomic Age_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 58.
. Henriksen, _Dr. Strangelove's America_ , 54–56.
. Michael Polanyi, "Scientific Outlook: Its Sickness and Cure," _Science_ 125 (March 15, 1957): 480.
. Steve Fuller, "Being There with Thomas Kuhn: A Parable for Postmodern Times," _History and Theory_ 31 (October 1992): 261.
. Thomas Borstelmann, _The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), 55.
. Borstelmann, _Cold War_ , 54–55; Mary L. Dudziak, _Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 18–24.
. Morris, "Retrospective on the Civil Rights Movement," 518.
. Dudziak, _Cold War Civil Rights_ , 13.
. Borstelmann, _Cold War_ , 59–61.
. Dudziak, _Cold War Civil Rights_ , 25–26, 82.
. Harry S. Truman, "Special Message to the Congress on Civil Rights," February 2, 1948, _Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Harry S. Truman, 1948_ (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1964): 121–26, as quoted in Dudziak, _Cold War Civil Rights_ , 82.
. Brian Urquhart, _Ralph Bunche: An American Life_ (New York: Norton, 1993), 230–32.
. Ben Keppel, _The Work of Democracy: Ralph Bunche, Kenneth B. Clark, Lorraine Hansberry, and the Cultural Politics of Race_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 64.
. Charles S. Johnson, "American Minorities and Civil Rights in 1950," _Journal of Negro Education_ 20 (summer 1951): 489.
**9. CHALLENGES TO THE RACE CONCEPT**
. Carleton Coon, _The Origin of Races_ (New York: Knopf, 1962).
. Arthur Jensen, "How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement?" _Harvard Educational Review_ 39 (spring 1969): 1–123.
. Richard E. Green et al., "A Draft Sequence of the Neanderthal Genome," _Science_ 310 (2010): 721; see also Alan R. Templeton, "Out of Africa Again and Again," _Nature_ 416 (2002): 45–51; Svante Pääbo, "The Mosaic That Is Our Genome," _Nature_ 421 (2003): 409–12.
. Milford Wolpoff and Rachel Caspari, _Race and Human Evolution_ (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997).
. Coon, _Origin of Races_ , 656.
. Ibid., vii, 482–587.
. Ibid., 662.
. Ibid., 661.
. Ernst Mayr, review of _The Origin of Races_ , by Carleton Coon, _Science_ 138 (October 19, 1962): 420–22.
. Frederick S. Hulse, review of _The Origin of Races_ , by Carleton Coon, _American Anthropologist_ 65 (June 1963): 685–87.
. Malcolm F. Farmer, "Stepping Stone Toward an Understanding of Man's Development," _Phylon_ 24 (2nd quarter 1963): 203.
. Barbara Tuchman, "Reviewers' Choice, 1962," _Chicago Daily Tribune_ , December 2, 1962, E8. Emphasis added.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Ernst Mayr: Dobzhansky to Coon, October 23, 1962; John P. Jackson Jr., _Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case Against Brown v. Board of Education_ (New York: New York University Press, 2005), 162–170.
. Michael Lerner Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Dobzhansky, Theodosius #5: Dobzhansky to Lerner (address to colleague), December 17, 1962; Margaret Mead, "Scientist Reviewers Beware," _Science_ 141 (July 26, 1964): 312–13.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Possibility That Homo Sapiens Evolved Independently 5 Times Is Vanishingly Small," _Current Anthropology_ 4 (October 1963): 360–66.
. Jackson, _Science for Segregation_ , 187.
. Carleton S. Coon, "Comments," _Current Anthropology_ 4 (October 1963): 366.
. Jackson, _Science for Segregation_ , 99–103, 189.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers, File, Mayr, Ernst 1962: Mayr to Dobzhansky, November 1, 1962.
. Ibid., Dobzhansky to Simpson, Mayr, and Strauss, November 9, 1962.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Mankind Evolving: The Evolution of the Human Species_ (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 253.
. Ibid., 262–66.
. Ibid., 178.
. Ibid., 182.
. Ibid., 183.
. Ibid., 185.
. Ashley Montagu, "What Is Remarkable About Varieties of Man Is Likeness, Not Differences," _Current Anthropology_ 4 (October 1963): 362.
. Frank B. Livingstone and Theodosius Dobzhansky, "On the Non-Existence of Human Races," _Current Anthropology_ 3 (1962): 280.
. Frank B. Livingstone. "Anthropological Implications of Sickle Cell Gene Distribution in West Africa," _American Anthropologist_ 60 (1958) 533–62.
. Livingstone and Dobzhansky, "On the Non-Existence of Human Races."
. Ibid.
. Jensen, "How Much Can We Boost IQ," 3
. Ibid., 117.
. Ibid., 29.
. See, for example, Thomas F. Jackson, _From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Struggle for Economic Justice_ (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Wesley C. Hogan, _Many Minds, One Heart: SNCC's Dream for a New America_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Michael K. Honey, _Going Down Jericho Road: The Memphis Strike, Martin Luther King's Last Campaign_ (New York: Norton, 2007).
. Harold M. Schmeck Jr., "Nobel Winner Urges Research on Racial Heredity," _New York Times_ , October 18, 1966, 9; "Possible Metallurgical and Astronomical Approaches to the Problem of Environment versus Ethnic Heredity," in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of A Psychology Records Group.
. File: Comments, Institutions: General, Stanford University News Service Press Release, October 17, 1966, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology Records Group.
. Press Release, Michigan State University, October 20, 1967, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Central File: Committee on Science and Public Policy, Study on Gene Pool Deterioration: Proposed.
. Shockley to Gardner, October 13, 1967, in National Academy of Sciences–National Research Council Archives, Central File: Committee on Science and Public Policy: Study on Gene Pool Deterioration: Proposed; Lee to Shockley, November 17, 1967.
. Margaret Mead, "Introductory Remarks," in _Science and the Concept of Race_ , ed. Margaret Mead, Theodosius Dobzhansky, Ethel Tobach, and Robert E. Light, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969): 3.
. Ashley Montagu Papers, American Philosophical Society, Dobzhansky Box: Dobzhansky to Montagu, January 26, 1951.
**10. NATURALIZING RACISM: THE CONTROVERSY OVER SOCIOBIOLOGY**
. E. B. Ford, "Theodosius Grigorievich Dobzhansky: 26 January 1900–18 December 1975," _Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society_ 23 (November 1977): 62.
. Francisco J. Ayala, "Theodosius Dobzhansky, 1900–1975," in _A Biographical Memoir_ (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1985), 166.
. Richard Lewontin Papers, American Philosophical Society, File, Dobzhansky, Professor Theodosius, #IV: typed article of an obituary of Dobzhansky that would be published in the _Egyptian Journal of Genetics and Cytology_.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Leslie Clarence Dunn: November 2, 1893–March 19, 1974," in _A Biographical Memoir_ (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences), 86.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Leslie Dunn, Well-Known Geneticist," _Washington Post_ , March 23, 1974, D5.
. Edward O. Wilson, _Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1975).
. William M. Dugger, "Sociobiology for Social Scientists: A Critical Introduction to E. O. Wilson's Evolutionary Paradigm," _Social Science Quarterly_ 62 (June 1981): 229; Richard Lewontin, interview by author, November 2, 1995, Cambridge, Mass.
. V. B. Smocovitis, "Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 25 (March 1992): 1.
. Wilson, _Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ , 4.
. Edward O. Wilson, "What Is Sociobiology?" _Society_ (September/October 1978): 10.
. Wilson, _Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ , 5.
. Edward O. Wilson, _On Human Nature_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), 43. Wilson, _Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ , 585.
. R. A. Fisher, _The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection_ (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1930), 256–65; Julian Huxley, _Evolution: The Modern Synthesis_ (London: Harper, 1943), 572–78.
. Desmond Morris, _The Naked Ape: A Zoologist's Study of the Human Animal_ (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967); Robert Ardry, _African Genesis: A Personal Investigation into the Animal Origins and Nature of Man_ (New York: Atheneum, 1961); Konrad Lorenz, _Studies in Animal and Human Behavior_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971); Richard Dawkins, _The Selfish Gene_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); David Barash, _The Whisperings Within_ (New York: Harper and Row, 1979).
. "A Genetic Defense of the Free Market," _BusinessWeek_ , April 10, 1978, 100; Maya Pines, "Is Sociobiology All Wet?" _Psychology Today_ 11 (June 1978): 24.
. Marshall Sahlins, "The Use and Abuse of Biology," in _The Sociobiology Debate: Readings on Ethical and Scientific Issues_ , ed. Arthur Caplan (New York: Harper and Row, 1978), 424–27.
. John Pfeiffer, review of _Sociobiology_ , by Edward O. Wilson, _New York Times Book Review_ , July 27, 1975, 15–16.
. Mary Jane West-Eberhard, "Born: Sociobiology," _Quarterly Review of Biology_ 51 (March 1976): 92.
. David P. Barash, "Ethology, Ecology, and Evolution: Getting It Together," _Ecology_ 57 (March 1976): 399–400.
. E. O. Wilson Papers, Library of Congress, Series 21765, Box 1, File, Material on Sociobiology/Letters on Sociobiology: Lorenz to Wilson, August 19, 1975; Darlington to Wilson, May 26, 1975.
. Stephen Jay Gould, "Biological Potential vs. Biological Determinism," in _Ever Since Darwin: Reflections in Natural History_ , 251–59 (New York: Norton, 1977).
. Henry Louis Gates Jr., "Critical Remarks," in _Anatomy of Racism_ , ed. David Theo Goldberg (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990), 326.
. Howard Winant and Michael Omi, _Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1980s_ (New York: Routledge, 1986), 110.
. Ibid., 110.
. Bruce J. Schulman, _The Seventies: The Great Shift in American Culture, Society, and Politics_ (New York: Da Capo Press, 2002), 58–84; Michael Klarman, _Unfinished Business: Racial Equality in American History_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 183–198; Thomas Segrue, _The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Post-War Detroit_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
. Dorothy Nelkin and Susan M. Lindee, _The DNA Mystique: The Gene as a Cultural Icon_ (New York: Freeman, 1995), 2, 194.
. Troy Duster, _Backdoor to Eugenics_ (New York: Routledge, 1990), 93.
. Wilson, _Sociobiolog_ y _: The New Synthesis_ , 550; Richard Lewontin, "The Apportionment of Human Diversity," _Evolutionary Biology_ 6 (1972): 381–98.
. Robert Lunbeck, "Anti-Racism Group Attacks Wilson's 'Sociobiology,'" _Harvard Crimson_ , December 3, 1975.
. Vernon Reynolds, "Sociobiology and Race Relations," in _The Sociobiology of Ethnocentrism: Evolutionary Dimensions of Xenophobia, Discrimination, Racism, and Nationalism_ , ed. Vernon Reynolds, Vincent Falger, and Ian Vine, 208–15 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 212.
. Daniel J. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 83; Arthur Jensen, "How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement," _Harvard Educational_ Review 39 (spring 1969): 1–123; Arthur Jensen, "Race and the Genetics of Intelligence: A Reply to Lewontin," _Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists_ 26 (May 1970): 17–23.
. Wilson, "What Is Sociobiology?" 47–48.
. Pierre van den Berghe, "Race and Ethnicity: A Sociobiological Perspective," _Ethnic and Racial Studies_ 1 (October 1978): 403.
. Ibid, 402; Edward O. Wilson, _Sociobiology: The Abridged Edition_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1980), 314, 315; Reynolds, Falger, and Vine, _Sociobiology of Ethnocentrism_.
. Wilson, _Sociobiolog_ y _: The New Synthesis_ , 286–87, 564–65.
. Pierre van den Berghe, _Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective_ (New York: Wiley, 1967), 18.
. Van den Berghe, "Race and Ethnicity," 404.
. David Barash, _The Hare and the Tortoise_ (New York: Viking, 1986), 144.
. David Barash, _The Whisperings Within_ (New York: Harper and Row, 1979), 154, 232.
. J. Philippe Rushton, "Comments," _Social Science and Medicine_ 31 (1990): 905–10; J. Philippe Rushton, "Genetic Similarity Theory: Intelligence and Human Mate Choice," _Ethology and Sociobiology_ 9 (1988): 45–57; J. Philippe Rushton, "Evidence for Genetic Similarity Detection in Human Marriage," _Ethology and Sociobiology_ 6 (1985): 183–87.
. J. Philippe Rushton, _Race, Evolution, and Behavior_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1995), 113–46; Adolph Reed Jr. "Intellectual Brown Shirts," in _The Bell Curve Debate: History, Documents, and Opinions_ , ed. Russell Jacoby and Naomi Glauberman (New York: New York Times Books, 1995), 268.
. Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles A. Murray, _The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life_ (New York: Free Press, 1994), 642–43.
. Adam Miller, "Professors of Hate," _Rolling Stone_ , October 20, 1994; William H. Tucker, _The Science and Politics of Racial Research_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 291–92.
. Vernon Reynolds, Vincent Falger, and Ian Vine, "Introduction by the Editors," and Robin I. M. Dunbar, "Sociobiological Explanations and the Evolution of Ethnocentrism," in Reynolds, Falger, and Vine, _Sociobiology of Ethnocentrism_ , xv–xx; 48–59.
. E. O. Wilson Papers, Library of Congress, Series 20196, Box 6, File, Wilson, E. O. Defense of Sociobiology: Wilson to Frank M. Carpenter, December 9, 1975.
. Richard Lewontin Papers, File, Wilson, E. O.: Lewontin to Wilson, October 28, 1975.
. Edward O. Wilson, "What Is Sociobiology?" _Society_ 15 (September–October 1978): 10.
. Edward O. Wilson, _Naturalist_ (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1994), 336.
. Elizabeth Allen, Barbara Beckwith, Jon Beckwith, Steven Chorover, and David Culver, et al., "Against 'Sociobiology,'" _New York Review of Books_ , November 13, 1975.
. Richard Lewontin Papers, File, Wilson, E. O.: Wilson to Robert B. Silvers, November 10, 1975.
. Ibid., Wilson to Lewontin, December 17, 1975.
. E. O. Wilson to Gould, November 10, 1975, Stephen Jay Gould Papers, Box 525, Correspondence, Incoming, M–Z, 1975–1979, M1437. Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries, Stanford, Calif.
. Garland Allen to Gould, February 23, 1977, Stephen Jay Gould Papers, Box 524, Correspondence, Incoming A–L, 1975–1979, M1437. Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries, Stanford, Calif.
. Edward. O. Wilson, "Academic Vigilantism and the Political Significance of Sociobiology," _BioScience_ 26 (March 1976): 183, 187–90.
. "Report to Eastern Regional SftP Conference, April 15–17, 1977 at Voluntown," Stephen Jay Gould Papers, Box 607, M1437. Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries, Stanford, Calif.
. Sociobiology Study Group, "Sociobiology: Tool for Social Oppression," _Science for the People_ 8 (March 1976): 7; Robin Marantz Henig, "10 Years Later...Science for the People: Revolution's Evolution," _BioScience_ 29 (June 1979): 341–44.
. Robin Marantz Henig, "Burning Darwin to Save Marx," _Harpers_ , December 1978, 31.
. Sociobiology Study Group, "Sociobiology: Another Biological Determinism," _BioScience_ 26 (March 1976): 280.
. Edward O. Wilson, "Human Decency Is Animal," _New York Times Magazine_ , October 12, 1975, 50; Barbara Chasin, "Sociobiology: A Sexist Synthesis," _Science for the People_ 9 (May–June 1977): 30.
. Sociobiology Study Group, "Sociobiology: A New Biological Determinism," in Caplan, _Sociobiology Debate_ , 280.
. Minutes of May 10, June 7, and November 8, 1977 meetings, Stephen Jay Gould Papers, Box 607, M1437. Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries, Stanford, Calif.
. Henig, "10 Years Later"; Richard C. Lewontin, "Science for the People," _BioScience_ 29 (September 1979): 509.
. Ullica Segerstråle, _Defenders of the Truth: The Battle for Science in the Sociobiology Debate and Beyond_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 23.
. Richard Lewontin Papers, File, Wilson, E. O.: Wilson to Silvers, November 19, 1975.
. E. O. Wilson Papers, Library of Congress, Box 11, File, Le Monde: response to RL Interview, October 1980, Wilson to Editors at Le Monde, October 21, 1980.
. Wilson, "What Is Sociobiology?" 191.
. Neil Jumonville, "The Cultural Politics of the Sociobiology Debate," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 35 (2002): 569–93.
. Ibid., 191.
. Charles J. Lumsden and Edward O. Wilson, _Promethean Fire: Reflections on the Origin of Mind_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 43.
. E. O. Wilson Papers, Library of Congress, Series 20196, Box 6, File, Political Uses of Theory by New Right: Richard Lynn to Wilson, July 7, 1976.
. Ibid., Wilmot Robertson to Wilson, August, 29, 1977.
. Richard Lewontin Papers, Box 5, File: E. O. Wilson, Lewontin to Wilson, July 19, 1979.
. Ibid.
. Stephen Jay Gould Papers, Box 607, Minutes of June 26, 1979 meeting, Sociobiology Study Group, Science for the People. Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries, Stanford, Calif.
. E. O. Wilson Papers, Library of Congress, Series 20196, Box 6, File: Political Uses of Theory by New Right, undated note.
. Henig, "10 Years Later," 341.
. Richard Lewontin Papers, File, Herrnstein, Professor R. J.: Herrnstein to Lewontin, June 29, 1973; Lewontin to Herrnstein, November 20, 1973.
. Ibid., File, Shockley, William: Lewontin to Shockley, October 19, 1973.
. Richard C. Lewontin and Jack L. Hubby, "A Molecular Approach to the Study of Genic Heterozygosity in Natural Populations. I. The Number of Alleles at Different Loci in _Drosophila pseudoobscura_ ," _Genetics_ 54 (1966): 546–95; Richard C. Lewontin and Jack L. Hubby, "A Molecular Approach to the Study of Genic Heterozygosity in Natural Populations. II. Amount of Variation and Degree of Heterozygosity in Natural Populations of _Drosophila pseudoobscura_ ," _Genetics_ 54 (1966): 595–609.
. Jeffrey Powell, review of _The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ , by Richard Lewontin, _BioScience_ 25 (February, 1975): 118.
. Lewontin, "Apportionment of Human Diversity," 397
. Ibid., 396.
. Maryellen Ruvolo and Mark Seielstad, "The Apportionment of Human Diversity 25 Years Later," in _Thinking About Evolution: Historical, Philosophical, and Political Perspectives_ , ed. Rama S. Singh, Costas B. Krimbas, Diane B. Paul, and John Beatty, 141–51 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
. Wilson, _Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ , 550.
. Guido Barbujani, Arianna Magagni, Eric Minch, L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza, "An Apportionment of Human DNA Diversity," _Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences_ 94 (1997): 4518.
. Richard Lewontin, _The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974).
. Marcus W. Feldman, review of _The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ , by Richard Lewontin, _Quarterly Review of Biology_ 50 (September 1975), 293.
. Powell, review of _Genetic Basis_ , 118.
. Michael Ruse, review of _The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ , by Richard Lewontin, _Philosophy of Science_ 43 (June 1976): 303.
. Segerstråle, _Defenders of the Truth_ , 36.
. Ibid., 37; Wilson, _Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ , 70.
. Edward O. Wilson, "In the Queendom of Ants: A Brief Autobiography," in _Studying Animal Behavior: Autobiographies of the Founders_ , edited by Donald A. Dewsbury (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 481.
**11. RACE IN THE GENOMIC AGE**
. Oswald T. Avery, Colin M. MacLeod, and Maclyn McCarty, "Studies on the Chemical Nature of the Substance Inducing Transformation of Pneumococcal Types," _Journal of Experimental Medicine_ 79 (1944): 137–58.
. Erwin Chargaff, "Preface to a Grammar of Biology: A Hundred Years of Nucleic Acid Research," _Science_ 172 (1971): 637–42
. Brenda Maddox, _Rosalind Franklin: The Dark Lady of DNA_ (New York: HarperCollins, 2002).
. James Watson and Francis Crick, "Molecular Structure of Nucleic Acids: A Structure for Deoxyribose Nucleic Acid," _Nature_ 171 (1953): 737–38.
. Michael R. Dietrich, "Paradox and Persuasion: Negotiating the Place of Molecular Evolution within Evolutionary Biology," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 31 (1998): 85–111. See also Joel B. Hagen, "Naturalists, Molecular Biologists, and the Challenges of Molecular Evolution," _Journal of the History of Biology_ 32 (1999): 321–41; Ernst Mayr, _The Growth of Biological Thought: Diversity, Evolution, and Inheritance_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1982); Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Biology, Molecular and Organismic," _American Zoologist_ 4 (1964): 218–37.
. Richard C. Lewontin and Jack L. Hubby, "A Molecular Approach to the Study of Genic Heterozygosity in Natural Populations. I. The Number of Alleles at Different Loci in _Drosophila pseudoobscura_ ," _Genetics_ 54 (1966): 546–95; Richard C. Lewontin and Jack L. Hubby, "A Molecular Approach to the Study of Genic Heterozygosity in Natural Populations. II. Amount of Variation and Degree of Heterozygosity in Natural Populations of _Drosophila pseudoobscura_ ," _Genetics_ 54 (1966): 595–609; Motoo Kimura, "Evolutionary Rate at the Molecular Level," _Nature_ 217 (1968): 624–26; Willi Hennig, _Phylogenetic Systematics_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1966).
. Michel Morange, _A History of Molecular Biology_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 249.
. Committee on Mapping and Sequencing the Human Genome, National Research Council, _Mapping and Sequencing the Human Genome_ (Washington, D.C.: National Academies Press, 1988), 5–6.
. Daniel J. Kevles and Leroy Hood, _Code of Codes: Scientific and Social Issues in the Human Genome Project_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992).
. Jenny Reardon, _Race to the Finish: Identity and Governance in the Age of Genomics_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005); J. S. Alper and J. Beckwith, "Is Racism a Central Problem for the Human Genome Diversity Project?" _Politics and Life Science_ 18 (1999): 285–88.
. Eric. T. Juengst, "The Human Genome Project and Bioethics," _Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal_ 1 (1991): 71–72.
. Raja Mishra, "The Quest to Map the Human Genome Ends with a Truce," _Boston Globe_ , June 27, 2000, C5.
. Rick Weiss and Justin Gillis, "Teams Finish Mapping Human DNA," _Washington Post_ , June 27, 2000, A1.
. F. S. Collins and M. K. Mansoura, "The Human Genome Project: Revealing the Shared Inheritance of All Humankind," _Cancer_ 92 (2001): S221.
. G. Barbujani, A. Magagni, E. Minch, L. L. Cavalli-Sforza, "An Apportionment of Human DNA Diversity," _Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences_ 94 (1997): 4516–19; David Serre and Svante Pääbo, "Evidence for Gradients of Human Genetic Diversity Within and Among Continents," _Genome Research_ 14 (2004): 1679–85; J. P. A. Ioannidis, E. E. Ntzani, T. A. Trikalinos, "'Racial' Differences in Genetic Effects for Complex Diseases," _Nature Genetics_ 36 (2004): 1312–18; M. W. Foster and R. R. Sharp, "Race, Ethnicity, and Genomics: Social Classifications as Proxies of Biological Heterogeneity," _Genome Research_ 12 (2002): 844–50.
. L. L. Cavalli-Sforza, P. Menozzi, and A. Piazza, _The History and Geography of Human Genes_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993); M. Feldman, R. C. Lewontin, M. C. King, "A Genetic Melting Pot," _Nature_ 424 (2003): 374; Svante Pääbo, "The Mosaic That Is Our Genome," _Nature_ 421 (2003): 409–12.
. William Stanton, _The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes Toward Race in America, 1815–59_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); George M. Fredrickson, _Racism: A Short History_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002); Audrey Smedley, _Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview_ (San Francisco: Westview Press, 1993); Stephen Jay Gould, _The Mismeasure of Man_ (New York: Norton, 1996); Ashley Montagu, _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 1997); Daniel J. Kevles, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995).
. J. L. Mountain, N. Risch, "Assessing Genetic Contributions to Phenotypic Differences Among 'Racial' and 'Ethnic' Groups," _Nature Genetics_ 36 (2004): S48–S53; D. A. Hinds et al. "Whole-Genome Patterns of Common DNA Variation in Three Human Populations," _Science_ 307 (2005): 1072–79.
. Reanne Frank, "What to Make of It? The (Re)emergence of a Biological Conceptualization of Race in Health Disparities Research," _Social Science and Medicine_ 64 (2007) 1977–83.
. N. Risch, E. Burchard, E. Ziv, H. Tang, "Categorization of Humans in Biomedical Research: Genes, Race, and Disease," _Genome Biology_ 3 (2002): 2007.1–2007.12.
. Robin M. Henig, "The Genome in Black and White (and Gray)," _New York Times Magazine_ , October 10, 2004, 47.
. Morris W. Foster, "Looking for Race in All the Wrong Places: Analyzing the Lack of Productivity in the Ongoing Debate About Race and Genetics," _Human Genetics_ 126 (2009): 355–62.
. L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza, "The Human Genome Diversity Project: Past, Present, and Future," _Nature Reviews Genetics_ 6 (April 2005): 333–40.
. Reardon, _Race to the Finish_ , 4–6, 92–97.
. Ibid., 92.
. Michael Dodson and Robert Williamson, "Indigenous Peoples and the Morality of the Human Genome Diversity Project," _Journal of Medical Ethics_ 25 (1999): 205.
. Reardon, _Race to the Finish_ , 159–60.
. The International HapMap Consortium. "The International HapMap Project," _Nature_ 426 (2003): 789–96.
. Jennifer A. Hamilton, "Revitalizing Difference in the HapMap: Race and Contemporary Human Genetic Variation Research," _Journal of Law, Medicine, and Ethics_ 36 (2008): 471–77.
. International HapMap Project, How Are Ethical Concerns Being Addressed, 2012, <http://hapmap.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/ethicalconcerns.html.en>.
. International HapMap Project, Guidelines for Referring to the HapMap Populations in Publications and Presentations, 2012, <http://hapmap.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/citinghapmap.html>.
. Hamilton, Revitalizing Difference in the HapMap," 474.
. P. C, Ng, Q. Zhao, S. Levy, R. L. Strausberg, and J. C. Venter, "Individual Genomes Instead of Race for Personalized Medicine," _Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics_ 84 (2008): 306–9.
. David Jones, "How Personalized Medicine Became Genetic, and Racial: Werner Kalow and the Formations of Pharmacogenetics," _Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences_ 68 (2011): 1–48; H. Kim, R. Kim, A. J. Wood, C. M. Stein, "Molecular Basis of Ethnic Differences in Drug Disposition and Response," _Annual Review of Pharmacology and Toxicology_ 41 (2001): 815, 850.
. A. Bress, S. R. Patel, M. A. Perera, et al., "Effect of NQ01 and CYP4F2 Genotypes on Warfarin Dose Requirements in Hispanic-Americans and African-Americans," _Pharmacogenomics_ 13 (2012), 1925–35; D. Si, J. Wang, Y. Zhang, et al., "Distribution of CYP2C9*13 Allele in the Chinese Han and the Long-Range Haplotype Containing CYP2C9*13 and CYP2C19*2," _Biopharmaceuticals and Drug Disposition_ 33 (2012), 342–45; F. H. Hatta, A. Helldén, K. E. Hellgren, et al., "Search for the Molecular Basis of Ultra-Rapid CYP2C9-Catalysed Metabolism: Relationship Between SNP IVS8–109A>T and the Losartan Metabolism Phenotype in Swedes," _European Journal of Clinical Pharmacology_ 68 (2012), 1033–42.
. Ng, Zhao, Levy, Strausberg, and Venter, "Individual Genomes," 307–8.
. <http://www.genome.gov/Pages/About/OD/OPG/DesigningGeneticists/RCooper-Health_Disparities.pdf>.
. Understanding the Role of Genomics in Health Disparities: Toward a New Research Agenda. National Institutes of Health Meeting, September 24–26, 2008, University of Maryland.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Mankind Evolving: The Evolution of the Human Species_ (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 253.
. Roberta D. Baer, Erika Arteaga, Karen Dyer, et al., "Concepts of Race and Ethnicity Among Health Researchers: Patterns and Implications," _Ethnicity and Health_ 18 (2013): 211–25; Targeted Planned Enrollment Table, 2012, <http://grants.nih.gov/grants/funding/women_min/guidelines_amended_10_2001.htm>.
. National Institutes of Health, 2012, <http://grants.nih.gov/grants/funding/424/SF424R-R_enrollment.doc>.
. Timothy R. Rebbeck and Pamela Sankar, "Ethnicity, Ancestry, and Race in Molecular Epidemiologic Research," _Cancer Epidemiology Biomarkers and Prevention_ 14 (2005): 2467–71.
**EPILOGUE: DOBZHANSKY'S PARADOX AND THE FUTURE OF RACIAL RESEARCH**
. Mindy Thompson Fullilove, "Abandoning 'Race' as a Variable in Public Health Research: An Idea Whose Time Has Come," _American Journal of Public Health_ 88 (September 1998): 1297–98.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, ed., _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ (Atlanta: Atlanta University Press, 1906).
. Ashley Montagu, _Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 1997).
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Mankind Evolving: The Evolution of the Human Species_ (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 253.
. Richard Lewontin, "The Apportionment of Human Diversity," _Evolutionary Biology_ 6 (1972): 397.
. Esteban González Burchard, Elad Ziv, Natasha Coyle, et al., "The Importance of Race and Ethnic Background in Biomedical Research and Clinical Practice," _New England Journal of Medicine_ 348 (2003): 1170–75.
. Nancy Krieger et al., "Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Monitoring Socioeconomic Gradients in Health: A Comparison of Area-Based Socioeconomic Measures; The Public Health Disparities Geocoding Project," _American Journal of Public Health_ 93 (2003): 1655–71.
. Ichiro Kawachi, Norman Daniels, and Dean E. Robinson, "Health Disparities by Race and Class: Why Both Matter," _Health Affairs_ 24 (2005): 343–52.
. R. Dawn Comstock, Edward M. Castillo, and Suzanne P. Lindsay, "Four-Year Review of the Use of Race and Ethnicity in Epidemiologic and Public Health Research," _American Journal of Epidemiology_ 159 (2004): 619.
. Camara Phyllis Jones, "Invited Commentary: 'Race,' Racism, and the Practice of Epidemiology," _American Journal of Epidemiology_ 154 (2001): 299–304; Camara Phyllis Jones, "Levels of Racism: A Theoretical Framework and a Gardener's Tale," _American Journal of Public Health_ 90 (2000): 1212–15.
. Noah A. Rosenberg et al., "Genetic Structure of Human Populations," _Science_ 298 (2002): 2381–85.
. Sahotra Sarkar, _Genetics and Reductionism_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 71.
. S. S. Lee, "Pharmacogenomics and the Challenge of Health Disparities," _Public Health Genomics_ 12 (2009): 170.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Genetics and the Origin of Species_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 61. Emphasis added.
. AncestrybyDNA, 2012, <http://www.ancestrybydna.com/ancestry-dna-testing-options.php>.
. AncestryDNA, 2012, <http://dna.ancestry.com/#experienceAncestry>.
. Deborah A. Bolnick, Duana Fullwiley, Troy Duster, et al., "The Science and Business of Genetic Ancestry Testing," _Science_ 318 (October 19, 2007): 400.
. Keith Wailoo, Alondra Nelson, and Catherine Lee, "Genetic Claims and the Unsettled Past," in _Genetics and the Unsettled Past_ : _The Collision of DNA, Race, and History_ , ed. Keith Wailoo, Alondra Nelson, and Catherine Lee (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2012), 2.
. William Provine, "Genetics and Race," _American Zoologist_ 26 (1986): 857–87.
. Du Bois, _Health and Physique of the Negro American_ ; P. C, Ng, Q. Zhao, S. Levy, R. L. Strausberg, and J. C. Venter, "Individual Genomes Instead of Race for Personalized Medicine," _Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics_ 84 (2008): 306–9.
. Theodosius Dobzhansky, _Mankind Evolving: The Evolution of the Human Species_ (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 266–67.
. Ashley Montagu, _Statement on Race: An Annotated Elaboration and Exposition of the Four Statements on Race Issued by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 65.
. David Levering Lewis, _W. E. B. Du Bois: The Fight for Equality and the American Century, 1919–1963_ (New York: Holt, 2000), 473.
. W. E. B. Du Bois, _Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept_ (Piscataway, N.J.: Transaction, 1983), 326.
**BIBLIOGRAPHY**
**ARCHIVAL SOURCES CONSULTED**
American Museum of Natural History, New York
Henry F. Osborn Papers
American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia
American Eugenics Society Records
Franz Boas Papers
Charles B. Davenport Papers
Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers
Leslie C. Dunn Papers
Eugenics Record Office Papers
Genetics Society of America Papers
Michael Lerner Papers
Richard Lewontin Papers
Ashley Montagu Papers
Thomas Hunt Morgan Papers
Raymond Pearl Papers
Herbert Spencer Jennings Papers
Curt Stern Papers
Sewall Wright Papers
Columbia Center for Oral History Collection, New York
Reminiscences of Theodosius Dobzhansky
Reminiscences of Leslie C. Dunn
Columbia University Rare Book and Manuscript Library, New York
Jacques Barzun Papers
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
E.O. Wilson Papers
National Academy of Sciences Archives, Washington, D.C.
National Research Council Collection
Rockefeller Foundation Archives, Tarrytown, N.Y.
Social Science Research Council Collection
Laura Spelman Rockefeller Collection
Stanford University Archives, Palo Alto, Calif.
Stephen Jay Gould Papers
University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Mass.
W. E. B. Du Bois Papers
**A NOTE ON SOURCES**
It would be an oversimplification to say that all books begin with a single ancestral source. But in the case of this work, that would largely be true. In the mid-1990s, I read a review essay by Paula Fass in _Reviews in American History_ titled "Of Genes and Men" (vol. 20 [June 1992]: 235–41). That essay, critical of Carl Degler's book _In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), helped me, as a young doctoral student, begin to shape my thoughts about the relationship between biology and society and the often uncritical way that biological explanations for a wide range of social phenomena were quickly being embraced by natural and social scientists, and even by those (Degler was her primary target) in the humanities. Fass pointed to two important issues (among many) in Degler's work that I reacted to. First, the claim by _In Search of Human Nature_ that "racism is largely irrelevant to sociobiology"—chapter 10 of the present volume was written in rebuttal to Degler's wrongheaded analysis of sociobiology and race. Second, Fass attacked Degler's assertion that "facts—not ideology—can govern belief." It was this second point that interested me most and led me on a path to interrogate the meanings of race over the course of the twentieth century, particularly how science was considered an objective arbiter of the truth about what race was and what it was not.
My approach to thinking and writing about the biological sciences has been informed by an interdisciplinary background in history, public health, and biology. I have been particularly influenced by my time as a researcher in the Molecular Laboratories at the American Museum of Natural History (AMNH). Working at the museum shaped considerably how, as a historian, I think about the nature of scientific practice. As a nonscientist with complete access to and participation in a molecular laboratory, I was always a bit of a fish out of water. But as evolutionary theorists, the scientists at the AMNH were historically minded, and in that way our professional objectives overlapped: we all sought to develop an understanding of our present by reconstructing the past.
The nature and practice of science have faced considerable scrutiny by philosophers, historians, and scientists, among others. At the center of this discussion, as the philosopher of science Michael Ruse put its, is "whether science should be considered something different and special—something with independent standards which in some way guarantees its truth and importance," or whether science is "basically just a product of the same general culture as most everything else, no worse but certainly no better than those who produce it." ( _Mystery of Mysteries: Is Evolution a Social Construction?_ [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999], 9). At the extremes of this debate are the ideas of Karl Popper and Thomas Kuhn. Whereas Popper's hypothetico-deductive method maintains that science is both testable and falsifiable, Kuhn's belief in scientific revolutions claims that all scientific knowledge and practice are relative to the scientific paradigm—the authoritative research program that dominates science between revolutions. This does not mean that science is somehow unreal, but it does mean that it is not necessarily possible to falsify scientific theories within their paradigms (Thomas H. Kuhn, _The Structure of Scientific Revolutions_ [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962]; Karl R. Popper, _The Logic of Scientific Discovery_ [New York: Harper and Row, 1968]). What my own experiences as a historian with training in the natural sciences has shown me is that on the one hand, science operates within a specific cultural and historical milieu. On the other hand, however, over time the scientific method tests data, theories, and ideas and discards science that does not cut the proverbial mustard. In the end, science can be both a social construction and an objective search for truth.
I visited approximately ten archives in writing this book and looked at twenty-five manuscript collections in that process. The collections at the American Philosophical Society (APS) in Philadelphia provided the most fertile material for this study, and the correspondence and other materials in its collections provided great insight into the history of the biological race concept. Theodosius Dobzhansky's papers were, as can be seen from his prominence in this book, at the center of my research, and by the time I was done working my way through them, I felt a closeness to my subject and a deep sadness as I read through the final pages of his journal written just days before he died of cancer in 1975. I would encourage scholars to mine these journals carefully; they hold wonderful material about Dobzhansky's experiences traveling the world—from the Brazilian rain forest to the Yosemite Valley—collecting his specimens and meeting many people along the way. Much of the journal is written in Russian, despite a written promise in the 1940s to begin writing only in English so that his daughter could someday share all his reflections. He did not keep that promise, and the journals, spanning almost fifty years (from his days in Russia to his death) constantly switch back and forth between Russian and English. Despite what was once a good grasp of the Russian language, I can't claim to have digested much of what was written in Russian, and another scholar is sure to find rich material in those entries.
For the history of eugenics and race, collections at the APS, the AMNH, and the National Academy of Sciences Archives were incredibly useful. The Stephen Jay Gould Papers at Stanford and the E. O. Wilson Papers at the Library of Congress were unprocessed when I utilized them. As these collections are processed, I suspect that more information on race and sociobiology will become available. Finally, the W. E. B. Du Bois Papers at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Archives have been digitized since my visit there, and I suspect that in time more information will be revealed about Du Bois's thoughts on the creation of his project on the _Health and Physique of the Negro American_.
As with all projects, I owe much of my thinking in the area of race and science to the important works that preceded my own. The following areas of historiography have been the most influential to this work, and the books and articles cited below are not an exhaustive accounting of works in the field or, for that matter, works cited in this book. Rather, I describe works that had a significant impact on this book, focusing primarily on books instead of articles. The notes are also an accounting of the state of the field.
Pre-Twentieth-Century Race and Science
The best surveys of pre-twentieth-century racial science in the United States are Bruce R. Dain, _A Hideous Monster of the Mind: American Race Theory in the Early Republic_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002); William R. Stanton, _The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes Toward Race in America, 1815–1859_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); and Ann Fabian, _The Skull Collectors: Race, Science, and America's Unburied Dead_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010). See also Stephen Jay Gould, _The Mismeasure of Man_ (New York: Norton, 1996); George Fredrickson, _The Black Image in the White Mind_ (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1971); and, Drew Gilpen Faust, _The Ideology of Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Antebellum South, 1830–1860_ (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981); Thomas Jefferson, _Notes on the State of Virginia_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955), 138–40, 143. For a broader discussion of Jefferson's role in the formation of a distinctly American conception of racial science, see Dain, _Hideous Monster of the Mind_ ; Alexander O. Boulton, "The American Paradox: Jeffersonian Equality and Racial Science," _American Quarterly_ 47, no. 3 (1995): 467–92; Paul Finkelman, _Slavery and the Founders: Race and Liberty in the Age of Jefferson_ (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1996); Nell Irvin Painter, _The History of White People_ (New York: Norton, 2011).
Race, Genetics, and Eugenics
Historians who have explored the history of genetics and eugenics in the context of racial science have generally approached the topic as institutional histories examining internal developments in the field. For example, Daniel Kevles's seminal work on eugenics, _In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), is a history of the relationship between eugenic and genetic research programs and examines the internal changes in these disciplines that helped to create the nature and texture of modern racial science. Similarly, Mike Hawkins's _Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997) tackles the issue of racial science through the lens of social Darwinism. Nancy Stepan's _The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain, 1800–1960_ (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1982) has race and science at its core. Stepan suggests that after World War II the study of human diversity superseded the study of race in the sciences. The ascension of population genetics and the downfall of typological thinking facilitated this change. Stepan's book focuses primarily on science and race in Great Britain. The story of the evolution of race and science, while parallel in some ways between the United States and Britain before World War II, has a different trajectory in postwar America. While studies of human groups do begin to shift away from typological to population studies, racial science remains a powerful element of postwar biological thought in the United States.
William B. Provine's seminal articles on race, biology, and eugenics ("Geneticists and the Biology of Race Crossing," _Science_ 182 [November 23, 1973]: 790–96, and "Genetics and Race," _American Zoologist_ 26 [1986]: 857–87) offer an important perspective in the earlier literature on race and genetics. Unlike some of the more institutionally focused histories that examined genetics and race, Provine's periodization of how geneticists conceptualized race differences continues to provide insight into the theories and actions of these formative thinkers in the field.
The most recent foray into this subject is Mark A. Largent, _Breeding Contempt: The History of Coerced Sterilization in the United States_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2011), a narrative that broadens the context of forced sterilization into a history that begins in the mid-nineteenth century and continues to the turn of the twenty-first. In Largent's telling, eugenics is only part of the story behind coerced sterilization in the United States, a procedure begun in the nineteenth century by American physicians to prevent crime and punish criminals. There is, however, barely any mention of the role that race played in coerced sterilizations, either in the context of black-white or white-white ethnic differences.
Finally, Alondra Nelson's important book _Body and Soul: The Black Panther Party and the Fight Against Medical Discrimination_ (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009) has a short but important discussion (45–47) of W. E. B. Du Bois's seminal work on race, health, and science, _The Health and Physique of the Negro American_. In _Body and Soul_ Nelson shows how Du Bois understood how "the arbitrariness of the American racial categories" had a "significant bearing on both the corporeal and social well-being of African Americans" and that the race concept was "explicitly linked to health and medicine." While the present volume argues that Du Bois's work in this area anticipated twentieth-century critiques of the race concept, _Body and Soul_ argues that it was similarly influential "in future health activist projects, including those of the Black Panther Party," in framing arguments about "the quantity and quality of medical facilities for African Americans" and the attention to "racial health disparities as a key cause of concern," among others. See also Elof Axel Carlson, _The Unfit: A History of a Bad Idea_ (Cold Spring Harbor, N.Y.: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, 2001); Mark Pittenger, _American Socialists and Evolutionary Thought, 1870–1920_ , History of American Thought and Culture (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993); Michael G. Kenny, "Toward a Racial Abyss: Eugenics, Wickliffe Draper, and the Origins of the Pioneer Fund," _Journal of History of the Behavioral Sciences_ 38 (summer 2002): 259–83; Raymond E. Fancher, "Biographical Origins of Francis Galton's Psychology," _Isis_ 74 (June 1983): 228–29; Raymond Fancher, "Francis Galton's African Ethnography and Its Role in the Development of His Psychology," _British Journal for the History of Science_ 16 (1983): 67–79; Garland Allen, "Genetics, Eugenics, and Society: Internalists and Externalists in Contemporary History of Science," _Social Studies of Science_ 6 (February 1976): 105–22; David N. Livingstone, _Adam's Ancestors: Race, Religion, and the Politics of Human Origins_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011); Ivan Hannaford, _Race: The History of an Idea in the West_ (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996); Frank Dikötter, "Race Culture: Recent Perspectives on the History of Eugenics," _American Historical Review_ 103 (April 1998): 467–78; Diane Paul, _Controlling Human Heredity, 1865 to the Present_ (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1995).
African Americans, Race, and Eugenics
There are only a few books that have begun to explore the relationship between eugenics, the idea of race, and the lives of African Americans. The historiography has unfortunately ignored the fact that eugenicists devoted considerable resources to the study of black-white differences from the beginning of that movement in the late nineteenth century. Eugenics was not just about preserving whiteness from ethnics, nor was it only social movement; it was also about the construction of scientifically justified color differences. Edward Larson's _Sex, Race, and Science: Eugenics in the Deep South_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995) has a short discussion of the effects of eugenic sterilization programs on African Americans. William H. Tucker's _The Science and Politics of Racial Research_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994) looks at the relationship between eugenics, racial science, and race and the mental health community. As such, the book focuses primarily on the psychometric crusades of the twentieth century and on the influences that psychologists had in the courts in abolishing state-sanctioned segregation. Tucker's latest effort, _The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002), is an important addition to the historiography as it explores the funding mechanisms that helped both eugenic and posteugenic racial science thrive. Gregory Dorr's _Segregation's Science: Eugenics and Society in Virginia_ (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008) surveys the rise and impact of eugenics on Virginia's racial mores by examining the ways in which eugenics influenced twentieth-century notions of white supremacy in Virginia and how eugenic thinking impacted African American approaches to racial uplift. Dorr's work shows how eugenics quickly became the scientific justification for racial purity in twentieth-century Virginia, and the book is a powerful illustration of how eugenicist ideas about African Americans and about race relations more generally did not simply conform to racial theory but rather shaped it to a very large degree. Lee D. Baker's _From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998) explores many of the same questions explored in _Race Unmasked_ but does so in the context of anthropology. A chapter in Edwin Black's _War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race_ (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 2003), 159–82, looks at the career of obstetrician and eugenicist Walter Plecker and his impact on racial and segregation policy in Virginia as the head of the state's Bureau of Vital Statistics. Daylanne K. English's _Unnatural Selections: Eugenics in American Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003) offers particularly interesting insight into the relationship between the writings of W. E. B. Du Bois and eugenic ideology. Finally, Mae Ngai's _Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004) documents the shift from a scientific and eugenic focus on racial superiority to race difference during the first two decades of the twentieth century.
The Charles Davenport Papers at the APS reveal a striking series of correspondence, lectures, and notes that have generally been ignored by scholars examining the relationship between eugenics and African Americans and the way eugenicists thought about race in a black-white context. In the introduction to _"The Hour of Eugenics": Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America_ (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991) historian Nancy Leys Stepan writes that despite "the historical significance of eugenics...it is still surprising how restricted the study of eugenics is, especially when we consider...its connections to many of the large themes of modern history" (2). In this context it is therefore not surprising that even given the centrality of racial matters to the eugenics movement the historiography of eugenics and the historiography of racial science have rarely intersected with African American history. Some scholars might argue that this is because race in the context of eugenics was not about the black-white divide in America but about attempts to define whiteness in relation to the immigrants who had been arriving on America's shores since the 1840s. (See, for example, Jacobson, _Whiteness of a Different Color_ , 39–90). Susan Reverby's new book on Tuskegee, _Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), is an important addition to the historiography of racial medicine that, in part, examines the way scientific thought (including eugenics) enabled the horrors of the Tuskegee Study. See also, for example, James Jones, _Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment_ (New York: Free Press, 1981); Joseph L. Graves Jr., _The Emperor_ ' _s New Clothes: Biological Theories of Race at the Millennium_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2001), 157–72; Gould, _Mismeasure of Man_ ; N. J. Block and Gerald Dworkin, eds., _The IQ Controversy_ (New York: Pantheon, 1976); W. Michael Byrd and Linda A. Clayton, _An American Health Dilemma: A Medical History of African Americans and the Problem of Race_ (New York: Routledge, 2001); Waltraud Ernst and Bernard Harris. _Race, Science and Medicine, 1700–1960_ , Studies in the Social History of Medicine (London: Routledge, 1999); George M. Fredrickson, _Racism: A Short History_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002); David Theo Goldberg, _Anatomy of Racism_ (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990); Thomas F. Gossett, _Race: The History of an Idea in America_ (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1963); Mark H. Haller, _Eugenics: Hereditarian Attitudes in American Thought_ (New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1963); Sandra G. Harding, ed., _The "Racial" Economy of Science: Toward a Democratic Future_ (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); Richard Hofstadter, _Social Darwinism in American Thought_ (New York: Braziller, 1959); Nancy Ordover, _American Eugenics: Race, Queer Anatomy, and the Science of Nationalism_ (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003); Diane B. Paul, _The Politics of Heredity: Essays on Eugenics, Biomedicine, and the Nature-Nurture Debate_ (Albany: SUNY Press, 1998); Vanessa N. Gamble, "A Legacy of Distrust: African Americans and Medical Research," _American Journal of Preventive Medicine_ 9 (1993): S35–S38; John H Stanfield II, "The Myth of Race and the Human Sciences," _Journal of Negro Education_ 64 (1995): 218–31; Lisa Gannett, "Theodosius Dobzhansky and the Genetic Race Concept," _Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Science_ 44 (2013) 250–61; Harriet A. Washington, _Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present_ (New York: Doubleday, 2006.
The "Rise and Fall" of the Race Concept
Elazar Barkan addresses the historical status of racial science during the twentieth century in _The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States Between the World Wars_ (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992). His book argues that through the efforts of progressively minded scientists, scientific racism was by and large pushed out of biological and genetic thought. He contends that scientists in the 1940s took on racial science in true Popperian fashion—falsification. While some mainstream scientists left the idea of race behind, _Race Unmasked_ shows that many did not and that racial science remained a force to be reckoned with both because science never divests itself of the biological race concept and because racial science did not need the approval of biologists and geneticists to survive and to thrive. Kenneth Ludmerer also addresses the evolving history of racial science, but only in the context of the evolution of eugenics and its relationship with the emerging field of genetics in a 1969 article titled "American Geneticists and the Eugenics Movement, 1905–1935" ( _Journal of the History of Biology_ 2 [September 1969]: 337–62). The article later became a chapter in Ludmerer's classic book on the history of genetics, _Genetics and American Society: A Historical Appraisal_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1972). Ludmerer's argument about the relationship between the eugenics movement and the field of genetics, and of the attitude of geneticists toward the race concept is problematic. In his view "new findings of heredity dampened the enthusiasm of many geneticists for the movement; by demonstrating that inheritance is a much more complex process than had previously been thought, these findings indicated to many geneticists that the task of constructing sound and valuable eugenic schemes is not so simple." This awareness was followed by a renunciation of the movement by geneticists "alarmed by the movement's participation in the vitriolic debates over immigration restriction and by its apparent endorsement of the race theories of Nazi Germany" (Ludmerer, "American Geneticists," 338–39). While this was true for many geneticists (including T. H. Morgan and L. C. Dunn) as _Race Unmasked_ argues the relationship between eugenics and genetics was never this clear-cut. Specifically, when looking at the relationship between the race concept and the field of genetics, it is clear that the impact of eugenics on genetic thinking outlasted the exodus of geneticists from the eugenics movement. Alexandra Minna Stern's _Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005) is the most recent addition to this literature and offers an alternative time line for the decline of eugenics. Stern examines the history of eugenics in California through the 1970s and concludes that it was not until the "protest and liberation movements of the 1960s and 1970s" that the "legacy and longevity of eugenics in the United States" was challenged in a sustained and meaningful way (25).
Published in 2011, Paul Farber's book _Mixing Races: From Scientific Racism to Modern Evolutionary Ideas_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011) explores the historical trajectory of the race concept but falls into the same trap as earlier volumes on the subject—it reinforces the "rise and fall" claim that presumes a rejection of the concept by scientists in the post–World War II period. Still, the book does draw attention to Dobzhansky's role in reshaping the race concept in evolutionary biology. Finally, Peggy Pascoe's _What Comes Naturally: Miscegenation Law and the Making of Race in America_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010) traces the dismantling of miscegenation laws in the United States and how their downfall was shaped by and reshaped notions of race in legal and popular thinking. See also Robin O. Andreasen, "A New Perspective on the Race Debate," _British Journal for the Philosophy of Science_ 49 (1998): 199–225; K. Anthony Appiah, "The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race," _Critical Inquiry_ 12 (1985): 21–37; Guido Barbujani, Arianna Magagni, Eric Minch, L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza, "An Apportionment of Human DNA Diversity," _Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences_ 94 (1997): 4516–19; Edward H. Beardsley, "The American Scientist as Social Activist: Franz Boas, Burt G. Wilder, and the Cause of Racial Justice, 1900–1915," _Isis_ 64 (1973): 50–66; Juan Comas, "'Scientific' Racism Again?" _Current Anthropology_ 2 (1961): 303–40; W. E. B. Dubois, "Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro," _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_ 9 (1897): 127–33; Bentley Glass, "Geneticists Embattled: Their Stand Against Rampant Eugenics and Racism in America During the 1920s and 1930s," _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ 30 (1986): 130–54; Julia Liss, "Diasporic Identities: The Science and Politics of Race in the Work of Franz Boas and W. E. B. Du Bois, 1894–1919," _Cultural Anthropology_ 13 (1998): 127–66; Lisa Gannett, "The Biological Reification of Race," _British Journal for the Philosophy of Science_ 55 (2004): 323–45.
Anthropology and Race
In _From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998) anthropologist Lee Baker has covered some of the same ground this book covers from the perspective of anthropology. By examining the anthropological discourse from _Plessy_ to _Brown_ , Baker argues that anthropology played a primary role in "helping to change the meaning and structure of race for African Americans" (3). Anthropological discourse is important to the study of the impact of scientific racism, but ultimately it was biologists, and a discussion in the narrower context of genetics, that dictated the ground rules for the geneticization of race and racism and thus the parameters of debates on the nature of race in both scientific and popular discourse during the twentieth century. See also Rachel Caspari, "From Types to Populations: A Century of Race, Physical Anthropology, and the American Anthropological Association," _American Anthropologist_ 105 (March 2003): 65–76; Philippa Levine, "Anthropology, Colonialism, and Eugenics," in _The Oxford Handbook of the History of Eugenics_ , ed. Alison Bashford and Philippa Levine. 43–61 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010); Peter Pels, "The Anthropology of Colonialism: Culture, History, and the Emergence of Western Governmentality," _Annual Review of Anthropology_ 26 (October 1997): 163–83; Alan H. Goodman, "Why Genes Don't Count (for Racial Differences in Health)," _American Journal of Public Health_ 90 (1995): 1699–1702; S. O. Y. Keita, R. A. Kittles, "The Persistence of Racial Thinking and the Myth of Racial Divergence," _American Anthropologist_ 99 (1997): 534–44; Jonathan Marks, _Human Biodiversity: Genes, Race, and History_ (New York: Aldine, 1995); Audrey Smedley, _Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview_ (Boulder: Westview Press, 1999); Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Yolanda T. Moses, "Re-establishing 'Race' in Anthropological Discourse," _American Anthropologist_ 99 (September 1997): 517–33.
Sociobiology
Historians have been surprisingly silent in their exploration of the sociobiology debate. Daniel J. Kevles's _In the Name of Eugenics_ and Carl Degler's _In Search of Human Nature_ are two major historical works on the topic. Kevles's work includes a brief, dispassionate review of the new synthesis. Degler, however, in the last third of his book, embraces sociobiology, accepting as possible a scientific conception of human nature. Chapter 10 of the present volume was inspired largely by my reaction to Degler's work. His treatment of the emergence of sociobiology fails to interrogate the tenets of the new science, accepting them as the products of a newly advanced objective science. He virtually ignores the many criticisms of sociobiology and sees no connection between sociobiology and its sociopolitical context. Degler assumes that because "many of the proponents of a recognition of the role of biology in human behavior were and are personally liberal, rather than conservative, in political outlook" and that because "social scientists began to be interested in bringing biology back into the human sciences as early as the 1950s and then through the 1960s, when the political climate can hardly be described as conservative," meant that sociobiological work could not be the product of, or have particular salience in, a specific historical moment (226–27). This assertion is both wrongheaded and troubling. As historian Paula Fass points out in her review of Degler's work in _Reviews in American History_ , "In taking sides Degler fails fully to visualize the historicity of the issue, substituting a neo-Hegelian synthesis for the new paradigm that may be required" (240). For overviews of the sociobiology debates from disciplines other than history, see, for example, Ullica Segerstråle, _Defenders of the Truth: The Battle for Science in the Sociobiology Debate and Beyond_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000). See also Philip Kitcher, _Vaulting Ambition_ (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1985); Richard M. Lerner, _Final Solutions: Biology, Prejudice, and Genocide_ (University Park: Penn State University Press, 1992); S. L. Washburn, "Animal Behavior and Social Anthropology," _Society_ (September–October 1977): 35–41; Howard Kaye, _The Social Meaning of Modern Biology_ (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984); Stephen Jay Gould, _Ever Since Darwin: Reflections in Natural History_ (New York: Norton, 1977); Arthur L. Caplan, ed., _The Sociobiology Debate: Readings on Ethical and Scientific Issues_ (New York: Harper and Row, 1978); Martin Barker, _The New Racism: Conservatives and the Ideology of the Tribe_ (Frederick, Md.: Aletheia, 1982).
Race and Genomics
Troy Duster's _Backdoor to Eugenics_ (New York: Routledge, 1990), written at the outset of the Human Genome Project, calls attention to how the technological and philosophical approaches of the then emerging Human Genome Project threatened to reify racial and ethnic constructs in the wake of newly emerging technologies. The book also calls attention to the very fine line that exists between eugenics and genetics, and to how the Human Genome Project could very easily erase any distinction between the two.
Jenny Reardon's _Race to the Finish: Identity and Governance in an Age of Genomics_ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), as mentioned in the introduction to this book, highlights what is a persistent problem in the history of the race concept: the notion of a rise and fall in the race concept in the biological sciences. Reardon believes that this idea is so entrenched that it has become "the canonical narrative of the history of race and science." And I agree with her that as a "dominant narrative," it "truncates history" (22–23). Her book then moves beyond this narrative by showing the persistence of race concepts in the genomic era, with a particular focus on how the Human Genome Diversity Project struggled with concepts of genetic diversity in the 1990s, and the pushback from advocacy groups and research subjects on the group's approach. Reardon's book also helped bring Dobzhansky back into focus as a central character in the history of racial science—an important part of this history that others, including myself, have expanded upon.
Shedding new light on the relationship between race and personalized medicine is the aim of Jonathan Kahn's _Race in a Bottle: The Story of BiDil and Racialized Medicine in a Post-Genomic World_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013). The book is an interesting exploration of the legal, historical, technological, and market forces that continue to shape a racialized approach to medicine. The book expands our understanding of how the concept of race is utilized in clinical medicine.
Several new volumes have begun to expand the scope and interest in this area, the most interesting of which is Keith Wailoo, Alondra Nelson, and Catherine Lee, eds., _Genetics and the Unsettled Past: The Collision of DNA, Race, and History_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2012). The collection is packed with essays exploring topics ranging from forensic technology to pharmacogenomics to ancestry testing, and the work in this volume will surely influence future scholars as history continues to turn its attention to this area. Among other new volumes are Catherine Bliss, _Race Decoded: The Genomic Fight for Social Justice_ (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2012); Sheldon Krimsky and Kathleen Sloan, eds., _Race and the Genetic Revolution: Science, Myth, and Culture_ (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); Ian Tattersall and Rob DeSalle, _Race? Debunking a Scientific Myth_ (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2011); Dorothy Roberts, _Fatal Invention: How Science, Politics, and Big Business Re-create Race in the Twenty-first Century_ (New York: New Press, 2012); and Paul Farber and Hamilton Cravens, _Race and Science: Scientific Challenges to Racism in Modern America_ (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2009); Evelynn M. Hammonds and Rebecca M. Herzig, eds., _The Nature of Difference: Sciences of Race in the United States from Jefferson to Genomics_ (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2008); Linda L. McCabe, _DNA: Promise and Peril_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008); Barbara A. Koenig, Sandra Soo-Jin Lee, and Sarah S. Richardson, _Revisiting Race in a Genomic Age_ (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2008); Lundy Braun, "Race, Ethnicity, and Health: Can Genetics Explain Disparities?" _Perspectives in Biology and Medicine_ 45 (2002): 159–74; Morris W. Foster and Richard R. Sharp, "Beyond Race: Toward a Whole Genome Perspective on Human Population and Genetic Variation," _Nature Reviews: Genetics_ 5 (2004): 790–96; Lisa Gannett, "Racism and Human Genome Diversity Research: The Ethical Limits of 'Population' Thinking," _Philosophy of Science_ 68 (2001): S479–S492; Duana Fullwiley, "The Biologistical Construction of Race: 'Admixture' Technology and the New Genetic Medicine," _Social Studies of Science_ (October 2008): 695–735.
INDEX
**Page numbers refer to the print edition but are hyperlinked to the appropriate location in the e-book**.
ABO blood group maps,
"Academic Vigilantism and the Political Significance of Sociobiology" (Wilson, E. O.),
Africa: Galton in, 17–18; migration from, x
African Americans: cultural depictions of, ; demographic shifts of, ; Du Bois on, 99–100; intelligence testing and, , ; migration of, ; race relations with, 59–60; racial science and, ; violence towards, ; white ancestry of, . _See also_ blacks
allele frequencies, 207–8
_American Anthropologist_ , ,
American Association for the Advancement of Science, 126–27, ,
American Association of Physical Anthropologists, , 133–34, ,
_An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy_ (Myrdal), 140–43
American Eugenics Society, ,
American Genetics Association,
_American Historical Review_ ,
_American Journal of Anatomy_ ,
_American Journal of Public Health_ ,
_American Medicine_ ,
_American Mercury_ ,
American Museum of Natural History, , , 45–47; eugenics exhibit at, 49–51
_American Naturalist_ , , 39–40
_The American Negro: A Study in Race Crossing_ (Herskovits),
American School of Anthropology,
American Society of Human Genetics,
American South, race relations in, 59–60
_American Zoologist_ ,
_Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_ , ,
"An Anthropometric Study of Hawaiians of Pure and Mixed Blood" (Dunn),
anti-immigrant movement, 32–34
antimiscegenation laws, ; genetics and,
anti-Semitism, ; genetic variation and, ; Grant and, ; Pearl and,
Appiah, Kwame Anthony,
_Applied Eugenics_ (Popenoe and Johnson, R. H.), ,
"The Apportionment of Human Diversity" (Lewontin), 197–98
_The Archives of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine_ ,
Arndt, C. H.,
Atlanta University, , 97–98
autogenesis,
Avery, Oswald,
Ayala, Francisco, ,
Baker, Lee, ,
Banton, Michael,
Barash, David, 181–82,
Barkan, Elazar, , 156–57
Barzun, Jacques, 105–9
Bateson, William,
Beaglehole, Ernest,
Bean, R. Bennett, 53–54
"Behavior of Physical Traits in Race Intermixture" (Wissler), 72–73
Bell, Alexander Graham,
_The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life_ (Herrnstein & Murray),
Benedict, Ruth, 105–6,
Bennett, Dorothea,
Bentley, Madison,
Bilbo, Theodore, ,
biological distinctiveness,
"Biological Eugenics: Relation of Philanthropy and Medicine to Race Betterment" (Cole, L. J.), 61–62
"A Biological View of Race Mixture" (Dunn),
"A Biologist's View of the Negro Problem" (Davenport),
"The Biology of the Negro" (Stern), 143–48
_Birth of a Nation_ (film),
_Black Folk: Then and Now_ (Du Bois), 104–5
blacks: definition of, in 1851, ; pathologization of, . _See also_ African Americans
black-white differences, 55–56; claims of fixity of, ; Davenport and, , . _See also_ racial differences
blood, racial differences and,
Blumenbach, Johann, 27–28
Boas, Franz, , 48–49, ; Conference on Racial Differences and, 78–79; Du Bois and, 97–99; intelligence testing and, ; NRC Committee on the Study of the American Negro, ; population thinking and, ; racial orphanages and, ; UNESCO and,
body type,
Bork, Robert,
brain structure,
Brattain, Michelle, 158–59
_Brave New World_ (Huxley, A.),
Brigham, Carl,
_Brown v. Board of Education_ , , , 139–43
Bunche, Ralph, 121–22,
Bush, Vannevar,
_BusinessWeek_ ,
Campbell, Clarence,
Capeci, Dominic, Jr.,
CAR. _See_ Committee Against Racism
Carnegie, Andrew,
Carnegie Corporation,
Carnegie Foundation,
Carnegie Institution, 31–32, , 61–62, ,
Castillo, Edward,
Castle, William, 91–92,
Cavalli-Sforza, L. Luca,
Celera Genomics,
"Changes in Immigrants" (Boas), 78–79
Chargaff, Erwin,
_Chicago Daily Tribune_ ,
chromosomal theory, ,
citizenship,
civil rights, 163–64; groups, ; laws,
_The Clansman_ (Dixon),
Clark, Harvey E.,
Clark, Kenneth, ,
Clark, Mamie,
climatological theory, of racial differences,
Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 31–32; Carnegie Institution and, ; Eugenics Record Office of, , 61–62; Station for Experimental Evolution,
Cold War,
Cole, Fay-Cooper, , , ; racial orphanages and,
Cole, Leon J., 61–62
Collins, Francis, 203–5
colonialism,
Columbia University, , ,
Comas, Juan,
Committee Against Racism (CAR), 192–93
Committee on Eugenics,
_The Comparative Abilities of White and Negro Children_ (Peterson), ,
Comstock, R. Dawn,
"Conference on Racial Differences," 77–79, 82–86; race-crossing and, 89–90
Congoids,
Cook, Robert,
Coon, Carleton, 167–74
Cowan, Ruth Schwartz,
Cox, Earnest Sevier,
Cox, Oliver Cromwell,
craniometry,
Crick, Francis,
_The Crisis_ , 103–5
_Current Anthropology_ , 170–71,
CYP2C9 allele, 207–8
cytochrome p450, 207–8
Dahlberg, Gunnar, 153–54
Dain, Bruce,
Daniels, Norman,
Darlington, C. D., 132–33,
Darlington, Philip,
Darwin, Charles, , ,
Darwin, Erasmus,
Darwin, Leonard,
Darwinism, synthesis of,
Davenport, Charles, , , ; black-white differences and, , ; Carnegie Institution and, ; Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory and, 31–32; Conference on Racial Differences and, ; definition of race by, 40–41; education of, ; eugenics research and, ; intelligence testing and, ; interracial relationships and, 42–43; Johnson, A., and, 34–35; Jordan and, ; miscegenation and, , 92–93; "Negro problem" and, 38–39; NRC and, 67–68; NRC Committee on the Study of the American Negro, ; Pearl and, ; race-crossing and, 86–94; Second International Congress of Eugenics and, ; segregation and, ; typology and, 80–81
Dawkins, Richard, 181–82
Deniker, Joseph,
deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), , 206–7
_The Descent of Man_ (Darwin),
desegregation, of military, 164–65
determinism,
Dietrich, Michael,
"Distribution and Increase of Negroes in the United States" (Willcox),
Dixon, Thomas,
DNA. _See_ deoxyribonucleic acid
_The DNA Mystique: The Gene as a Cultural Icon_ (Nelkin & Lindee),
Dobzhansky, Theodosius, 7–8, , 95–96, , ; Coon and, 169–73; Darlington, C. D., and, 132–33; death of, ; Dunn and, 126–27, 129–31; molecular biology and, 201–2; Montagu and, 133–35; race and, 122–23, ; race concept and, 114–26; race concept legitimacy and, ; training of, 116–17; UNESCO and, 149–54, 157–58
Dodge, Raymond,
Dorr, Gregory,
Draper, Wickliffe, , 90–91, 93–94,
_Drosophila_ studies, , 124–25, 143–44
Du Bois, W. E. B., , , , 217–18; on African Americans, 99–100; Boas and, 97–99; eugenics and, 104–5; genetics and, ; historicizing race and, 105–9; on Hoffman, ; Myrdal and, ; on race concept, 99–100; race concept legitimacy and, ; race relations and, ; racial differences and, ; racial science and, ; racism and, ; Stoddard and, 103–4; writings of, 95–104
Dudziak, Mary,
Dunbar, Robin I. M.,
Dunlap, Knight, , 86–87
Dunn, Leslie Clarence, , , , 126–32; death of, 179–80; eugenics and, 128–29; genetic diversity and, 95–96; race and, , ; Second International Congress of Eugenics and, ; UNESCO and, 153–56
_Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept_ (Du Bois), 217–18
Duster, Troy,
East, Edward, ,
_Edinburgh Review_ ,
"The Effects of Inbreeding on Guinea Pigs" (Wright),
"The Effects of Race Intermingling" (Davenport), 40–41,
_11/22/63_ (King),
ELSI Research Program. _See_ Ethical, Legal, and Social Implications Research Program
English, Daylanne,
Enlightenment, 25–26
environment, heredity _versus_ , ,
Ethical, Legal, and Social Implications (ELSI) Research Program,
ethnic group, , 151–52
ethnocentrism, , 186–87
Ethnological Society of London,
_Eugenical News_ ,
Eugenic Research Association,
eugenics, ; at American Museum of Natural History, 49–51; decline of, 8–9; Du Bois and, 104–5; Dunn and, 128–29; Galton and, 22–23; history of, 13–15; immigration and, 32–33; Ku Klux Klan and, 41–42; NRC and, ; philanthropy and, 61–62; research, 55–56; segregation and, ; statistics and,
Eugenics Education Society of Great Britain,
Eugenics Research Association,
evolution: acceptance of, ; autogenesis and, ; mechanisms of, ; research, 31–32; source of,
"Evolution and Mortality" (Pearl), 71–72
evolutionary biology, , 7–8; authority of, 161–62; molecular biology and,
evolutionary synthesis, ; emergence of, 112–14; genetic variation and, ; history of, ; taxonomy and,
evolutionary theory,
_Evolution: The Modern Synthesis_ (Huxley, J.), , 181–82
Falger, Vincent, 188–89
Feldman, Marcus,
Fields, Barbara,
Fields, Karen,
Firth, Rosemary,
Fisher, Ronald A., 81–82, , ,
fossil record,
Franklin, Rosalind,
_Fraser's Magazine_ ,
Frazier, E. Franklin, ,
_Fresno Bee_ ,
Friedman, Lawrence,
"Frontiers in Population Genomics Research Meeting,"
Fullilove, Mindy,
Gaither, Frances,
Galton, Francis, , 16–30; in Africa, 17–18; education of, ; eugenics and, 22–23; population thinking and, 112–13; race and, 18–19; on racial differences,
Galton Society, ,
Gardner, John, 176–77
Garth, Thomas, 50–51
Gates, Henry Louis,
Gates, R. Ruggles, 131–32
_The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection_ (Fisher), ,
_The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change_ (Lewontin), 198–99
genetic diversity, 95–96; race as measure of, ; research, 205–10. _See also_ human diversity
genetics, 1–3; antimiscegenation laws and, ; authority of, 161–62; Du Bois and, ; experimental, ; race and, ; reductionism in, ; segregation and, ; sociobiology and,
_Genetics and the Origin of Species_ (Dobzhansky), , , 120–23, , ,
Genetics Society of America,
genetic variation, , 197–98; anti-Semitism and, ; evolutionary synthesis and, ; Mendelism and, ; Wright, S., and,
genomics, ix–xi,
"Geographical Variation in Lady-Beetles" (Dobzhansky),
George, Wesley Critz,
Glass, Bentley, , ,
_Godzilla_ (film),
Gould, Stephen Jay, 114–15, 182–83, 191–92
Grant, Madison, 32–33, 51–53, ; anti-Semitism and,
Great Chain of Being,
Great Depression,
Greater Liberia Act,
Great Migration,
Griffith, D. W.,
group intelligence,
Haldane, J. B. S., , 153–54
Hamilton, Jennifer,
Handlin, Oscar,
Hankins, Frank, ,
Harriman, E. H.,
Harrington, Michael,
_Hartford Courant_ ,
_Harvard Crimson_ ,
_Harvard Educational Review_ ,
Harvard University,
"Health and Physique" conference, 97–98
_The Health and Physique of the Negro American_ (Du Bois), 95–104,
health outcomes, 215–16
_Hearst's International_ ,
hereditarianism,
_Hereditary Genius_ (Galton), ,
_Hereditary Talent and Character_ (Galton), ,
heredity: chromosomal theory of, ; environment _versus_ , , ; inheritance and, ; race and, 79–80; race concept and, ; of skin color, 40–41
_Heredity, Race, and Society_ (Dobzhansky & Dunn), , , 129–31
_Heredity of Skin Color in Negro-White Crosses_ (Davenport), ,
"Heredity of Skin Pigmentation in Man" (Davenport),
heritability, quantifying,
Herrnstein, Richard, ,
Herskovits, Melville, 82–83
HGDP. _See_ Human Genome Diversity Project
Hill, Osman,
historiography,
Hoffman, Frederick, , 100–101
Holmes, Samuel J.,
_Homo erectus_ ,
homology,
_Homo sapiens_ , 167–68
Hooton, E. A., 54–55, ,
Hoover, J. Edgar,
House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization,
Howard University,
"How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement?" (Jensen), 175–76
Hrdlička, Aleš, , , ,
Hubbard, Ruth,
Hubby, Jack,
Hulse, Frederick,
_Human Ancestry: From a Genetical Point of View_ (Gates), 131–32
human diversity, , , ; rethinking, 211–12. _See also_ genetic diversity
Human Genome Diversity Project (HGDP), , 205–6
Human Genome Project, , 202–3
Huxley, Aldous, 136–37
Huxley, Julian, 112–14, , , , 180–82
Huxley, Thomas Henry,
immigration: Americanization and, ; eugenics and, 32–33; non-European,
Immigration Restriction League,
INCAR. _See_ International Committee Against Racism
"Incidence of Disease According to Race" (Pearl),
"Individual and Racial Inheritance of Musical Traits" (Seashore),
inheritance: chromosomal theory of, ; heredity and, ; mechanisms of, ; Mendelianism and, ; physical,
_Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development_ (Galton), 22–23, 28–29
_Instauration Magazine_ ,
intelligence, 175–76,
intelligence testing, , 84–85; African Americans and, , ; Jensen and,
International Committee Against Racism (INCAR),
International Eugenics Congresses, , 45–46, ,
International HapMap Project, 206–7
"Internationalizing or Universalizing Mental Measurements" (Brigham),
interracial relationships, 42–43. _See also_ miscegenation
intraspecies diversity,
_IQ and the Meritocracy_ (Herrnstein),
IQ testing. _See_ intelligence testing
_Isis_ ,
Jackson, Walter,
Jamaica, race-crossing in,
Jefferson, Thomas, 4–5
Jenks, A. E., ,
Jensen, Arthur, , 175–76
Jews: atrocities against, ; Johnson-Reed Act of 1924 and, ; racial differences and,
Jim Crow laws, 35–36, ; advent of, 59–60; resistance to,
Johnson, Albert, , 34–35
Johnson, Charles,
Johnson, Roswell Hill, ,
Johnson-Reed Act of 1924, , 32–35
Jones, Camara,
Jordan, H. E., 38–39
_Journal of Heredity_ , , ,
Kawachi, Ichiro,
King, Stephen,
kin selection, 186–87
KKK. _See_ Ku Klux Klan
Kluckhohn, Clyde,
Knight, Jack,
Krieger, Nancy, 212–14
Krogman, Wilton M.,
Ku Klux Klan (KKK), 41–42
Lagemann, Ellen,
Laughlin, Harry, , , , , 108–9
Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial,
Leclerc, Georges-Louis,
Lederberg, Joshua,
Lee, Catherine,
Lee, Philip, 176–77
Lee, Sandra Soo-Jin,
_The Leopard's Spots: A Romance of the White Man's Burden, 1865–1900_ (Dixon),
Lévi-Strauss, Claude,
Lewis, David Levering, , ,
Lewontin, Richard, , , , 189–99; population genetics and, 197–98; race concept legitimacy and,
Lillie, Frank,
Lindee, M. Susan,
Lindsay, Suzanne,
Linnaeus, Carolus, 25–26
Livingstone, Frank, 174–75
Logan, Rayford,
_London Daily News_ ,
_London Times_ ,
_The Lonely Crowd_ (Riesman),
Lorenz, Konrad, 181–82
Louverture, Toussaint,
Lush, Jay,
lynching,
Lynd, Robert S.,
Lynn, Richard, 194–95
MacLeod, Colin,
_Macmillan's Magazine_ , ,
Malinowski, Bronislaw,
Mall, Franklin,
_Man_ ,
_Mankind at the Crossroads_ (East),
_Mankind Evolving_ (Dobzhansky), 172–73
_Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race_ (Montagu), 132–33, 135–36, 211–12
Marranos,
Marxism, 193–94
Mayr, Ernst, , 112–13, , ; Coon and, 171–72; genetic variation and,
McCarthy, Joseph,
McCarty, Maclyn,
Mead, Margaret,
"The Meaninglessness of the Anthropological Conception of Race" (Montagu),
_Memory of My Life_ (Galton),
Mencken, H. L.,
Mendel, Gregor,
Mendelism: genetic variation and, ; skin color and, 37–38; synthesis of,
mental tests,
Métraux, Alfred, 154–57
migration: from Africa, x; of African Americans, ; race and,
military, desegregation of, 164–65
Mill, John Stuart,
Miller, Kelly,
Mills, C. Wright,
miscegenation, , ; Davenport and, , 92–93; NRC and, 75–76. _See also_ antimiscegenation laws; race-crossing
molecular biology, ix–x, 201–2
_Le Monde_ ,
Montagu, Ashley, , , 131–37, ; anti-Semitism and, ; Coon and, 173–74; race and, 160–61; race concept and, ; race concept legitimacy and, 211–12; UNESCO and, , 151–54, 157–58
Morange, Michel,
Morgan, Thomas Hunt, , , ,
Morris, Desmond,
"Mortality in the Cities" (Wright),
Morton, Samuel, 4–5; polygeny and, ; racial distinctiveness and,
Mourant, A. E., 153–54
Muller, H. J., ,
Murphy, R. C.,
Murray, Charles,
Myrdal, Gunnar, , 140–43,
NAACP. _See_ National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
National Academy of Sciences (NAS),
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), , , ,
National Front, 195–96
National Human Genome Research Institute, ,
National Institutes of Health (NIH), 209–10
National Research Council (NRC), , ; Committee on Human Migration, ; Committee on Race Characters, 57–58, , 66–67; Committee on Racial Problems, , , 85–86; Committee on the Study of the American Negro, 74–77, ; Conference on Racial Differences, 77–79; Davenport and, 67–68; Division of Anthropology and Psychology, 63–64; eugenics and, ; history of, 60–61; Joint Commission on Racial Problems, ; miscegenation and, 75–76; philanthropy and, 61–63; racial differences and, 65–66, 88–89; racial intermixture and, 67–69; research by, 65–67
National Urban League,
natural history,
_Natural History_ (Leclerc),
natural selection,
_Nature_ , ,
nature-nurture debate,
Nazi racial theory,
Nazism: Dobzhansky and, ; rise of,
Neanderthal, x, 167–68
_The Negro American Family_ (Du Bois),
_The Negro Church_ (Du Bois),
_The Negro in Business_ (Du Bois),
"Negro Physique" (Boas),
"Negro problem," 38–39
Nelkin, Dorothy,
Nelson, Alondra,
New Deal,
_New York Review of Books_ , 190–91
_New York Times_ , ,
NIH. _See_ National Institutes of Health
"Notes on the Body Form of Man" (Bean), 53–54
NRC. _See_ National Research Council
"Observations and Queries as to the Effect of Race Mixture on Certain Physical Characteristics" (Hooton), 54–55
Omi, Michael,
_On Human Nature_ (Wilson, E. O.), ,
_On the Natural Variety of Mankind_ (Blumenbach), 27–28
"On the Non-Existence of Human Races" (Livingstone), 174–75
_The Organization Man_ (Whyte),
_The Origin of Races_ (Coon), 167–74
_The Origin of Species_ (Darwin, C.),
orphanages, ; racial, 86–88
Osborn, Frederick, ; UNESCO and,
Osborn, Henry Fairfield, , , ; Davenport and, ; scientific language of race and,
Painter, Nell,
Painter, Theophilus S.,
_The Passing of the Great Race_ (Grant), , 51–52,
Pearl, Raymond, 67–73, ,
Pearson, Karl, 16–17,
_People_ ,
_Perez v. Lippold_ ,
Peterson, Joseph, , ,
Pfeiffer, John,
phenotype,
_The Philadelphia Negro_ (Du Bois),
philanthropy, 61–63
phrenology,
_Phylon_ , ,
Piaget, Jean,
Pioneer Fund, , , , ,
Plecker, Walter,
_Plessy v. Ferguson_ ,
Polanyi, Michael,
polygeny, , , , ; rejection of,
Popenoe, Paul, , ,
population genetics, ; emergence of, ; Lewontin and, 197–98; theoretical,
population thinking: Galton and, 112–13; typology _versus_ , 80–82
"Possible Metallurgical and Astronomical Approaches to the Problem of Environment _versus_ Ethnic Heredity" (Shockley), 176–77
poverty, 100–101
Powell, Jeffrey,
_The Power Elite_ (Mills),
"The Problem of Negro-White Intermixture and Intermarriage" (Hoffman),
"The Problem of the American Negro" (Boas),
"The Problems and Results of Negro Intelligence" (Peterson),
_Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ , 40–41
_Promethean Fire: Reflections in the Origin of Mind_ (Wilson, E. O.),
Provine, William, 37–38, , 156–57
_Psychology Today_ ,
public health, 212–13
public schools, segregation in, 139–43
Putnam, Carleton, 171–72
_Quarterly Review of Biology_ , , , ,
race: comparisons of, 21–22; definition of, by Davenport, 40–41; Dobzhansky and, 122–23, ; Dunn and, , ; ethnic group compared to, ; etymology of, 27–28; eugenic hierarchy of, ; Galton and, 18–19; as genetic diversity measure, ; genetics and, ; geographical, ; heredity and, 79–80; historicizing, 105–9, ; migration and, ; Montagu and, 160–61; postsynthesis approach to, ; proposed divisions of, ; relations, with African Americans, 59–60; reporting, 209–10; scientific language of, ; as social construct, ix, 2–5; sociobiology and, 183–89; taxonomy of, , ; thinking, ; as trigger word, ; typology and, 173–74; UNESCO and, 148–59
_Race, Evolution, and Behavior_ (Rushton), 187–88
_Race and Reason_ (Putnam),
_Race: A Study in Modern Superstition_ (Barzun), 106–9
race concept: biological nature of, ; criticism of, 105–9; Dobzhansky and, 114–26; Du Bois on, 99–100; Dunn and, 130–31; emerging consensus on, ; heredity and, ; HGDP and, 205–6; history of, 1–2; legitimacy of, 211–12; Montagu and, ; skin color and, ; Wilson, E. O., and,
_The Race Concept: Results of an Inquiry_ (UNESCO),
racecraft,
_Racecraft_ (Fields, B. & Fields, K.),
race-crossing, , , ; Davenport and, 86–94; disharmonious,
_Race Crossing Jamaica_ (Davenport & Steggerda), , , , , 89–94
race relations, 59–60
race riots,
_Race: Science and Politics_ (Benedict),
"The Races of Man" (Boas), 48–49
_The Races of Man_ (Deniker),
_Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro_ (Hoffman), , 100–101
racial classifications,
racial differences, ; assumptions about, ; blood and, ; climatological theory of, ; Du Bois and, ; Galton on, ; measurement of, 64–65; NRC and, 65–66, 88–89; pathology and, ; quantitative data on, ; racial orphanages and, 86–88. _See also_ black-white differences
racial geometry,
racial hybridization. _See_ race-crossing
racial hygiene, 108–9
Racial Integrity Act of 1924,
racial intermixture, 67–69; effects of, 72–73
racial orphanages, 86–88
racial science: African Americans and, ; attacks on, 103–4; decline of, ; Du Bois and, ; Grant and, ; historiography on, ; legitimacy of, ; Pearl and, ; philanthropy and, 61–63; Pioneer Fund and, ; response to,
racism: Du Bois and, ; East and, ; scientific, 69–70, 157–58; scientific evidence and, ; sociobiology and, 185–86, 195–96; Stern and, 146–47
_Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature_ ,
Reardon, Jenny, 5–6,
Rebbeck, Timothy,
_The Retreat of Scientific Racism_ (Barkan),
Reynolds, Vernon, 188–89
Riesman, David,
Risch, Neil,
_The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy_ (Stoddard), 41–42
r/K selection,
Robertson, Wilmot,
Robinson, Dean,
Rockefeller Foundation, 61–63
"The Role of Social Selection in the Establishment of Physical Type" (Herskovits),
Romm, H. J.,
Rosenberg, Charles,
Royal Anthropological Institute,
Royal Geographic Society,
Ruse, Michael,
Rushton, J. Philippe, 187–89
Sahlins, Marshall,
Sarkar, Sahotra,
_Saturday Review_ ,
Save the Redwoods League,
Schultz, A. H.,
_Science_ , 91–92, ,
Science for the People, 190–92
_Science for the People_ ,
_Scientific American_ , 144–46,
scientific authority, challenges to, 162–63
_Scientific Monthly_ , , 123–25
"The Search for Specific African Body Features" (Todd),
Seashore, Carl E., ,
Second International Congress of Eugenics, , 45–46,
Segerstråle, Ullica,
segregation: Davenport and, ; eugenics and, ; genetics and, ; Mendelian, ; in public schools, 139–43; as social adaptation,
self-identified race or ethnicity (SIRE),
_The Selfish Gene_ (Dawkins), 181–82
semantic deference,
separatism,
Shapiro, Harry,
Shockley, William, 176–77, 196–97
sickle-cell trait,
Silvers, Robert,
Simpson, George G., , ,
SIRE. _See_ self-identified race or ethnicity
skin color: heredity of, 40–41; Mendelism and, 37–38; race concept and,
slavery,
Smedley, Audrey,
Smocovitis, V. B.,
Snow, C. P.,
Social Darwinism, ,
_Social Forces_ ,
socialism,
sociality,
social justice, 183–84
social science, , 160–62
Social Science Research Council (SSRC),
sociobiology: ascent of, 180–83; debates, 189–200; genetics and, ; intelligence and, ; race and, 183–89; racism and, 185–86, 195–96; typology and,
"The Sociobiology of Nationalism" (Lynn),
_Sociobiology: The New Synthesis_ (Wilson, E. O.), 180–83, 189–200
_The Souls of Black Folk_ (Du Bois),
SSRC. _See_ Social Science Research Council
Stanton, William,
Station for Experimental Evolution,
statistics,
Steggerda, Morris, , , , , 89–94
sterilization laws,
Stern, Curt, , , 143–48,
Stoddard, Lothrop, , 41–42, 103–4
Stratton, G. M., 75–76
Strauss, William L., Jr.,
Sturtevant, Alfred,
Svirsky, Leon,
_Systema Naturae_ (Linnaeus), 25–26
_Systematics and the Origin of Species_ (Mayr),
Talented Tenth,
taxonomy, 25–26; evolutionary synthesis and, ; of race, ,
_Tempo and Mode in Evolution_ (Simpson),
Terry, Robert J., 75–76, 85–86, 89–90
_Them_ (film),
_The Thing from Another World_ (film),
Todd, T. Wingate, ,
Truman, Harry, 164–65
Tuskegee Experiments,
Tuskegee Institute,
"Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male," ,
"The Two Cultures" (Snow),
typology: evolutionary synthesis and, 112–14; genetic diversity research and, 207–8; population thinking _versus_ , 80–82; race and, 173–74; sociobiology and,
"Understanding the Role of Genomics in Health Disparities: Toward a New Research Agenda,"
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), , 148–59
University of Heidelberg, 108–9
University of Texas, Austin, 50–51
University of Wisconsin, 61–62
urbanization,
van den Berghe, Pierre, 186–87
Venter, Craig, 203–4, ,
Verrall, Richard,
Vindija Cave, x
Vine, Ian, 188–89
Wailoo, Keith,
Wallace, Alfred Russel,
Wallace, George,
Walters, Ronald,
Warburg, Felix,
Warren, Earl, 139–40
Washburn, Sherwood, 155–56
Washington, Booker T.,
Watson, James,
_We Europeans_ (Huxley, J.),
West-Eberhard, Mary Jane,
_The Whispering Within_ (Barash), 181–82
White, Walter, ,
_White America_ (Cox),
white ancestry, of African Americans,
White House Office of Management and Budget,
whiteness,
"Why Do People Differ?" (Stern),
Whyte, William,
Wildlife Conservation Society,
Wilkins, Maurice,
Willcox, W. F.,
Wilson, Edward Osborne, 180–83; criticism of, 189–200; kin selection and, 186–87; race concept and,
Wilson, Woodrow, ,
Winant, Howard,
Wissler, Clark, , , 72–73, , ; Barzun and,
Woodworth, Robert S., , ,
_A World View on Race_ (Bunche),
Wright, R. R.,
Wright, Sewell, , , , 117–18, , ; genetic variation and,
xenophobia, ,
_Yale Review_ ,
Yerkes, Robert M., , ,
Zoological Society of London,
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Books3 |
Prima facie evidence clearly proves rape: Judge on Tejpal case
Dec 01, 2013, 08:41 IST
After two days of arguments, sessions judge Anuja Prabhudessai on Saturday rejected Tarun Tejpal's anticipatory bail plea, saying the founder editor of Tehelka could interfere with evidence in the sexual assault case against him. The judge said prima facie evidence indicated he tried to influence the family of his former colleague who has accused him of sexually assaulting her earlier this month. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
“We should be testing the blood, that should ultimately be the standard,” said Karas.
It’s not necessarily the policy itself that Karas has the problem with, it’s that only a single community has to adhere to it.
“We don’t care if there is a deferral period, as long as it applies to everybody,” said James Hill, of HillCowan Legal Services.
In 2016, Karas walked into a donation clinic with the intent of giving blood. Although he had his blood results showing he was negative, Karas was barred for being gay.
That incident prompted him to file a discrimination complaint with the Canadian Human Rights Commission (CHRC).
Karas and Hill embarked on a long, and sometimes slow, journey.
The CHRC looked into the complaint and, after finding it had merit, set up a mediation with Karas and his team, Blood Services Canada and Health Canada.
Mediation failed to produce a mutual settlement and Karas’s complaint has now been referred to the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal, which is an independent body from the Commission.
Currently, Karas and counsel are waiting for further details to prepare for the tribunal.
At tribunal, there will be further investigations, witnesses and a final ruling.
No matter the outcome, the losing party has the chance to appeal the decision, potentially bringing it up the ranks to the Supreme Court of Canada.
“There is a likelihood that it would go to the Supreme Court. I really do think the respondents will review it at the federal level,” said Karas.
In the years since first filing his complaint, Karas has seen the waiting period drop from five years to one year and now three months.
Up until 2013, the MSM group faced a lifetime ban on donating blood, implemented in 1992 after a number of Canadians were given infected blood donations.
“We’ve seen progress in the waiting times but not in the inclusion of donors.”
And it's not just the MSM group who faces challenging policies to donate blood.
"There's a history here of using discriminatory basis to bar donors. And we've seen this in the United States, in the '40s, people were barred based on their skin colour. And then in Canada, we barred people who were from Africa and actually from a certain year period," said Karas.
According to Canadian Blood Services, transgender people who undergo sex reassignment surgery have to wait three months after the procedure to donate blood. All transgender people who don't undergo the surgery will be treated as their sex assigned at birth.
Karas notes that these other policies and issues also need to be addressed.
“For us to tackle other important issues, like the criminalization of HIV, we need a policy like this, that is cloaked in stigma and has a basis in prejudice, removed,” he said.
“Without it being eliminated, we won’t be able to dispel the myth around HIV, and we're not going to be able to make the changes required around other issues.”
Disclaimer: These poll results are not scientific. They are the informal findings of a survey presented to the readers of The Mississauga News and Brampton Guardian and reflect the opinions of those readers who have chosen to participate. The survey is available online to anyone who is interested in taking it.
** Editor's Note: This story was updated at 1:17 p.m. on Tuesday, Oct. 29 to use the term transgender people when referring to members of the trans community. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
Estimated absolute effects on efficacy and safety outcomes of using non-vitamin K antagonist oral anticoagulants in 'real-world' atrial fibrillation patients: A comparison with optimally acenocoumarol anticoagulated patients.
Non-vitamin K antagonist oral anticoagulants (NOACs) have been proposed as an alternative to vitamin K antagonists (VKA) for atrial fibrillation (AF) patients. Some studies have proposed that well-managed warfarin therapy is still a valid alternative as efficacious as NOACs but the potential impact and absolute effect of NOACs in "real world" optimally management of VKA AF patients is unknown. To estimate the potential absolute benefit in clinical outcome rates if the optimally anticoagulated "real-world" AF patients with acenocoumarol had been treated with NOACs. We included 1361 patients stable on acenocoumarol with a time in therapeutic range of 100% for the previous 6months and 6.5years of follow-up. The estimation of clinical events avoided was calculated applying absolute risk reductions, relative risk reductions and hazard ratios from the pivotal clinical trials, relative to acenocoumarol. Compared to acenocoumarol, the highest estimated event reduction for stroke was seen with dabigatran 150mg, with an estimated reduction of 0.53%/year. For major bleeding, the highest estimated reduction was seen with apixaban (0.88%/year). For mortality, the largest estimated reduction was with dabigatran 150mg (0.75%/year). In net clinical outcome, apixaban had the estimated highest reduction (1.23%/year). All NOACs showed significantly lower rates for intracranial haemorrhage. In optimally acenocoumarol anticoagulated AF patients, estimated reductions in stroke, bleeding and net clinical outcomes with various NOACs are evident. NOACs would potentially show an improvement even among optimally VKA AF patients. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Abstracts |
Out There
Confrontation Camp
No wonder Chuck D's all about free music, testifying before Congress about the evils of the RIAA and the benefits of Napster. Sooner or later, the only way Chuck's gonna get his message to the masses is by giving his shit away gratis, and even then, it's still no bargain. Maybe there's a short lifespan in hip-hop after all, an expiration date that sets in after your own revolution's passed you by; the warrior becomes a corpse pretty damned fast these days, and woe to the soldier who keeps fighting with a bayonet sticking out of his lifeless chest. It's nice to see Chuck on Capitol Hill -- it's like Schoolhouse Rap: "I'm just a pill / Yes, I'm only a pill..." -- shouting to old white men who think they still make eight-tracks. But he's spent so much time speechifying and proselytizing to hearing aids, he seems to have forgotten that you have to back up your words and actions with product people actually need.Confrontation Camp -- more or less a rap-metal band fronted by Mistachuck himself, Professor Griff, Kyle Jason, and turntablist DJ Lord -- sounds like something you sold back to the used-CD store in 1986. Back in the day, they called this mishmash of piss-poorly produced metal, art-rock, tepid R&B, and rap "the worst record Living Colour ever made," until they changed it to "the worst record Ice-T ever made" when Body Count proved to be aptly named. The influence has become the influenced, so much so that the first paragraph of Confrontation Camp's online bio references Limp Bizkit, Kid Rock, and DMX as acts that laid the "groundwork." There was once a time when Chuck might have insisted they dug the grave, but put nothing past the man who thought teaming up with Anthrax was a good idea a decade ago.
But what can you expect from a record on which Professor Griff gets top billing? Hip-hop's Don Rickles, forgotten but never forgiven, makes Flavor Flav sound like Rakim; his is a voice best heard when turned to "mute." And Chuck sounds bored at best, perhaps because he's regurgitating familiar platitudes and attitudes to the converts who long ago lost interest: Kids shouldn't kill kids over $200 basketball shoes, O.J.'s innocent, Rodney King got fucked, record companies suck, the fans are getting screwed, there are too many brothers in the joint...and on and on, until the whole disc feels like a retread of ancient speeches delivered before the revolution was televised and anchored by Dr. Dre and Ed Lover. By the time Chuck gets around to lambasting radio for ignoring him ("Fuck the radio stations / 'Cause they ain't playin' shit"), you start to think radio got the right idea. Quick -- call the Bomb Squad, because somebody needs to be demolished. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Every week, Richard Cobbett rolls the dice to bring you an obscure slice of gaming history, from lost gems to weapons grade atrocities. This week, as stories of communications spying tool PRISM sweep the world, a look back to another PRISM that was firmly, 100% on our side.
Imagine waking up one day to find that you've never actually been awake at all. Your entire life so far has been a simulation - the focus of a program so complicated, it can predict the future with near pin-point accuracy simply by extrapolating. You are not Perry Simm, American everyman. You are PRISM, and your quiet little virtual life is all that stands between the world and complete disaster.
A Mind Forever Voyaging is one of the best text adventures ever.
Pity it also had some of the worst box-art.
Damn machines, sticking together...
Infocom made cool games, and more than that, games that really played with the text adventure format. Nord And Bert Couldn't Make Head Nor Tail Of It for instance was all about wordplay. Suspended took physical control away from the player, with the goal being to use multiple robots with limited senses to solve puzzles. A Mind Forever Voyaging though really took things to a new level.
This is one of the weeks where there's not so much funny things to say about the game as reasons to remember it for the phenomenally clever game it was. For starters, there are essentially two character modes. As Perry Simm, you wander around like a regular adventure character. When not in the simulation though, you also play PRISM - a computer with very little control, and certainly no way to GO NORTH. This later becomes important when you find yourself under siege and have to figure out a way of defending yourself without handy things like arms. Literally, now I think about it.
I know you are, but what am I? Oh, an immobile computer. Sorry, wasn't paying attention.
The bulk of the game though is spent in a simulation of an American town, Rockvil, starting in 2031. There are no real puzzles to complete here. Instead, your role is to observe the effects of a senator's plan to revitalise America - the "Plan For Renewed National Purpose". So, evil. Obviously. Goals include things like having a meal in a restaurant, and visiting a cinema, and recording events for your creator, Dr. Perelman, and policy advisors to take a look at to confirm all will be hunky-dory.
In the present, America is on the slide. Nukes, overstimulating 'joybooths' (totally not ripped from Sleeper) and a falling economy mean that things are pretty crappy. PRISM however is able to factor in the Plan and step a decade forward to when things are much better. There are... issues... but people are happy and optimistic and there's no arguing that the Plan has helped drag the country up by its bootstraps. Perry meets his wife and child, and they're doing well. The government has enough food for everyone. With the reports in hand, everyone nods and agrees to implement The Plan.
What can possibly go wrong?
Beep beep. Beep beep.
That's the sound of the simulation gathering enough data to step forward another ten years. Now, the cracks have spread. The world is increasingly polluted. The optimism is gone. A police state is emerging, and a cult establishing a lot of power within the disenfranchised people.
Beep beep. Beep beep.
Another ten years. Public executions on television. Social castes. A brutal police state. Perry's son is sucked into the cult, the Church Of God's Word. Water has become effectively undrinkable, and there's not a can of Brawndo to be found anywhere.
Beep beep. Beep beep.
Sorry, that was the Road Runner.
Beep beep. Beep beep.
A broken world, under the heel of the Church Of God's Word. Slavery. Animal torture as a hobby. Swift death. Perry's son returns, totally twisted by his new life, as Perry dies multiple times in increasingly awful ways and returns to record more evidence that the Plan will lead to the collapse of civilisation.
Beep beep.
And then no more beeps. Everything that matters is gone.
To simulate that, take the regular map and set fire to it. Close enough.
To be fair, the actual politics behind all of this are incredibly awkward at times, and exist largely to make a point. The Plan is firmly a conservative creation, whereas the good guy here, PRISM's creator, is on the record as being liberal. Likewise, factoring in a totalitarian take-over by a cult that won't be relevant for another couple of decades is the kind of thing that would get a "Bullshit!" from Foundation's Hari Seldon, unless he was busily establishing it somewhere just in case.
You don't have to agree with the speed or nature of how reality tumbles though, simply because the damage is kept much more personal. PRISM is a sentient computer rather than an impassive observer, and the collapse of civilisation is seen not as a wide-scale thing like in Deus Ex, but in the increasing degradation of his specific life and the small town he calls home. There's a real sense of impending doom every time a new time period opens up, because you know it's going to be even worse - from a quiet small town with promise to a weed and rat infested dystopia full of crazy tribals whose don't even shout a warning before grabbing Perry and burning him alive for the hell of it.
Most importantly, while it ends up going to crazy-town for the last couple of simulations - up to and including zoos openly having torture sessions - most of the details are established early. In an early simulation for instance, you can visit the courthouse and see that the death penalty is now being applied to attempted rapists - setting the scene for its wide-spread use later on, if not necessarily justifying stuff like awards for executioners and similar wilfully dystopic nonsense. (Yeah. It gets kinda goofy.)
I miss 'feelies'. A DVD case made it impossible to have them any more, and digital downloads... not a chance.
PRISM's family does a good job at establishing an emotional core though, as well as showing off elements like the way that Perry and his wife's Jill have a son whose sleeping area is cut out of the living room due to a lack of space, or that Jill's art changes to be much more depressive as the world goes to hell. Again though, it's not overnight. An early timeframe for instance features the two quite happy, with Jill painting and welcoming Perry back home with a kiss. Then, out of nowhere, half a dozen Border Security Force officers storm in with rifles, leaving Jill in tears, and with just a nod towards civility with a "Sorry for the inconvenience. We're only doing it for your own protection."
Not too far in the future, it happens again, this time with no civility. And it goes like this...
Jill is sitting on the couch, staring morosely out the window. Time passes. With a roar of tromping feet, six or eight heavily armed Church police storm into the apartment. You see a look of horror come over Jill, as she covers her mouth with the back of her hand as though stifling some silent scream. You follow her gaze and - a shock of recognition - sauntering in behind the police...
The ten years since you last saw him have left scant change on the face of your son. " Mitchell! " you yell, and take a step toward him, but a blow from one of the cops sends your frail, old body flying against the wall.
"She is the one." The voice is Mitchell's, but the tone is cold, sending shivers through you. He raises a fur-clad arm, pointing at his mother without a hint of emotion. "She spake against the Church; she tried to poison the mind of a child too young to know the Truth. The thugs grab Jill, who reaches towards Mitchell, tears of terror streaming down her face. Totally unresponsive, he turns and walks calmly out of the apartment.
As Jill is dragged, screaming and crying, through the front door, you try to follow, but a cop pummels you in the stomach with his club. You fall to the floor, retching, as the apartment door slams closed, shutting you off forever from the son you cannot understand and the wife you will never see again.
It's the kind of scene that is admittedly a little on-the-nose when read like this, but AMFV makes it work. Even factoring in that the people involved are a simulated family, and the game doesn't even spend much time with them, it's easy to empathise with the fact that in this situation, Perry does not care that it's fake. It's a level of character building that other games in the mid-80s did not do.
Also, there's this guy needs some blue pages. Avoid him. He's high on meth.
The endgame comes when you convince Perelman that the Plan will be a disaster, and he flies to Washington to have it stopped. And fails. The Senator responsible is far too powerful and represents too many vested interests for that. Not content with that though, he sends a team of electrician hitmen to have your plug pulled before you can cause any trouble, stopped only by the fact that not having arms doesn't mean not being able to shut off the ventilators in key parts of your building. The fact that you've been recording the disaster in all of these timeframes also leads to an opportunity to bypass politics and broadcast them to the world, exposing the Plan and forcing Ryder to back down.
What follows is one of the more memorable epilogue sequences in the genre. As a reward for that, and for subsequently helping field-test alternate plans that don't turn the world into a perpetual Fallout 3 cosplay event, PRISM is essentially granted his simulated freedom - to be put back into his fake world, improved by the New Plan he helped create, and left to live out his life rather than being a government tool. What makes it really work though is that it's interactive; a mini-adventure through Perry's dreams as well as his nightmares. We've seen evidence of him being a writer in the different time-frames, but now he's a noted author and poet. Far from becoming a deranged cultist, his son is happy and prosperous. And for Perry, there's one final destination to visit that nobody has ever seen before - him and Jill joining a colony ship that, virtually at least, is heading out into the universe.
Unfortunately it's dark in space, and they're immediately eaten by a grue.
No, not really. But that would have been a hell of a twist ending.
Specifically, our advertising team needs to be forced to commit suicide. In a Joybooth.
While A Mind Forever Voyaging didn't particularly go onto inspire other games directly, though its premise remains a genius one, it certainly made an impact on players. Former PC Gamer editor turned Hollywood screenwriter Gary Whitta for instance tried to get it turned into a movie back in 2002. Its use of text to breathe detail into emotional moments would also be followed by other games, not least Planescape: Torment. It's also a technique used by things called 'books'. You may have heard of them.
It's a little fiddly to play now, thanks to an annoying map that's entirely too fond of diagonal movement and way too much copy protection (a different code for every jump into simulation mode), but it's worth a play if you can stomach it. I wasn't able to find any transcripts of the actual game, though surprisingly enough there is a Let's Play on YouTube. It may not be the prettiest, but it's as good a way as any to get a feel for things - and a few frustrations, like trying to work out how many deaths you need to go through before Perelman will admit that the future is a festering shithole. The focus of the game being more on exploration than puzzle solving though, it's still not quite the experience of actually poking around. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
United Airlines: Sorry Grampa Can't Come To The Gate
Reader Alanna says United Airlines told her the TSA wouldn’t let her husband escort their grandkids to the gate because there was a limit on the number of gate passes available. She asked the TSA and they told her they had no such policy. Alanna wants us to know she thinks United is “unbelievably mean.”
Alanna says:
Last summer my husband were sending our grandchildren ages 10 and 12 back to Colorado after their summer visit. When we got to the airport the United representative said that they had rules from TSA Security that only one of us could go to the gate with the children, and she refused to issue a pass for my husband. He had to hang out for two hours while the three of us went to the gate. We asked a TSA guard about the policy and he said, “That’s not our policy. They (the airline) do that whenever.” !
We thought the behavior unbelievably mean. The children were very disappointed. Their dad was leaving for Afghanistan in a few weeks and they already had plenty of emotion.
Ouch. We took a look at the TSA’s website and yes, it does seem to be entirely up to the airline. The only thing we can say is that maybe the powerless United Airlines rep is tired of feeling bad about herself as her company forces her to deny dozens of nice grampas extra time with their grandkids, so she just blamed the TSA. Not that that’s a nice thing to do either.
absolutely. I’d maybe call in advance and tell them you’ll need a gate pass so they can note it on her ticket before you even get to the airport. But even just showing up at the airport should be fine.
The thing to do in a situation like this is call for a supervisor. And if that doesn’t work, the supervisor’s supervisor, and if that doesn’t work and it’s during business hours, call customer service at the airline.
I’m guessing their dad wasn’t going to Afghanistan “for the waters.” If your dad’s in the military, we should do whatever we can to see that you spend as much time with him as is possible before he gets shipped back to a war zone.
separating the PNR should’ve taken care of the issue, since the PNRs would no longer be linked they would’ve been allowed 2 gate passes. The TA was either not thinking, or lazy. But don’t worry, UA will give you 5,000 MP miles.
Then again hindsight is 20/20.
In 2008 the lady at the American counter wouldn’t give me a pass to help my wife and two daughters to the gate, citing that it was against their policy to give gate passes except for helping children flying alone.
I think the lady expected me to be a jerk, because when I said “thank you” and turned to walk away she asked for my ID and gave me the pass. It was weird. It is indeed solely at the whim of the airline.
I can kind of understand the rep’s reasoning for doing that. If they had said it was company policy, there could be a potential argument to try and make an exception because, you know, everybody’s situation is special, which would slow the line down and possibly cause a big scene.
If you just say it’s a TSA policy, people would be more likely to just deal with it. Was it nice? No. But I can see why he or she did it.
So you want to NOT pay the minor fee, BUT you want to send her off like she is a minor? Make up your mind. The gate pass is not for good byes. It is for unacccompinied minors or people needing special assistance. You can’t ask for one, just because YOU want it. If she can fly alone, she can go to the gate alone
This is very true. The gate pass is to assist someone, not for last minute goodbyes, unfortunately. In my airline job, we did have TSA complain because we were issuing too many gate passes. We also had them refuse multiple gate passes, saying they were going to allow one per group. It *is* up to the airline, generally, but if TSA is busy, they will bump the gate passes back…. especially when there are a bunch of people in line that showed up at the airport late and will barely make their flight. (hate those types…)
No problem. Next time you need to send her, buy yourself a fully refundable ticket for a later flight that uses the same terminal. Wave your refundable ticket at the gate keeper and they will let you slip right by along with your child. After her plane leaves, simply walk back to the ticket counter and ask for a refund. No fuss, no dirty looks or questions. It’s painless.
Unless she’s got some other issue you’re not disclosing, if she’s over the age for being an unaccompanied minor, you need to cut the apron strings and let your daughter go to the gate by herself. The airline was right to deny you the gate pass.
Uh, the first time I ever flew on a plane, I was 16. Yes, I was perfectly competent, but I hadn’t spent much time at airports before and I was a little nervous. It was also April, 2002, so security was super tight. However, the airline didn’t have any problems letting my mom take me to the gate.
I’m going to be like the OP and mention that my dad was active duty deployed at the time, too. :)
I like the advice of calling the airline to get specifics about their gate pass policy in advance. My guess is that the next Consumerist post will be by someone who does this, and is still denied a gate pass. The airlines are just so arbitrary and weird about everything, and the TSA is, too.
10 and 12 year old children in an airport by themselves? I would want to walk them back as well. I mean, yes, they had one grandparent, so then it is a matter of spending as much time as possible with them before they leave. It was just kinda crappy on United’s part :(
Don’t bother with gate passes. Just book a one-way, refundable ticket (on any flight out of that airport roughly the same time as the one the person you’re accompanying is on), check in online, and then pass through security with your boarding pass. Then, once you’re through security, call the airline and cancel the ticket. You’ll get your money back.
No, this strategy is perfectly within the rules of any mainline carrier. Usually the *threat alone* of making the agent do extra work (booking you a 1-way refundable ticket and canceling it later) is sufficient to make them take the lower-work approach (giving you a gate pass); the idea is that you prove that you’re willing to work really hard to get what you want, and you call the agent’s bluff within their system’s rules.
There’s no difficulty refunding a ticket after checking in. The agent who processes the refund may need to cancel your check-in, but that’s straightforward (in fact, with United you can do it online).
It may be slightly harder to refund a ticket after the scheduled departure time, so a good idea when using this strategy is to book the last flight of the night. It’s also smart to book a ticket on a flight in the same area of the terminal that your companion’s “real” flight departs from — sometimes TSA agents won’t let you behind security in (say) the A gates with a boarding pass for the un-connected B gates.
For extra schadenfreude when using this strategy, ask *the same agent who refused the gate pass* to issue you the refundable ticket & boarding pass, and later go back and ask *the same agent* to help you with the refund.
For maximum savings, book it online and avoid any counter booking fees — but still use the human being to cancel, if you like.
Any airline. So long as the flight hasn’t actually left yet, you can cancel a fully refundable ticket. I do it all the time. Check in the day before, discover that my meeting ended early and I can catch an earlier flight on a different carrier, so buy a ticket on the earlier flight, and cancel the one I had already checked in for.
Airline personnel just LOVE to say that their asinine rules are “government regulations” or “TSA directives,” when they aren’t. Yes, it’s a quick and ready excuse tbat most passengers will buy … mostly because they don’t know any better and are intimidated by it. If enough passengers start pushing back when they do this though, perhaps it will cease being a useful evasion.
I do agree that the TSA in every airport seems to work from another rule book.
As an example, at our home airport the TSA screener was yelling “remove your shoes and put them in a bin for scanning.” However, at our return airport once (Vegas) the TSA screener was SNAPPING anyone who DID put their shoes in a bin with “the shoes can ride on the belt. Get them out of the bins!”
TSA website says, “Please remove your shoes before entering the metal detector and put them directly on the belt to go through the X-ray machine instead of in a bin with your other items. It’s safe, easy, and gives us a better look at your shoes so we won’t need to rescreen them.”
I’ve had the same problem but it was SLC telling us to put our shoes in, and Monterey yelling at us for putting them in the bin. I flew home from LAS a couple of weeks ago, and put my shoes in the bin without comment.
NOTE TO AIRLINES: Hi guys! I’ve never been on a plane or even to an airport before – we drove everywhere when I was growing up because we couldn’t afford you guys.
Now I can absolutely afford it, but stories like this make me wonder why I should. There are many, many more like me. It’s a good thing you guys treat all of your current customers like this so that the rest of us know to never bother with your industry :D
I doubt this is a United policy. Or if it is, United agents aren’t always following it. I flew last month out of O’Hare on United, and saw the agent giving gate passes to a family of 5 to meet their son who was returning from Afghanistan.
Just use Southwest if you can. My mother, sister, brother-in-law and I were all issued passes to escort my elderly uncle to the gate. At first the gate agent balked at giving all of us a pass. But then she decided on a hug fee. My brother-in-law gave her a hug and we got our passes.
Because my husband is in the service, I can get a pass to go into the back to greet him. I know it’s a privilege, and I always treat it as such. I am INCREDIBLY nice to the gate agents who give me a pass. It always gets me back, including at Orange alert when they really aren’t supposed to let that happen, I thank them. Maybe try being nice?
I find it ridiculous that Grandma would believe United is mean. They have a duty to keep non flying passengers to a minimum. I work with United and when I put my children to travel on a flight they are allowed only one person to accompany them. My hubby gets to stay at checkin or stay home. Be happy that you got to spend time with the kidlets in the first place!
I had a similarly unpleasant experience, today. My daughter checked in for her United flight from Boston to San Francisco with her 2 children, one 3 months traveling in a recommended, but heavy, infant seat and a 2 year old toddler. She also had a pocketbook, and carry-on duffel. The 2 year old had a small backpack. It’s a fair trek to the gate and it was instantly apparent that the journey would be very difficult if not impossible for one adult. We asked for a gate pass so that I (grandmother) could help them to the gate. The agent reflexively denied it and then became personal, asking my 28 year old daughter how old she was and if she wasn’t adult enough to accompany her two children herself. She never offered the option to pay for help or we would have taken it. We’re not confrontational. In the end, a family of 5 pulled up next to us complaining that our agent had just been the cause of their missed flight and she passed us off to an assistant saying “just give them a gate pass”.
We fly a lot as a family. We’ve got lots of options. There are many people like us. United’s approach to gate passes seems pretty arbitrary from the comments I see. I know for a fact TSA is fine with our gate pass, I checked. Since United just merged with Continental and American is going through reorganization and will emerge a strong competitor, Martin Hand, VP for Consumer Experience might want to improve the experience a bit more, after all the airline industry is a model for competition theory. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
The Night 2Face Swayed Beijing
After the clocks struck one a.m. at Chocolate Club in Beijing, recently, the question on everyone’s lips was ‘where is 2face?’ Onstage, a tall dude was rapping to the inconsequential delight of, perhaps, a rented few who had moved forward to provide support. Earlier, some half-clad women had done half-incredible things with poles and giant rings.
About two days earlier, 2Face had arrived Beijing and was welcomed by the concert’s promoters, Peterson Entertainment and Faaji House Beijing, at the airport. He was treated to some Chinese cultural performances and, the next day, he attended an interview session at Startimes Headquarters in Beijing.
“We are trying to put the good things about Nigeria in the face of other people,” Mr. Peter Eze, the CEO of Peterson Entertainment, had told this newspaper some weeks before the concert.
When 2Face did finally appear, some 45 minutes later, it was a slow transition, almost inconspicuous if not for the temperature change – heat filtered in, spread through the hall and waited, suspended in the air above. When 2Face, who was sporting a white T-shirt over stripped blue jeans and white sneakers, pointed to the crowd and blurted ‘I see you’, the heat broke and washed over the crowd, like rain.
A great concert is a collection of stories. Perhaps this is more difficult for a solo concert to achieve, where the artiste is tasked with entertaining a crowd with his body of work without the variety that numbers often offer. So the artist – and his body of work – should be dynamic. There are crowds, of course, who prefer – and even pine – for a certain kind of monotony, stability, but the consensus is that while, as humans, we want to laugh, there is also the niggling need to find tears. And this, the agility to move between two extremes without sacrificing panache, is why Tuface excels.
When Tuface (Passport Name: Innocent Idibia) released his first solo album in 2004, Face 2 Face, he was most popular for ‘African Queen’, a slow, soulful song about the majesty of the African woman. But he refused to be defined by it, recording faster songs, what some might describe as ‘shallow, club bangers’ touting sex and booze. That, too, has never defined him. It is hard to find a lover of Nigerian music who describes Tuface as shallow – whatever that means. There is a word that might summarise a typical voxpox on what kind of artiste he has turned out to be: complete.
It was that word, complete, that lingered in this reporter’s mind as he ‘shook body’ with the Chocolate Club crowd that April morning while Tuface told, not a story, but stories. The first one was about Nigeria. At a point, he stopped the music and started rapping into the microphone. “Very soon, our dead body go soon dey walk,” he said, referencing Nigeria’s Protest Society, an abstract organisation his music, not body-sacrifice, gives him access to. He did that – stopping the music to speak extemporaneously – often, working the crowd like a radical politician, like a frenzied prophet. Twice, he stretched out his hands and blessed us. “Receive,” he cried.
When he sang ‘See me so’, a song about brotherly love from his ‘Grass to Grace’ album, this reporter was reminded of the blooming friendship between the two Koreas who, the day before, had signed an agreement to end war between the North and South and denuclearise the Korean Peninsula. But thoughts soon changed as, during another monologue, Tuface called out for someone, a beautiful lady, to be his African Queen. The crowd squealed back in delight, reminding him he had one back home, in Nigeria. “Make we pretend like sey Annie no dey here,” he replied, grinning.
And thus the night went, sifting through heavy topics like government corruption (‘For Instance’), tolerance (‘Only Me’), while ‘gaga-shuffling’ and ‘implicating’ ourselves. In the end, he advised the ladies: “Let somebody hold you.”
“I was excited that I got to see 2Face for the first time,” Menyene Patrick, a Nigerian student in Beijing, told THISDAY. “And the nostalgia was incredible. He reminded me of so many memories from way back. I loved the energy, the sense of humour and everything. I totally enjoyed myself. It was an amazing night.”
Founded on January 22, 1995, THISDAY is published by THISDAY NEWSPAPERS LTD., 35 Creek Road Apapa, Lagos, Nigeria with offices in 36 states of Nigeria , the Federal Capital Territory and around the world. It is Nigeria's most authoritative news media available on all platforms for the political, business, professional and diplomatic elite and broader middle classes while serving as the meeting point of new ideas, culture and technology for the aspirationals and millennials. The newspaper is a public trust dedicated to the pursuit of truth and reason covering a range of issues from breaking news to politics, business, the markets, the arts, sports and community to the crossroads of people and society. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
1.. Case history {#s1}
================
A 47 year-old male migrant worker with a high school education and a 20-year history of heavy alcohol intake was involuntarily admitted to our hospital by his family members on 9 September 2014. The family reported that he had started drinking heavily at the age of 23. He initially drank 100 to 150 ml of high alcohol-content spirits per day, but this subsequently increased to 400 to 500 ml per day. Whenever he briefly stopped drinking, he would feel upset and irritable, cry, and have poor sleep; these symptoms disappeared after he re-started drinking. Starting one year prior to admission he experienced frequent episodes of uncontrolled anger during which he smashed household goods. Then one month prior to admission he developed several new symptoms: he constantly felt nervous and his hands trembled; he exhibited strange behavior such as gesticulating, counting with his fingers, and pointing with his hands; he reported strange experiences, saying things like "I see something on the wall; I can see my dead relatives at home\"; and he became suspicious of others, stating that he suspected his wife was having an affair, that people around him were talking about him, and that the eyes of passers-by held special meaning for him.
His medical history was unremarkable. He had no history of allergies, serious infectious diseases, hypertension, diabetes, tumors, or any other illness. He had never been seriously injured, had never had a head injury, and had never had an operation. He did not smoke and had not used other psychoactive drugs. The family reported that formerly his personality was introverted and gentle; there was no history of other psychiatric symptoms or of suicidal ideation or behavior. There was no family history of mental illness or substance abuse.
On admission his blood pressure was 130/80 mmHg, his temperature was 36.1℃, his pulse was 80 beats/ min, and his respiratory rate was 19/min. His cardiopulmonary and abdominal exams were normal; his peripheral muscle strength was rated normal at 5+; his muscular tension was slightly elevated; and his tendon reflexes were normal. A resting tremor was evident when he raised both hands. His mental status examination showed clear consciousness and correct orientation, but he had hallucinations and delusions of jealousy and reference. His intelligence, memory, and understanding were normal, but he was irritable, excitable, impulsive, and had a short attention span. He had no insight about his illness.
The admission work-up included the following examinations: (a) a chest X-ray, which was normal; (b) an electrocardiogram, which showed sinus tachycardia (maximum heart rate 136/min) and ST-T changes; (c) an electroencephalogram and cerebral topographic graph, which showed dominance of a low- and medium-amplitude a-wave rhythm, increased slow waves, and no response to light stimulation; (d) an abdominal ultrasound, which showed liver fibrosis; (e) a transcranial doppler test, which showed reduced blood supply to the right middle cerebral artery; (f) a computerized tomography (CT), which showed multiple small low-density areas in the basal ganglia suggestive of small lacunar lesions; (g) a urine drug test, which found no evidence of morphine, methamphetamine, ketamine, ecstasy, or cannabis use; and (h) routine urinalysis and stool examinations, which were normal. Results of the admission blood work are shown in [Tables 1](#Table1){ref-type="table"} and [2](#Table2){ref-type="table"}; routine blood tests indicated a low hemoglobin, and biochemical tests indicated a slightly increased fasting glucose, a low serum potassium level, and grossly elevated liver and myocardial enzymes.
######
Table 1. Routine blood tests during the course of treatment ^a,b^
**white blood cells** **neutrophils** **lymphocytes** **eosinophils** **hemoglobin** **platelets**
---------------- ----------------------- -------------------- -------------------- -------------------- ---------------- ------------------
*normal range* 3.50-9.50 x10^9^/L 1.80-6.30 x10^9^/L 1.10-3.20 x10^9^/L 0.02-0.52 x10^9^/L 130-175g/dL 100-300 x10^9^/L
on admission 4.98 x10^9^/L 3.53 x10^9^/L 1.07 x10^9^/L 0.12 x10^9^/L **129g/L** 143 x10^9^/L
4th week **13.93 x10^9^/L** 3.53 x10^9^/L 1.90 x10^9^/L **7.63 x10^9^ /L** **127g/L** 140 x10^9^/L
5th week **12.49 x10^9^/L** 2.91 x10^9^ /L 1.91 x10^9^ /L **7.43 x10^9^ /L** **123g/L** 152 x10^9^/L
6th week 9.02 x10^9^/L 3.06 x10^9^/L 1.86 x10^9^/L **3.85 x10^9^/L** 130g/L 186 x10^9^/L
7th week 6.02 x10^9^/L 2.58 x10^9^/L 1.46 x10^9^/L **1.65 x10^9^/L** 136g/L 192 x10^9^/L
8th week 7.33 x10^9^/L 3.47 x10^9^/L 2.82 x10^9^/L **0.79 x10^9^/L** 148g/L 184 x10^9^/L
9th week 6 .55 x10^9^/L 3.80 x10^9^/L 2.10 x10^9^/L **0.54 x10^9^/L** 148g/L 167 x10^9^/L
13th week 5.73 x10^9^/L 3.19 x10^9^/L 1.85 x10^9^/L 0.35 x10^9^/L 149g/L 133 x10^9^/L
^a^ quetiapine treatment was 50 mg/d on the first day of admission, 100 mg/d on the second day of admission, 200 mg/d from the third day of admission to the end of the 4^th^ week of admission, reduced to 50 mg/d in the 5^th^week , and stopped completely at the end of the 6^th^ week
^b^ figures in bold are outside of the normal range used by the laboratory at Chongqing Mental Health Center
######
Table 2. Liver function tests, myocardial enzymes, renal function tests, potassium level, and blood glucose on admission and after 4 weeks and 6 weeks of admission
**test** ***normal range*** **on admission** **end of 4th week** **end of 6th week**
------------------------------------------ -------------------- ------------------ --------------------- ---------------------
**Liver enzymes**
gamma glutamyl transferase (GGT) *10-60 U/L* **734.3 U/L** **92.9 U/L** 53.1 U/L
alanine aminotransferase (ALT) *9-50 U/L* *63.3 U/L* 35 U/L 33 U/L
albumin (ALB) *40-55 g/L* 41 g/L 40 g/L 40.6 g/L
direct bilirubin (DBIL) *0-6.8 μmol/L* **8.1 μmol/L** 2.8 μmol/L 4.2 μmol/L
**Myocardial enzymes**
aspartate aminotransferase (AST) *15-40 U/L* **149.6 U/L** 38.9 U/L 40 U/L
creatine kinase (CK) *38-174 U/L* **405.0 U/L** **36 U/L** 52 U/L
creatine kinase MB (CK-MB) \< 24 U/L **24 U/L** 12 U/L 8 U/L
α-hydroxybutyrate dehydrogenase (α-HBDH) *72 -182 U/L* **233 U/L** 116 U/L 122 U/L
**Renal function tests**
urea *2.9-8.2 mmol/L* 2.93 mmol/L 4.37 mmol/L 3.41 mmol/L
creatinine *44-97 μmol/L* 51 μmol/L 63 μmol/L 61 μmol/L
**Potassium** *3.5-5.3 mmol/L* **3.47 mmol/L** 4.28 mmol/L 4.45 mmol/L
**Fasting glucose** *3.89-6.11 mmol/L* **6.31 mmol/L** 4.29 mmol/L 4.81 mmol/L
The admission diagnoses were alcohol-induced psychotic disorder, alcohol-induced liver cirrhosis, and hypokalemia. The patient was tapered from alcohol with diazepam (5mg/d), provided psychological counseling and health education about alcohol abuse, and treated with oral potassium, vitamins, and 'Gan Su' capsules (a frequently administered Traditional Chinese Medicine to promote the functioning of the liver and the spleen). Quetiapine was given to treat the hallucinations and delusions: 25 mg at noon and 25 mg in the evening on the first day of admission, 50 mg at noon and 50 mg in the evening of the second day, and 100 mg at noon and 100 mg in the evening from the third day forward. Seven days after admission the hallucinations and the delusions had significantly diminished; after 4 weeks of treatment the hallucinations and delusions had disappeared completely and insight was restored.
Routine blood tests at the end of the 4th week of treatment showed that the elevated myocardial enzymes at admission had returned to normal limits and that the elevated liver enzymes had improved significantly ([Table 2](#Table2){ref-type="table"}). However, as shown in [Table 1](#Table2){ref-type="table"}, there was an unexpected dramatic increase in the absolute eosinophil count (to 7.63 x 10^9^/L) and a corresponding increase in the overall white blood count (to 13.93 x 10^9^/L). At this time the patient's vital signs were normal, he had no physical complaints, there were no signs of infection, and his electrocardiogram showed a sinus rhythm with a heart rate of 78/min. Concerned about the possibility that this was a quetiapine-induced eosinophilia, we reduced the dosage of quetiapine from 200 mg/day to 50 mg/day (administered in the evening) while keeping the other treatments unchanged.
At the end of the 6th week the eosinophil count and white blood count had decreased substantially, but they remained quite high, so the quetiapine was stopped completely. At this time the blood chemistry results assessing liver function, cardiac function, renal function, potassium, and fasting glucose had all returned to normal and a repeat electrocardiogram and encephalogram were also normal. The eosinophil and white blood counts continued to fall over subsequent weeks and returned to normal at the end of the 9th week of admission (3 weeks after stopping quetiapine completely), so the patient was discharged. A repeat blood count at 4 weeks after discharge (that is, 13 weeks after starting quetiapine and 7 weeks after stopping quetiapine) showed normal eosinophil and white blood counts.
2.. Discussion {#s2}
==============
Eosinophils are a type of white blood cell produced by stem cells in the bone marrow that account for 0.5 to 5.0% of all white blood cells in healthy individuals.\[[@B1]\] Eosinophilia, the term for high blood levels of eosinophils, is usually triggered by allergens, infection or inflammation, asthma, parasites, tumors, or myocarditis. However, eosinophilia is also seen in allergic drug reactions, including allergic reactions to clozapine and other antipsychotic medications.\[[@B2],[@B3]\] In this current case, there was no history of contact with an allergen, no evidence of parasites, and no evidence of cancer that could explain the eosinophilia. On admission the patient had evidence of alcohol-related liver disease and cardiomyopathy ------ conditions that may be related to eosinophilia ------ but there was a normal white blood count. After 4 weeks of detoxification, supportive treatment, and the administration of quetiapine to treat alcohol-related hallucinations and delusions, his cardiac enzymes had returned to normal and his liver enzymes had improved, but the eosinophil count had increased dramatically. In the absence of any new signs of infection, we determined that the dramatic eosinophilia was an allergic response to the quetiapine, a conclusion that was supported by the gradual return to a normal white blood count after discontinuing the quetiapine.
Reports suggest that eosinophilia induced by antipsychotic medication usually occurs between 7 and 42 days after starting the medicine, with the average time of onset being 21 days after starting the medication.\[[@B4],[@B5]\] In the current case, eosinophilia occurred on the 30^th^ day after starting quetiapine, so it is consistent with the literature. Clozapine is the most commonly reported eosinophilia-inducing antipsychotic medication,\[[@B6],[@B7],[@B8]\] but it has also been reported in patients using other atypical antipsychotic medications such as risperidone and olanzapine.\[[@B9],[@B10]\] Eosinophilia induced by antipsychotic medication is presumed to be an allergic response of the immune system; blockage of H1 neurotransmitter receptors results in an increase in histamine and, thus, an increase of eosinophils in the peripheral blood. Among commonly used antipsychotic medications, clozapine has the strongest blocking effect on H1 receptors; this may explain the relatively higher incidence of eosinophilia among patients receiving clozapine than among patients using other types of antipsychotic medications. Like clozapine, quetiapine is also a receptor antagonist with a similar, though weaker, blocking effect on histamine H1 receptors,\[[@B4]\] so it is not surprising that it could also induce eosinophilia. Interestingly, Zipris and colleagues reported that in some cases where it is essential to continue treatment with antipsychotic medications, clozapine can be replaced by quetiapine when the former induces eosinophilia.\[[@B11]\]
Eosinophilia, particularly when it persists, is not a benign condition. Chronic eosinophilia with absolute eosinophilia counts above 1.5 x 10^9^/L (i.e., hypereosinophilic syndrome) can lead to endocarditis, myocarditis, myocardial damage, and even death.\[[@B12]\] In this case the dramatic increase in eosinophils with quetiapine treatment was not associated with any physical symptoms; it was only recognized after the results of a routine blood test indicated the very high level of eosinophils. This afforded us the opportunity of stopping the antipsychotic medication and, thus, preventing the organ damage that often accompanies chronic eosinophilia. Moreover, unlike patients with chronic psychotic conditions, this patient had a time limited substance-induced psychosis, so we did not have the problem of trying to change the antipsychotic treatment to another medication that did not induce eosinophilia.
Eosinophilia is a relatively rare allergic reaction to antipsychotic medication that can have serious physical effects if it is not recognized and managed early. All clinicians that prescribe antipsychotic medications need to routinely conduct blood count tests to screen for this condition, particularly when starting a new antipsychotic medication.
Conflict of interest statement: The authors report no conflict of interest related to this manuscript.
Informed consent: The patient described in this report provided written informed consent to publish this case report.
Authors' contributions: LC collected the data and wrote the first draft. PT collected and summarized relevant references. XT revised the manuscript. All authors approved the final manuscript.
Dr. Liming Chen received his bachelor's degree in clinical medicine with a minor in medical psychology from Luzhou Medical College in 2005. Since graduation he has worked at the Chongqing Mental Health Center where he is a psychiatrist-in-chief and the director of an inpatient ward. He is currently undertaking an in-service master's degree in psychiatry and mental health from Chongqing Medical University. His research interests include suicide, crisis intervention, and psychotherapy.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Central |
Tell HN: Please make this - hpvic03
I want a plugin to Gmail that will automatically re-send an email if no response is received after a few days. I would pay for this.<p>It seems nowadays that about half of people only respond to the second email you send them, so this would be a huge time-saver.
======
pook
<http://www.followup.cc/faq.php> looks like it'll work, but not for in-browser
use.
Edit: <http://mail.google.com/mail/help/autopilot/index.html> if only...
Edit2: this may be what exactly what you're looking for:
[http://www.makeuseof.com/tag/create-an-automatic-email-
respo...](http://www.makeuseof.com/tag/create-an-automatic-email-response-
with-gmails-new-filter/)
------
mdoerschlag
You could set a FollowUp.cc reminder on your emails in the Bcc field, and then
it would remind you to FollowUp with them (or set up a filter to automatically
Cc or Bcc FollowUp), but to automatically send on your befhalf, any software
would need access to your inbox. Not sure if you're willing to give that info
out.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | HackerNews |
Here is what so many Islam apologists are enabling to happen in Australia and much of the rest of the world. As a woman, I strenuously object to this sexist and misogynistic ideology festering in enlightened societies, which formerly have been the haven for people escaping just such oppression.
They ask you about menstruation. Say: “It is an indisposition. Keep aloof from women during their menstrual periods and do not approach them until they are clean again; when they are clean, have intercourse with them whence God enjoined you….” (Quran 2:222)
Men have authority over women because God has made the one superior to the other, and because they spend their wealth to maintain them. Good women are obedient. They guard their unseen parts because God has guarded them. As for those from whom you fear disobedience, admonish them and forsake them in beds apart, and beat them. (Quran 4:34)
A male shall inherit twice as much as a female. (Quran 4:11)
Call in two male witnesses from among you, but if two men cannot be found, then one man and two women whom you judge fit to act as witnesses… (Quran 2:282)
[Forbidden to you are] married women, except those whom you own as slaves. (Quran 4:24)
Summary of Koranic quotes regarding women
Menstruating women are unclean, and men must stay away from them. Women are men’s “fields,” and men can have sex with them whenever they want. Men are superior to women and have authority over them, while women must obey men or risk being beaten. A woman is worth one-half of a man. Muslim men can own sex slaves.
The Hadiths
The hadiths have provided for several aspects of sharia law, including a man’s ability to have multiple wives, to marry an infant and to have sex with underage girls as well as sex slaves.
The Prophet used to go round (have sexual relations with) all his wives in one night, and he had nine wives.
The Prophet wrote the (marriage contract) with ‘Aisha while she was six years old and consummated his marriage with her while she was nine years old and she remained with him for nine years (i.e. till his death).
According to the hadiths, most of the people in hell are women, who are “deficient in intelligence”:
Once Allah’s Apostle went out to [offer the prayer]… Then he passed by the women and said, “O women! Give alms, as I have seen that the majority of the dwellers of Hell-fire were you (women).” They asked, “Why is it so, O Allah’s Apostle?” He replied, “You curse frequently and are ungrateful to your husbands. I have not seen anyone more deficient in intelligence and religion than you. A cautious sensible man could be led astray by some of you.” The women asked, “O Allah’s Apostle! What is deficient in our intelligence and religion?” He said, “Is not the evidence of two women equal to the witness of one man?” They replied in the affirmative. He said, “This is the deficiency in her intelligence.”
Muslim Cleric: “The Flag of Islam Will One Day Fly Over the White House” – VIDEO ([url]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=agOU2R6MTbg[/url])
“Islam isn’t in America to be equal to any other faith, but to become dominant. The Koran, the Muslim book of scripture, should be the highest authority in America, and Islam the only accepted religion on Earth.”
“I am telling you that my religion doesn’t tolerate other religion. It doesn’t tolerate. The only one law which needs to spread, it can be here or anywhere else, has to be Islam”– Abu Bakr, Muslim Cleric
“Oh, you Muslims everywhere, sever the ties of their nation, tear them apart, ruin their economy, instigate against their corporations, destroy their embassies, attack their interests, sink their ships, and shoot down their airplanes. Kill them in land, at sea, and in the air, kill them wherever you find them.”– Sheikh Abdel Rahman from a US prison
“The real weapons of mass destruction are the desire for martyrdom. Millions of you are ready to be shaheed. Half a million martyrdom shaheed is enough for Muslims to control the whole of earth forever. In the end of the day, Islam must control earth, whether we like it or not.”– Abu Hamza al-Masri, Islamic Cleric
“We don’t make a distinction between civilians and non-civilians…Only between Muslims and unbelievers. And the life of an unbeliever has no value.”– British career welfare recipient Sheikh Omar Bakri
“We must not forget that Allah’s rules have to be established in all lands…”– Imam Muzammil H. Siddiqi, Islamic Society of North America
“Ultimately, we (Muslims) can never be full citizens of this country…because there is no way we can be fully committed to the institutions and ideologies of this country”– Ihsan Bagby, CAIR
“The 9/11 hijackers should be honored as martyrs.”– Warith Deen Umar, Former Muslim Chaplain, New York Prisons
“Now, all our imams, our public speakers, should be concentrating on militarizing the Muslim public…Only carrying arms will do this task.”– Muhammad Al-Asi, Former Imam at the Washington, D.C. Islamic Center
“Americans in general might be more supportive of targeted attacks on civilians, as part of the war on terror, than U.S. Muslims.”– Ahmad Al-Akhras, CAIR
“In time, this so-called democracy will crumble, and there will be nothing. And the only thing left will be Islam.”– Siraj Wahhaj, Brooklyn, New York Imam
“Muslims cannot accept the legitimacy of the secular system in the United States, for it “is against the orders and ordainments of Allah … the orientation of the Qur’an pushes us in the exact opposite direction as the forces that are at work in the American political spectrum.”– Imam Zaid Shakir, Former Muslim Chaplain at Yale University
“Let us continue the protests. Let us damn America. Let us damn Israel. Let us damn their allies until death. Mohammad is leader. The Qu’ran is our constitution. Jihad is our path. Victory to Islam. Death to Israel. Revolution! Revolution! Until Victory! Rolling, rolling to Jerusalem.”– Sami Al Arian
“This religion [Islam] will destroy all other religions through the Islamic Jihad fighters”– Jordanian/Palestinian School Book 1998
“Islam not a religion of violence, but if you burn Qur’ans or draw Muhammad, we’ll kill you”– Gambian President
“No we don’t want to democratize Islam, we want to Islamize democracy” “We love you, America – and we want your children for Islam”– Islam on Capitol Hill.com
“I am a traitor to America because my religion requires me to be. We pledge to wage jihad for the rest of our lives until either we implant Islam all over the world or meet our Lord as bearers of Islam.”– Samir Khan
Dhimwit ([url]http://www.thereligionofpeace.com/Pages/Dhimwits.htm[/url]): “A non-Muslim member of a free society that abets the stated cause of Islamic domination with remarkable gullibility. A dhimwit is always quick to extend sympathy to the very enemy that would take away his or her own freedom (or life) if given the opportunity.”
* Maronites-Christians [Native Lebanese] suffer from both Arab ethnic racism and religious bigotry, like the massacres in the 1970s by local Muslims and by Palestinian/Syrian forces.
* Assyrians, are/have been persecuted both racially and religiously. Still very much marginalized in Iraq, for example.
* Iran is not an Arab country but racism is huge against Kurds, Jews, Turkmens, etc. So is anti-non-Muslim bigotry against Christians, Bahai, Zoroastrians and other in the Islamic republic.
* Turkey is also a Muslim non-Arab country and Kurds, Greeks, Armenians and other ethnicities have been through much suffering, genocide. Still there’s great wide racism against non-Turkish ethnic groups including racism against Alevis and against Kurds. Turkey’s policy in Cyprus has also been recognized as a real Apartheid by many. All non-Muslims are automatically branded as “foreigners” at the “moderate” Islamic supremacy of Turkey.
* Chinese, Indians, Christians and other non-Malay, in Malaysia; Chinese, Christians in Indonesia, have long been subject to persecution, race-riots, discrimination, racism and bloodshed.
* Non-Muslims or the ‘wrong kind of Muslims,’ in Pakistan; Iraq; Afghanistan, are oppressed and targeted in deadly attacks.
* Descendants of slaves of the Bedouins are still stigmatized by racist “Palestinians”.
* Christians are discriminated, persecuted against [especially since Y. Arafat’s Islamization of Bethlehem], by Palestine authority and Hamas regime.
—
From anti-Jewish Apartheid:
– The Arab racist apartheid against the Jews attempted genocide ever since the 1920s, (Like Mufti of “Palestine” at his incited massacres, and Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood who called simply ‘to kill Jews’).– Chased out a Million Jews in the late 1940.– Has boycotted and demonized [every logical defensive action is branded “racist”] the Jewish democratic-free-equal-to-all state only because it’s the “other”. It is neither Muslim nor purely Arab.– The Arab racist world continues to play with Arab-Palestinians (grandchildren of Arab immigrants) like ping-pong against Israel.
—
AND THE BEACON OF APARTHEID HAS THE AUDACITY TO CHARGE MULTI-RACIAL ISRAEL’S BEAUTIFUL DEMOCRACY [THAT OFTEN GIVES PREFERENTIAL TREATMENT FOR ITS ARABS OVER JEWS] WITH THIS TERMINOLOGY?
As if we don’t know the ‘Arab oil lobby’s power’ over the UN and other major international organizations and some African officials to go along with the Arab propaganda.
Despite some non-Arabs who jump on this wagon out of: ignorance, of confusion complex, or of sheer bigotry, never forget, that this entire “apartheid, racism” label was invented by Arab racists ganging up in the UN since 1975.
Even promoter of the apartheid-slur [which was actually invented in 1961 by A. Shukairy, who was the henchman and spokesman for the infamous Mufti al-Husseini the Mufti, notorious for being A. Hitler’s ally and adviser on exterminating the Jews. Shukairy also called to throw the Jews into the sea] J. Carter admitted on CNN: “I recognize that Israel is a wonderful democracy with freedom of speech and equality of treatment under the law between Arab Israelis and Jewish Israelis.” edition.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0612/12/acd.02.html
Incidentally, the lying Pallywood machine also created a fake “memorandum” claiming that N. Mandela ever uttered this crappy analogy.
Last but not least:
Isn’t it true that the anti-Jewish “apartheid” slur campaign is: 1) to demonize Jews and 2) to hide the real apartheid practiced by the Arab-Islamic world?
Is it possibale to propagate ISLAM trough preachinThe very history of ISLAM and ISLAMISM is fundamentally based on opening war to propagate the doctrine until now … other religions don’t fight to add up some more believers they just preach and the believers believe!
What is wrong with ISLAM scholars? … Don’t they have a preaching to do rather than fighting all other who are non Muslims ? How is a drug dealer gang and a jihad fighter different? they both want you to buy what you don’t prefer to have because they believe it should be that way!
How would Muslims feel if “Mekka” and “Medina” will get blasted by missile just because they choose to be Muslims? … how dose it feel to get forced to believe what you don’t believe?
I feel like the whole jihad thing is a little out of peaceful option … and if the one who have a good military might should enforce its ideology of religion guess who would do what!? … that doesn’t sound comforting isn’t it ?
Any ways it is not Christians who made Ismael fled … it is GOD the almighty according to bible ,i don’t know if it is the same in Qur’an! so what is to jihad about…?
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WHAT PEOPLE ARE SAYING ABOUT ACHARYA S/D.M. MURDOCK
"Previously I have interviewed Frank Zindler, Richard Carrier, David Fitzgerald and Robert Price, all of whom are ‘mythicists'; they don’t think there was ever anyone alive whom we could recognize as either Jesus or Moses. Of the lot of them, I would have thought that Price was the foremost expert, but he referred me to D.M. Murdock, also known as Acharya S, author of Did Moses Exist? The Myth of the Israelite Lawgiver, an impressive piece of work. It’s definitive.” —Aron Ra, president, American Atheists-TX
“There are no words that can adequately thank you enough. You are a sensitive soul whose presence enlightens the world. I hope your readers realize what an incredible lady (human being) you are. I am proud to call you my friend. I send best wishes.” —Amil Imani, Iranian democracy activist and writer
“I have seen your site – smart, thoughtful, savvy! Great video! You put a lot of work into this, Acharya.” —Deven Green, creator of Mrs. Betty Bowers, America’s Best Christian
“Your scholarship is relentless! …the research conducted by D.M. Murdock concerning the myth of Jesus Christ is certainly both valuable and worthy of
consideration.” —Dr. Kenneth L. Feder, Professor of Archaeology, Central Connecticut State University, Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience In Archaeology
“I find myself in full agreement with Acharya S/D.M. Murdock… I find it undeniable that…many, many of the epic heroes and ancient patriarchs and matriarchs of the Old Testament were personified stars, planets, and constellations…” —Dr. Robert M. Price, The Pre-Nicene New Testament
“I can recommend your work whole-heartedly!” —Dr. Robert Eisenman, James the Brother of Jesus and The New Testament Code, RobertEisenman.com
“Well-referenced, with numerous quotations from renowned Egyptologists and classical scholars, Acharya’s penetrating research clearly lays out the very ancient pre-Christian basis of modern Christianity. Those who espouse Christianity beware! After digesting the evidence, you will never again view your religion in the same light.” —Dr. Robert M. Schoch, Professor of Natural Science College of General Studies at Boston University; Author, Pyramid Quest, Voyages of the Pyramid Builders and Voices of the Rocks
“Acharya S deserves to be recognized as a leading researcher and an expert in the field of comparative mythology, on a par with James Frazer or Robert Graves—indeed, superior to those forerunners in the frankness of her conclusions and the volume of her evidence.” —Barbara Walker, The Women’s
Encyclopedia of Myths and Secrets and Man Made God
“I’ve known people with triple Ph.D’s who haven’t come close to the scholarship in Who Was Jesus?” —Pastor David Bruce, M.Div, North Park Seminary, Chicago, HollywoodJesus.com
“Thirty years ago, when in divinity school, I might have had second thoughts about becoming an Episcopal priest if a book like D. M. Murdock’s Who Was Jesus? had been available to me.” —Bob Semes, Retired university professor of History and Religion, Founder and Executive Director of The Jefferson Center
“In addition to presenting in Suns of God the troubling history of religious wars in an easily followed narrative, Acharya goes a step further, explaining as only she can how a once-simplistic idea has been carried into our modern world with terrible and nearly unimaginable results.” —Rev. Dr. W. Sumner Davis, Fellow, Royal Astronomical Society; Member, American Geophysical Union; Affiliate, New York Academy of Science
“Ms. Murdock is one of only a tiny number of scholars with the richly diverse academic background (and the necessary courage) to adequately address the question of whether Jesus Christ truly existed as a walking-talking figure in first-century Palestine.” —David Mills, Atheist Universe
“Thank you, Acharya, for the important work you are doing. Who Was Jesus? Fingerprints of the Christ just might be the best short introduction to Biblical scholarship yet.” —David Bergland, 1984 Libertarian Party Presidential Candidate, Libertarianism In One Lesson
“…I have found her scholarship, research, knowledge of the original languages, and creative linkages to be breathtaking and highly stimulating.” — Rev. Dr. Jon Burnham, Pastor, Presbyterian Church, Houston, TX
“Acharya S has done a superb job in bringing together the rich panoply of ancient world mythology and culture, and presenting it in a comprehensive and compelling fashion.” —Earl Doherty, The Jesus Puzzle
“Acharya S is a shining light of truth in a sea of deceit.” —Rob McConnell, X Zone Radio/TV, Ontario, Canada
“Amidst the global chaos of George Bush’s War on Terror, largely founded on religious intolerance and simplistic notions of good and evil, Acharya S is the voice of reason.” —Joan D’Arc, Paranoia
“D.M. Murdock could well be the most brilliant, insightful and rigorous theologian writing today.” —Robert Tulip
“Acharya S is the ranking religious philosopher of our era.” —John K.
“Acharya S/Murdock deserves an award for her hard work and courage. She is the Galileo of our day!” —Charles Johnson
“Acharya S knows more about the ancient Mysteries than any living scholar.” —Christopher Knowles
“Acharya S is an amazing researcher with a tremendous amount of energy and appetite for constant discovery of newer horizons. ” —Dr. O.P. Sudrania
“D.M. Murdock is a genius. Her scholarship on this subject is impeccable and has conducted the most thorough research I’ve ever read.” —David Kim
“Acharya Murdock’s work is so important, so clear and so timely!” —Theresa Weiss, PowerPlaces.com
“I am Hindu, and I read the Bhaagavatham in which the life of Krishna is detailed. I also read your works, and I endorse you. Keep up the good work.” —Murali Chemuturi
“Sooooooo glad you continue to spread your messages! Having had the privilege to meet with you face-to-face and share lunch some years back, I certainly can vouch for you to be a sincere, warm, caring and highly engaging individual, and this world is all the better because of you.
“Having known Acharya for quite some time, and although our life’s paths have diverged, she is never far from mind, and all thoughts are positive. She is a solid driving force for all things wise, good and useful that make this earth a tad bit better. We could use millions more like her.” —Robert W.Morgan | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
WB: RMX
WB:RMX is a remix album by The Residents, released in 2004. The album is a heavily altered remix of a 1971 demo tape that the band attempted to use to get signed to Warner Bros. Records.
The Residents originally got their name when the anonymous demo tape they recorded in 1971 (later called The Warner Bros. Album) was rejected by its recipient, Hal Halverstadt, the record executive who had signed Captain Beefheart and his Magic Band to Warner Bros. Records. It was returned addressed to "Residents, 20 Sycamore St." with a note awarding them an "A for Ariginality".
The demo was never heard by the public until it was played on a Portland, Oregon radio show in 1977. The group had been reluctant to truly release the demo due to recording quality and the fact that their sound had improved between that demo and their official first full-length LP, Meet the Residents. Upon learning that the demo tapes were being circulated via file sharing, the group remixed the original demo recordings and released them under the title. WB:RMX, though only less than half of the tracks from the original demo were included.
On Record Store Day 2018, the full demo was given its first official release as part of The Residents' pREServed remaster campaign.
Track listing
"The Mad Sawmill of Copenhagen, Germany"
"Baby Skeletons and Dogs"
"Bop Bop (Shoobop Bop)"
"A Merican Fag"
"Oh Mommy Oh Daddy"
"Peace and Love"
"Christmas Morning Foto"
"Maggie's Farm"
"Snot and Feces Live at the Grunt Festival"
"Sweet Meat"
"Ohm Is Where the Art Is"
"Sell American"
"Love Theme from a Major Motion Picture"
"Pie in the Sky"
"Art, the White Elephant"
References
http://everything2.com/title/The+Warner+Bros.+Album
Category:The Residents albums
Category:2004 remix albums | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Wikipedia (en) |
Q:
Objectify entities - reusing issue
In my app I would like to create entities that can be reused by many different data sources (e.g. I want to cache some of them in Redis) - in JPA I can use annotations which are not affecting on semantic of entities (i.e. they can be ignored by different services and a entity can acts as POJO). In Objectify, to create a relationship, I need use classes like Ref or Key in my entities' definition, that changes their semantic.
My question is - is there any way to create POJO entities which can be used with Objectify and which can be used with relations features? I would prefer to not use any kind of DTOs to achieve that if it is not required (i.e. use a different entity for Objectify and a different for rest of data sources - it can increase complexity and create duplications)
A:
You hit the nail square on the head here : Since you need to change the semantic of your definition for Objectify, it won't work unfortunately.
You will need to stay with JPA, or JDO, and work from there.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
Q:
What's the usage of variable_scope with name_or_scope = None
When we use variable_scope, we usually set the first argument (name_or_scope) as a name of variable_scope. And when we set the reuse variable as 'True', we can share the variable within the variable_scope.
However, I found that inside the tensorflow API (such as Bahdanau attention, or tf.layers.Dense), there are variable scope whose first argument (name_or_scope) is set as None and the second argument (default_name) is set as what we thought as scope name.
I checked the code of tf.variable_scope and found that:
If name_or_scope is not None, it is used as is. If scope is None,
then default_name is used. In that case, if the same name has
been previously used in the same scope, it will be made unique by
appending _N to it.
In this case, I can't use it within for loop because each time the variable_scope is called, it will create new variable_scope with different name.
I can't find anywhere explaining this function (I mean name_or_scope set as None).
Anyone to explain this?
A:
You're right, when tf.variable_scope is called with name_or_scope=None, a default_name argument is used and it's uniquified. So calling it in a loop will create different scopes.
Not sure about Bahdanau attention, but tf.layers.Dense can be created with a custom scope via _scope argument:
layer = Dense(units, ..., _scope=name)
In fact, you can call tf.layers.dense with a specified name and this name is going to define tf.variable_scope(name). This way allows you to create dense layers in a loop.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
House oversight committee Chairman Darrell Issa told Fox News on Thursday that a massive trove of emails handed to his office on the eve of the elections indicates Attorney General Eric Holder was “at the heart” of deliberations over the Operation Fast and Furious scandal.
More than 64,000 pages of documents were given to the committee Monday night, a move Issa, R-Calif., said was a ploy to make sure they didn’t sway the election. But he said his staff is starting to go through them – already, one email exchange has surfaced in which Holder in 2011 blasted Issa “and his idiot cronies” looking into the botched anti-gun trafficking operation.
In that email, published by The Wall Street Journal, Holder claimed Issa and others “never gave a damn about” the program “when all that was happening was that thousands of Mexicans were being killed with guns from our country.” He accused them of trying only to “cripple ATF and suck up to the gun lobby.”
Issa rejected the charges, saying on Fox News the culpability lies with higher-ups, not the ATF, anyway.
“This was an undercover activity that specifically cut out our allies in Mexico … so if there’s culpability, I think it really belongs with the attorney general,” he said.
The now-halted operation allowed firearms to be trafficked into Mexico so U.S. agents could track them. But many guns ended up in the hands of criminals and at multiple crime scenes, including the murder of U.S. border agent Brian Terry.
Issa said that while Holder has suggested before Congress that he didn’t know much about the program, “it looks very much like he’s CC’d on everything.”
“This is an example of where the attorney general is at the heart of this,” he said.
The documents were released to the committee in response to a court order. Issa’s office claimed the turn-over is proof the department never had grounds to withhold them in the first place through so-called executive privilege.
Justice Department spokesman Brian Fallon, though, said the department has been willing to cooperate.
“We have long been willing to provide many of these materials voluntarily in order to resolve this matter outside of court, and believe that producing them now should bring us a big step closer to concluding this litigation once and for all,” he said.
According to the department, the latest delivery includes about 10,000 documents, bringing the total provided so far to 18,000. Some documents still withheld were deemed “deliberative,” and exempt.
A DOJ official said nothing in the materials contradicts what the department has said before about the “flawed” operation, and said they affirm the finding that Holder was not aware of the tactics until February 2011.
Fox News’ Lucas Tomlinson contributed to this report. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
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Background
==========
Thyroid Eye Disease (TED) is the most frequent extrathyroidal manifestation of Graves' disease \[[@B1]\], and results from an increased volume of orbital tissues (connective and adipose tissue, interstitial enlargement of extraocular muscles) within the enclosed space of the bony orbits \[[@B2]\]. Although excellent review articles have been published on TED \[[@B1],[@B3]-[@B5]\], it remains a pathogenetic enigma and a therapeutic dilemma. Once initiated, the orbital immune process frequently assumes a momentum of its own, leading to non-specific but nonetheless harmful consequences such as tissue hypoxia, oxygen free radical damage, and fibrogenic tissue remodeling \[[@B6]\].
Thyroid Eye Disease is a self-limiting disease with active and static phases. The initial active inflammatory phase usually lasts for 6--24 months, but may sometimes continue for several years \[[@B2],[@B7],[@B8]\].
Exophthalmos, probably the most widely known symptom of TED, occurs in 20--30% of patients with Graves' disease and up to 40--70% of patients with TED \[[@B9]\]. In the majority of patients both eyes are equally affected, although often in an asymmetric manner \[[@B10]\]. Pure unilateral ophthalmopathy is rare, with 5% to 11% of cases showing no progression to bilateral disease \[[@B11]\]. However, the literature documenting unilateral TED is weak and probably patients presenting with very asymmetric TED show subclinical disease in the less affected orbit. Radiological findings can often be demonstrated in the fellow eye and clinical evidence of TED may become clear during the course of the disease \[[@B8]\]. The natural history of unilateral TED is unknown and the diagnosis remains challenging \[[@B12]\]. This study aims to assess the patients who were referred to a tertiary orbital clinic with TED with the appearance of unilateral proptosis, and how many in this group went on to develop subsequent contralateral involvement. The influence of age, gender, hormonal status and of different therapies such as corticosteroids, radiotherapy and surgical decompression on this phenomenon is evaluated.
Given that TED is a disfiguring and disabling disease that influences and impairs the quality of life of affected individuals \[[@B3]\], when contralateral proptosis occurs, the need for further therapy is a frustrating event for the patient. To our knowledge, there are no specific reports in the literature on this phenomenon, and its incidence and characteristics are poorly documented.
Methods
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A cohort of 655 consecutive patients with TED who visited and were managed at the Orbital Unit of the Department of Visual Science of the University of Naples "Federico II" from January 1995 to December 2009, were retrospectively reviewed. The aim was to determine the percentage of patients presenting with unilateral TED with the appearance of unilateral exophthalmos and who had previous clinical history with no remarkable changes in their appearance and to evaluate the percentage of patients who developed over time exophthalmos on contralateral non-proptotic eye. To ensure a reasonable time period that produces suitable data for statistical analysis, the minimum follow-up time for the patients was 10 years. Data was extracted from a special TED form which is routinely completed for each patient in our Orbital Unit. The study adheres to the declaration of Helsinki. The form included different sections regarding age, sex, thyroid gland disorder, associated systemic diseases, medication history, and eye symptoms at presentation of TED. It also included a section for visual function tests including best corrected visual acuity, optic disc, color vision, visual field, intraocular pressure (IOP) in primary and up-gaze, Hertel exophthalmometry, eyelid examination, ocular motility examination \[[@B13]\], slit-lamp examination and findings on orbital imaging. The examination included a clinical activity score (CAS) and a NOSPECS severity score \[[@B14]\]. In the case of asymmetric severity and/or activity scores, the worst score was considered for statistical analysis. To help enhance the accuracy of data collection, the charts of patients with more complicated medical courses were independently abstracted by senior a ophthalmologist who is experienced in the care of patients with TED (DS, RP, GB), and by an ophtlhalmologist-in-training (CC, PG, IB).
Clinical measurement of the exophthalmos is performed in our clinic by using \"Hertel\" Oculus exophthalmometer, and followed by using a similar intercanthal width for each individual patient. Two observers routinely perform readings: usually one fellow or resident and one senior (DS, RP, GB). An asymmetric proptosis was considered significant if the difference between eyes was \> 2 mm \[[@B7]\], and when measurement of the non-proptotic eye produced a result of \< 16 mm for female and \<20 mm for males according to the previous study on Caucasian population performed by Mourits \[[@B15]\].
For the study purposes the exophthalmos was quantified by reviewing the CT scan. All patients referred to our clinic presenting with exophthalmos routinely undergo CT evaluation to exclude the presence of other causes of proptosis and to assess the follow-up \[[@B16],[@B17]\]. In this cohort, 353 patients (54%) were evaluated with a CT scan (Marconi MX 8000, Philips Medical System) performed at the Radiology Department of the University of Naples "Federico II". Standard axial, 1.33-mm-thick, spiral CT images (increment 0.6mm, pitch 0.875 mm, mAS/slice 200, KV 120) were obtained. Following acquisition, the scans were post-processed with multiplanar reconstructions (MPR) on the coronal plane. The window settings were adjusted to better visualize the single structures (muscles, globe, nerves, and fat). Upon admission, 302 patients (46%) produced a CT exam which had been previously conducted at another medical center; the exams were deemed appropriate for this study if performed with 1.33-mm-thick acquisition. The authors (AE, MN) had post-processed the DICOM files images with multiplanar reconstructions (MPR) on the coronal and sagittal plane.
Results of the examinations were scored by the same observer (AE, MN) in a blinded manner and initial and long-term follow-up CT examinations were digitally combined and compared to determine variations of the following parameters: side of involvement (L/R); number of involved EOMs; most severely affected EOM; degree of exophthalmos; apical crowding (Y/N); optic nerve (ON) rectitude (Y/N); superior ophthalmic vein (SOV) enlargement (Y/N); orbital lipomatosis and adipose involution of EOMs (Y/N). The lengths of the interzygomatic line and globe position were measured on axial scans of the mid-globe section. The number and dimension of the involved EOMs were evaluated on CT coronal images \[[@B18],[@B19]\]. Volumetric analysis was eventually performed. To determine the position of the globe and the grade of the exophthalmos, on CT, the perpendicular distance between the interzygomatic line and the posterior margin of the globe at the mid-globe section (where the middle portion of the nerve was visualized), was measured on an axial scan.
Medical and/or surgical treatments administered for the initial proptosis were carefully analyzed to study their influence on the outcome. Thyroid function- status was based on standard test.
To evaluate the influence of age, gender, hormonal and smoker status and of different therapies such as corticosteroids, radiotherapy and surgical decompression on this phenomenon on the development of contralateral proptosis, we compared statistically the group of patients who remained with asymmetric proptosis (group 1) with those who showed contralateral proptosis over time (group 2).
Univariate analysis was used to evaluate correlations between clinical factors (sex, age, surgery, corticosteroid therapy, radiotherapy, thyroid hormonal status) and the incidence of controlateral disease. Dichotomic variables were tested by Pearson Chi-square test, Fischer exact test or Students'T test when appropriate. The median and the range were used to describe all continuous variables and nonparametric techniques were used for analyzing them (Mann--Whitney U test). To evaluate the risk associated with the presence of a significant clinical factors the Cox regression analysis was adopted. All statistical tests were two-sided, and a p value of 0.05 was considered statistically significant. Statistical analysis was performed with SPSS 18.0 statistical software (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL).
Results
=======
Of the 655 patients enrolled in this study, 89 (13.5%) (95% confidence interval \[CI\] 15%-10%) presented with unilateral exophthalmos. Exophthalmometer values in the proptotic eye ranged from 17 to 29 mm, with a median value of 25.2. There were 31 (35%) men and 58 (65%) women. CAS values ranged from 3 to 6 with a mean value of 4.1 in the proptotic eye and from 2 to 4 with a mean of 2.8 in the fellow eye. No significant relation was found between the CAS at the initial visit and the development of proptosis (worst score was considered for the analysis in asymmetric cases). Twenty-four (27%) patients had concomitant eye movement restriction in the proptotic eye; none had extraocular muscle impairment in the unaffected eye. Among the 89 patients with asymmetric proptosis, 13 patients (14%) (95% CI 22%-7%) (7 women and 6 males) developed contralateral exophthalmos during the 10-years of follow-up. In all cases, the increase in Hertel exophthalmometry measurements was \> 2 mm, and ranged from 2 to 5 mm (median of 3.2). Review of the CT scan confirmed this data and differences were not statistically significant. The contralateral exophthalmos developed over a length of time, which varied from a minimum of 6 months to a maximum of 7 years, with a median time of 29 months. In particular, contralateral proptosis developed in 3 (23.%) patients within 36 months from the onset (3±0.9-mean CAS ± standard deviation), in 4 patients (30%) between 3 to 5 years (4.41±1.3 mean CAS ± standard deviation), and in 5 patients (37%) at a time \>5 years (5±0.786 mean CAS ± standard deviation).
Volumetric analysis of proptotic eye on CT performed at the time of initial presentation showed in proptotic eyes: enlargement of both the orbital fat compartment and the extraocular muscles in 56 patients (63%), involvement of only adipose tissue in 14 patients (16%) and increased enlargement of only extraocular muscle (mean sizes: inferior rectus 6.5 mm, superior rectus 5.8 mm, medial rectus 4.6 mm, and lateral rectus 5.1 mm) in 19 patients (21%) whereas in non-proptotic eyes: absent in 56 patients (63%) or minimal increase (37%) of the fat compartment with muscles of normal size (79%) or minimum enlargement of one muscle (21%) (mean size: inferior rectus 4.3 mm, superior rectus 5.0 mm, medial rectus 4.0 mm, and lateral rectus 3.6 mm); these features were consistent with the condition of asymmetric proptosis (Figure [1](#F1){ref-type="fig"}).
{#F1}
Imaging at the time of development of contralateral exophthalmos revealed increases in both the individual and total sizes of the extraocular muscles (mean size: inferior rectus 6.3 mm, superior rectus 5.9 mm, medial rectus 4.8 mm, and lateral rectus 5.0 mm) using the previously described criteria \[[@B20]\]. Distribution of the patients in the 2 groups was as follows: group 1, 76 patients and group 2, 13 patients. Patients who developed contralateral exophthalmos (group 2) were an average of 8.5 years younger than those patients who remained stable (group 1) (p = 0.039).
More patients who showed unilateral proptosis were smokers compared to those who were not (chi-square test, *p* = 0.021).
Different therapies were administrated to the 2 groups. Group 1: 40 patients (52.%) received corticosteroid pulse therapy, 4 patients (5.%) received radiotherapy, and 22 patients (28.%) received orbital decompression. Group 2: 10 patients (76.%) received corticosteroid therapy, 8 patients (61.%) received orbital decompression, and 1 patient (7.%) received radiotherapy (Table [1](#T1){ref-type="table"}). Among those different therapies, only surgical decompression was related with a higher incidence of contralateral proptosis (p\< 0.02) and progression in the not operated eye followed from 6 months to 2 years period. It was reported in literature that TED has a more aggressive course in males \[[@B21]\], however, we were not able to demonstrate statistically the same figure.
######
Comparison of demographic, clinical, biochemical features and different therapies between the 2 groups of patients
**Comparative values among two groups**
----------------------------------------- ------------- ------------- ------------ ------------------
**Sex**
Male 25 (32.9) 6 (46.2) ***0.54*** ***Χ***^***2***^
Female 51 (67.1) 7 (53.8)
**Surgery**
With decompression 22 (28.9) 8 (61.5) ***0.05*** ***Χ***^***2***^
Without decompress. 54 (71.1) 5 (38.5)
**Corticosteroid therapy**
Performed 40 (52,6) 10 (76,9) ***0.14*** ***Fisher***
Not done 36 (47,4) 3 (23,1)
**Radiotherapy**
Performed 4 (5.3) 1 (7.7) ***0.55*** ***Fisher***
Not done 36 (47,4) 3 (23,1)
**Initial thyroid hormone status**
Euthyroid 4 (5.3) 1 (92.3) ***0.55*** ***Fisher***
Hyperthyroidism 72 (94.7) 12 (7.7)
Median age 44 (19--71) 32 (24--58) *0.1* *U*
CAS (mean value+/− DS) 4.2±1.8 4±0.8 0,66 *t*
**Smoker** 17 (19.) 12 (50.0) 0.02 ***Χ***^***2***^
No difference of hormonal status between the 2 groups was found at the initial presentation.
Discussion
==========
TED usually involves both orbits, although clinical signs tend to manifest asymmetrically. When TED presents with unilateral proptosis, clinical signs and symptoms such as inflammation, impairment of eye motility and eyelid retraction \[[@B22]\], may be present in the fellow eye, and contralateral proptosis may become clear during the course of the disease \[[@B9],[@B12]\]. Literature on actual unilateral TED is relatively scarce and heterogeneous and there are no conclusive data and explanations for this event. The number of patients having pure unilateral TED reported to range from 9% to 15% \[[@B9],[@B10],[@B23]\]. In our study, we found 13% of patients presenting unilateral TED with the appearance of unilateral proptosis. Bartley reported unilateral proptosis at the onset in 8,5% of patients in a cohort of cases with TED \[[@B24]\]. Kendler and Rootman reported unilateral exophthalmos in 13% of patients from a series of 557 consecutive cases \[[@B21]\]. This variation could be explained by the fact that in previous studies, the evaluation of proptosis was based solely on Hertel exophthalmometry, hence the different percentages reported might be explained by an unavoidable inter-observer variation when using this method \[[@B25],[@B26]\]. Our study includes a review of CT imaging to more accurately define the proptosis as being asymmetric, because some reports suggest that clinically unilateral disease is bilateral from the onset \[[@B9],[@B12]\]. It is also known that a CT scan can demonstrate contralateral eye muscle involvement in 50--90% of patients with clinical unilateral eye involvement \[[@B18],[@B23]\]. Given the systemic nature of the disease, it seems far more likely that both orbits were involved but to a very different extent. This is supported by the fact that CT imaging picked up some sign of contralateral involvement in this study patients despite no clinical signs. Eventually, it is possible that Hertel and CT imaging measurements, though within the normal range, may be increased for an individual patient. More accurate testing, such as MR imaging, would likely show a higher number of uninvolved orbits having subtle changes, but we were unable to collect data on MRI exam on all patients.
Published data concerning delayed development of proptosis in the contralateral eye are very few. Kalmann and Mourits have described one case of late recurrence of unilateral TED on the contralateral side after 7 years of follow-up \[[@B27]\].
We observed 13 patients who developed a subsequent increase in exophthalmometry measurements in the non-proptotic eye within a period ranging from 6 months to 7 years. We believe that such a variable range of time for this occurrence suggests the presence of different pathological mechanisms. For those presenting with proptosis within 36 months, unilateral TED probably represents an early stage of the disease-initially limited to only one eye, and the contralateral proptosis is due to a prolonged manifestation of the disease, concealing its activity due to the use of corticosteroids and radiotherapy \[[@B9]\]. A high percentage of patients in both groups in our study had been treated with a corticosteroid before presentation, and it remains a challenge to explain factors leading to a less rapid progression of TED in one eye rather than the fellow eye. Considering that the 78% patients in group 2 needed corticosteroid versus the 53% of patients of group 1, it could be argued that patients who progressed onto bilateral proptosis have worse disease in general, and this could be suggested by a trend even in the absence of statistically significant p value.
When proptosis occurred within a period between 3 and 5 years, which describes 40% of patients in our study, it may be considered to be a result of subclinical, slow progressing, chronic inflammation and (or) fibrosis. We did not observe an actual increase of the CAS (4.41±1.3) before the proptosis occurred.
We observed 3 patients who had contralateral proptosis after \>5 years, perhaps as a consequence of a late reactivation of TED (CAS: 5±0.786). Late reactivation of TED was also reported in 5% of patients having, with an increase in \"Hertel\" exophthalmometry readings after 5 years of follow-up \[[@B11]\]. The authors suspected that this was not due to a slow subclinical progression of disease activity or to fibrosis prior to representation, but rather due to a significant increase in activity at the time of recurrence \[[@B11]\]. We observed an increase of CAS during the 6 months prior to the presentation of proptosis; this observation is consistent with this proposed mechanism.
The clinical course of TED is independent of thyroid status and a temporal relation to thyroid disease is not consistent \[[@B28]\], but TED tends to be more severe in patients with poorly controlled hyperthyroidism and those rendered hypothyroid \[[@B11]\]. TED may occur under euthyroid conditions with no obvious precipitants and it often presents as a reactivation of myopathy \[[@B11]\]. In our cases, there was no significant difference in the initial thyroid status when comparing the 2 groups of patients. We considered only the thyroid status during the previous 6 months prior to development of the contralateral proptosis, and hence we are unable to offer statistics concerning the influence of different treatments used for thyroid disorders and TED, which may in some way affect the evolution of proptosis.
It is thought that individuals \>50 years of age tend to have worse ophthalmopathy than younger individuals \[[@B23],[@B28]\]. In our investigation, the risk for developing contralateral proptosis was higher in younger patients (average age of group 1 was 8.5 years less than age of group 2).This finding correlates well with the results reported by Rootman, who found that TED in young patients tends to be more asymmetric \[[@B21]\].
It is possible that the difference in average age between the groups could be accounted for by younger patients who tend to have a prolonged active phase (which would be more likely to progress on either side), while older patients came to our clinic in the post-inflammatory phase.
It is well known that smoking also contributes significantly to the severity and recurrence of TED \[[@B29],[@B30]\]. In our study smoking history was found to be related to the development of contralateral proptosis, thus, it is important for patients with Graves' disease to refrain from smoking.
Comparing the different therapies previously administrated (corticosteroids, radiotherapy, and surgical decompression), only surgical decompression was associated with a statistically significant occurrence of contralateral exopthalmos. We believe that this result could be related to the fact that TED is an autoimmune disease, and the releasing and spreading of an immunogenic orbital inducer during surgical decompression can serve as a trigger agent in developing contralateral proptosis. Wai et al. described a severe reactivation of TED, which occurred 3 weeks after cataract surgery in a patient who had inactive ophthalmopathy for 24 years. The authors hypothesized that trauma and pressure in the retrobulbar space induced by retrobulbar anesthsia triggered local inflammatory and immune responses, which in turn caused progression of TED \[[@B31],[@B32]\]. Recently a similiar mechanism was reported to explain 3 cases of homolateral reactivation of the disease after orbital decompression \[[@B33]\]. Wenz et al. described 3 patients who had orbital decompression for compressive optic neuropathy and then subsequently relapsed due to progressive extraocular muscle enlargement \[[@B34]\].
Even if no significant difference was found for corticosteroids therapy, the low levels of p-value and power of the statistic test (0.14, power \<70%) could suggest a trend of a worse disease in general for those patients who developed contralateral proptosis, since they needed corticosteroid in higher percentage.
Conclusions
===========
Our data supports the view that the non-proptotic and clinically less affected eye could be involved in TED during the long-term follow-up. Thus, although the clinical presentation of TED may often be asymmetric, it is believed to be truly unilateral in a minority of cases, as would be expected in a systemic disease. We believe, however, that all the hypotheses proposed to explain unilateral TED in previous studies and in the present one are still biased by the lack of a general consensus concerning the measurement values used to determine disease activity, progression, and severity. The main goal of our study was to assess the unilateral TED with the appearance of unilateral proptosis and to evaluate the occurrence of subsequent contralateral proptosis. Therefore this study would provide information necessary for the management of patients affected by TED, since we believe that the knowledge concerning the progression of unilateral presentation of TED to bilateral might be useful both for the physician when planning the therapy and for the patients.
Consent
=======
Written informed consent was obtained from the patient for publication of this report and any accompanying images.
Abbreviations
=============
TED: Thyroid eye disease; CAS: Clinical activity score.
Competing interests
===================
No financial support was received for this submission.
The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.
Authors' contributions
======================
DS designed the study. RP, IB, CC, MN, MF, PG, PR, PN, ADA, AI, RL conducted the study. DS, RP, AE, AB, GB took care of collection, management, analysis, and interpretation of the data. DS and MN prepared, reviewed and approved the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Pre-publication history
=======================
The pre-publication history for this paper can be accessed here:
<http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2415/13/21/prepub>
Acknowledgments
===============
Funding/Support: No financial support was received for this submission.
No conflicting relationship exists for any author.
Other acknowledgments: Native English-speaking experts of BioMed Proofreading have edited this manuscript.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Central |
An meiner Schule sah Aufklärung über Menstruation so aus: Alle Mädchen wurden in einen getrennten Raum geführt, wo der Biologielehrer eine große Binde aus dem Schrank zog. Das Ding sah aus wie ein saugfähiges Surfbrett. Ich und meine beste Freundin schauten einander entsetzt an, während die Binde herumgereicht wurde, damit alle mal fühlen können. Dann füllte der Lehrer einen Eierbecher mit roter Farbe und schüttete ihn darauf aus. Sehr erhellend.
Da wir Mädchen schon so bescheidene Bildung zum Thema erhielten, will ich mir gar nicht vorstellen, was Jungs damals über Perioden wussten. Aber da sich so viele Männer noch davor ekeln, lautet die Antwort vermutlich: sehr wenig, und davon ist wohl die Hälfte falsch. Und aus diesem Stoff ist Scham gemacht. Kürzlich hat die britische Charity-Organisation Plan International UK eine Studie veröffentlicht, bei der fast die Hälfte von 1.000 Mädchen zwischen 14 und 21 Jahren angab, sich für ihre Menstruation zu schämen. Die Organisation empfiehlt deshalb, dass beide Geschlechter in der Schule gemeinsam darüber aufgeklärt werden.
Unwissenheit über Menstruation führt offensichtlich zu Verwirrung und Misogynie – höchste Zeit, Klarheit zu schaffen. Ich habe Männer zwischen 18 und 40 gebeten, mir ihre Fragen zur Periode zu schicken und beantworte sie hier für euch alle. Gern geschehen.
Auch bei VICE: Das echte 'True Blood'?
"Was ist der Unterschied zwischen Binden und Tampons, und warum benutzt überhaupt jemand Binden?"
Binden sind die saugfähigen Surfbretter, die wir uns als zusätzliche Schicht in die Unterwäsche kleben. Tampons sind kleine Zylinder aus saugfähigem Material, die wir mit oder ohne Applikator in die Vagina einführen. Sie erfüllen beide denselben Zweck und wer was benutzt, hängt hauptsächlich von persönlichen Vorlieben ab.
Binden sind nützlich, wenn du das Pech hast, eine besonders starke Blutung zu haben, oder für nachts – wenn du dir brav deine acht Stunden Schlaf holst, kann es ungünstig sein, den Tampon die ganze Zeit über zu tragen. Das kann – in extrem seltenen Fällen – das Risiko eines toxischen Schocksyndroms erhöhen. Manche benutzen auch Binden, weil sie das Einführen oder Tragen eines Tampons körperlich oder psychisch unangenehm finden. Auf der anderen Seite finden viele Frauen Binden scheiße unbequem – als hätte man eine Erwachsenenwindel an. Das Gute am Tampon ist, dass er weniger im Weg ist. Du gehst deinem Leben nach und vergisst, dass er da ist. Viele Frauen benutzen auch beides gleichzeitig. Und immer mehr nehmen eine Menstruationstasse: Das sind kleine, flexible Kunststoffbehälter, die nach jeder Nutzung einfach ausgespült werden.
"Gefällt es dir, wenn der Tampon reingeht?"
Diese Frage entspringt den Gehirnen von Heterojungs, die dazu konditioniert sind, ihre Schwänze als magische Zauberstäbe zu sehen, und die fassungslos sind, wenn sie erfahren, dass Penetration allein kaum orgasmisch wirkt. Pass auf: Nimm deinen Daumen, oder meinetwegen deinen zweitdicksten Finger. Steck in dir ins Ohr. Drück ihn so weit rein, wie du kannst. Noch ein bisschen. Jetzt weißt du es. Nein, es ist kein lustvolles Erlebnis, einen trockenen Baumwolle-Stöpsel in unsere Vaginen zu schieben.
"Hast du während der Periode Sex?"
Yeah, Baby, wir lassen's krachen. Zumindest diejenigen unter uns, die Lust dazu haben. Es ist nur ein bisschen Blut. OK, wenn es gerade regelrechte Sturzbäche sind, lassen wir es vielleicht sogar sein, weil wir keine Lust haben, uns selbst und die ganzen Handtücher nachher zu waschen. Aber an Sex während der Tage ist nichts seltsam oder schlecht.
"Bist du während deiner Periode am geilsten?"
Das trifft definitiv nicht auf alle Frauen zu, aber es ist ein bekanntes Phänomen. Forscher haben Hormonwerte analysiert und gefolgert, dass wir mit größter Wahrscheinlichkeit etwa am 14. Tag des Zyklus am geilsten sind – also während des Eisprungs (Tag 14 ist in der Mitte eines durchschnittlichen Zyklus und damit vor der Menstruation, nicht währenddessen). So sorgt die Natur dafür, dass wir uns auch wirklich fortpflanzen, wenn die Fruchtbarkeit gerade mitmacht. Warum kommen wir also auch während der Tage oft in Wallung? Das Hormon Progesteron verringert die Libido, und während der Menstruation haben wir weniger Progesteron, also liegt es vielleicht daran. Andere Theorien: Es liegt an der erhöhten Gleitfähigkeit; wir sind einfach gut drauf, weil die PMS-Phase vorbei ist (später dazu mehr) oder, und das ist sehr wahrscheinlich, es hat vielleicht etwas mit dem Druck im Beckenboden zu tun.
Foto: Wikimedia Commons | Gemeinfrei
"Hat das Blut im Sommer eine andere Farbe als im Winter? Rosé vs. Merlot?"
Unabhängig von der Jahreszeit kann Menstruationsblut von schwarz-braun bis tiefrosa jede Schattierung haben. Unser Blut ist ewig. Es ist der fruchtbare Nektar der Erde und passt sich nicht ans Wetter an.
"Werden Frauen, die ihre Tage haben, zickig?"
NEIN. Wenn du schon ein Sexist sein und die Emotionen aller Frauen auf ihre reproduktive Anatomie zurückführen willst, dann lass uns wenigstens klären, von welcher Phase des Zyklus wir sprechen.
Hier ein Mini-Guide zu PMS: Die Abkürzung steht für "prämenstruelles Syndrom" und das meint körperliche und emotionale Symptome, die mit dem Menstruationszyklus zu tun haben und vor der Blutung auftreten, nicht währenddessen. Und wenn Frauen überhaupt mit solchen Symptomen auf ihren Zyklus reagieren, dann hochindividuell. Frauen, die PMS-Symptome kriegen, bekommen diese irgendwann zwischen dem Eisprung (circa Tag 14) und dem Beginn der Blutung. Das kann wenige Stunden andauern, oder eben Wochen. Laut Forschung sollen bis zu 75 Prozent aller Frauen irgendwann im Laufe ihres Lebens Symptome feststellen. Eine seltene und schwere Form des PMS nennt sich PMDS und betrifft etwa zwei bis acht Prozent der Frauen.
Die Vorstellung, dass Frauen während der Periode psychisch völlig im Eimer sind, ist falsch und hängt mit männlichen Ängsten vor der Menstruation zusammen. Der Irrtum hält sich hartnäckig, weil man Frauen damit als von Natur aus unzurechnungsfähig darstellen kann. Vielleicht sind die körperlichen Symptome während der Blutung schlimm und verderben uns schon mal etwas die Laune, aber wenn du Bauchweh hast, motzt du deswegen ja auch nicht alles und jeden an, sondern hast deine Umgangsformen im Griff, oder? Na also.
"Stimmt es, dass ihr während der Periode nicht schwanger werden könnt?"
Eine Empfängnis ist auch während der Periode nicht ausgeschlossen, auch wenn die Wahrscheinlichkeit gering ist. Also solltest du immer verhüten, außer ihr wünscht euch ein Baby. Die Phase der größten Fruchtbarkeit geht etwa von Tag 11 bis Tag 21, und da ist die Periode nicht dabei.
"Stimmt es, dass sich der Zyklus von Frauen aufeinander einpendeln kann?"
Ich würde sagen, dass es das gibt, denn ich habe in zwei reinen Frauenhaushalten gewohnt, und beide Male ist es passiert. Aber die Wissenschaftler sind sich da nicht einig. Manche Studien bestätigen es, andere widerlegen es. Die neueste Forschung dazu legt nahe, dass es ein Mythos ist. Aber wir stellen uns gerne vor, dass unsere Uteri unfassbar mächtig sind und zu einem einzigen, weltbeherrschenden Uterus Prime verschmelzen können. 1999 gab es eine Studie, in der 80 Prozent der befragten Frauen angaben, daran zu glauben, und 70 Prozent sagten, ihnen gefalle diese Vorstellung sehr.
"Warst du schon mal in Versuchung, dein eigenes Menstruationsblut zu probieren?"
Warst du schon mal in Versuchung, eine Schnittwunde an deinem Finger zu lecken, um den metallischen Geschmack zu testen? Ja? Na, dann lecken sich vielleicht auch Leute, die menstruieren, mal für einen kleinen Geschmackstest den Finger, oder? Das haben bestimmt schon viele getan, und anderen würde es vielleicht im Traum nicht einfallen. Aus meiner Sicht gibt es nichts, das dagegen spricht.
"Riecht es?"
Alles hat einen Geruch. Menstruationsblut riecht einfach wie Blut. Altes Menstruationsblut riecht wie getrocknetes Blut.
"Dauert es immer eine Woche? Passiert es wirklich jeden Monat?"
Das mit der einwöchigen Dauer ist nur eine praktische Verallgemeinerung. Manche Frauen haben Glück und haben eine kurze Blutungsphase, die vielleicht nur ein oder zwei Tage dauert. Bei anderen sind es sieben Tage oder sogar noch mehr. Die Zyklusdauer von 28 Tagen ist auch nur ein Durchschnittswert. Bei manchen Frauen ist der Zyklus ein wenig kürzer, bei anderen ist er über 30 Tage lang. Es gibt auch Frauen, die aus unterschiedlichen hormonellen oder krankheitsbedingten Gründen nicht jeden Monat eine Blutung haben.
"Könnt ihr eure Periode abstellen? Und wenn ja, wieso machen das nicht alle?"
Frauen können durchgehend Anti-Baby-Pillen nehmen, um ihre Periode loszuwerden. Das machen meist solche, die extrem wenig Lust darauf haben, oder für die es medizinisch ratsam ist, weil sie so schlimmes PMS haben. Ich habe eine Hormonersatztherapie, bei der mein gesamter Zyklus unterdrückt wird, damit ich keine Menstruation und damit kein PMDS (das besonders schlimme PMS) kriege. Es gibt auch ein Mittel namens Norethistheron, das man nehmen kann, um die Blutung kurzfristig aufzuschieben – zum Beispiel für einen teuren Strandurlaub oder weil Ryan Gosling in der Stadt ist. Sie kann auch wegen Stress, Essstörungen, starkem Untergewicht oder Krankheit ausbleiben. Aber insgesamt sind menschliche Körper nicht darauf ausgelegt, eine so grundlegende Sache einfach medikamentös auszuknipsen. Die Menstruation ist einfach eine Tatsache des Lebens, mit der die meisten von uns klarkommen müssen, bis sie altersbedingt aufhört. Das nennen wir dann "Wechseljahre", und dazu befragt ihr am besten eure Mama oder Oma.
"Spürst du, wenn deine Periode bevorsteht? Hast du 24 Stunden Vorwarnung oder so?"
Wenn jede Frau einen inneren Wecker hätte, der vor der Menstruation schrillt, hätten wir nicht fast alle eine Geschichte von peinlichen Blutflecken auf Kleidung und/oder Möbeln. Manche Frauen haben einen so regelmäßigen Zyklus, dass sie die Uhr danach stellen und sich dementsprechend bereithalten können. Als ich noch meine Blutung hatte, konnte ich immer sehr deutlich spüren, wie meine Gebärmutter anfängt, sich zu ver- und entkrampfen, um das Blut auszustoßen. Das Gefühl war irgendwie wunderbar schlimm und außerdem sehr hilfreich, denn so hatte ich etwa eine Stunde Zeit, um eine Toilette aufzusuchen. Manchmal warnen uns die ersten Krämpfe vor. Manchmal ist es einfach Intuition. Und manchmal kauerst du fluchend in der Hocke über einem Raststätten-Klo und rollst Klopapier zu improvisierten Binden zusammen, weil du es nicht hast kommen sehen.
"Was heißt 'spät dran'?"
Das bedeutet, dass wir laut unseren eigenen Berechnungen jetzt eigentlich unsere Tage kriegen sollten, aber sie noch nicht gekommen sind. Häufig sagen das 16-Jährige, deren Blutung sich um zwei Tage verspätet, und die deswegen mit Zwillingen rechnen.
"Hört das Blut schlagartig auf zu fließen?"
Das ist von Person zu Person verschieden. Bei manchen wird das Blut immer weniger und weniger, bis es nur noch leichte Verfärbungen gibt, bei anderen geht es abrupter. Aber es ist nicht wie ein Zapfhahn oder so. Hör auf, dir einen Zapfhahn vorzustellen.
"Bringt es einen besonderen Status mit sich, wenn man als Erste seine Tage kriegt? Bist du lame, wenn du die Allerletzte bist, die sie kriegt?"
An meiner Schule gab es ein ungeschriebenes Gesetz: Das Mädchen, das ihre Tage zuerst bekam, galt als Bad Girl™. Die Mädchen, die danach am schnellsten waren, galten als die Coolen. Ich schätze, es stand irgendwie für mehr Reife und eine größere Nähe zu Sex. Wir kriegen die Periode alle in einem unterschiedlichen Alter, je nach Genetik (es richtet sich also nach der Mutter, Großmutter und so weiter). Auch mit den Lebensumständen hat es viel zu tun (bei Übergewicht und Hormonen in der Nahrung kann es beispielsweise schneller gehen). Anscheinend richten sich sogar gewisse psychische und körperliche Risiken im späteren Leben danach, wann wir zum ersten Mal unsere Periode hatten.
Aber ich bin Gott sei Dank nicht mehr 13 und kann dir nicht mit Sicherheit sagen, ob der Perioden-Coolness-Status noch existiert.
"Stimmt es, dass in der ganzen Zeit nur etwa ein Teelöffel Blut rauskommt?"
Ich glaube, da hast du dich verlesen. Das ist definitiv Bullshit. Ich sehe immer wieder Angaben wie "zwei bis drei Esslöffel", und für viele kommt das wahrscheinlich schon eher hin. Und manche haben vielleicht auch gerade mal ein Fleckchen in der Unterwäsche, aber das ist dann schon eher die Ausnahme und womöglich auch Grund für einen Gesundheits-Check. Andere Frauen verlieren pro Monat genug Blut, um eine leichte Anämie zu entwickeln, und manche nehmen sogar Eisenpräparate deswegen.
Und das war's. Glückwunsch, männlicher Leser: Jetzt weißt du mehr als mein Biolehrer mit der roten Farbe damals vor 12 Jahren. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
Q:
How to prove symmetricity of module for a function having value $z, \overline{z}$
In the study of prime number theorem I have the function
$A= x^{s-1} h(s) = x^{s-1}\frac{1}{s (s+1)}{ (B)}=x^{s-1} \frac{1}{s (s+1)} (-\frac{\zeta'(s)}{\zeta(s)}- \frac{1}{s-1})$
where B is analytic at s=1 for some proof given in precedence.
A should have same module respect coniugate value in the interval $1\leq \sigma \leq c$.
If I consider $x^{s-1},s, (s+1) , s-1$ they have the same real part and opposite immaginary so module respect coniugate values is the same but why also $\zeta(s)$ and $\zeta'(s)$
A:
Let $f(s)=\zeta(s)$ or any meromorphic function which is real for $s \in [1,3]$, its Taylor series $f(2+s) = \sum_{k=0}^\infty c_k s^k, c_k = \frac{f^{(k)}(2)}{k!}$ has real coefficients, thus for small $|s|$, $\overline{f(2+\overline{s})} =f(2+s)$.
Analytic continuation implies $\overline{f(2+\overline{s})} =f(2+s)$ stays true for every $s$. And hence $|f(s)|= |f(\overline{s})|$.
The only subtlety is with non-meromorphic functions such as $\log s$ which is real on $[1,3]$ but whose analytic continuation is not real on $[-3,-1]$.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
Q:
Is there any way to save HTML element class changes made by Jquery in a generated EJS file?
I have a to-do list node project, where each to-do list is saved as an entity in MongoDB, like so:
var todoSchema = new mongoose.Schema({
items: [String]
});
When the user clicks one of the items in the to-do list, it crosses it out by changing the CSS class of the element clicked. When the user refreshes, the class is changed back to how the EJS file renders it.
I want the cross out to be local, i.e, only the person who crossed out an item, will see it crossed out. Is there any way to do this that doesn't involve having separate DB entries for each user?
ex entry:
{
"_id": {
"$oid": "59bf2fed71c3840508539b29"
},
"item": [
"ayy",
"yyaa",
"yyaaaafyyy"
],
"__v": 0
}
A:
Ok, here is a functional solution:
Backend
app.get('/testing', (req, res, next) => {
const todoItems = {
'_id': {
'$oid': '59bf2fed71c3840508539b29'
},
'items': [
{ id: 0, todo: 'ayy' },
{ id: 1, todo: 'yyaa' },
{ id: 2, todo: 'yyaaaafyyy' }
],
'__v': 0
}
res.render('testing', {
todoItems
})
})
Frontend
<style>
.complete {
text-decoration: line-through;
}
</style>
Place your items into a list. An event listener will be added to every <li> element that is inside the element with ID: #todo
<ul id="todo">
<% todoItems.items.forEach((item) => { %>
<li id="<%- item.id %>">
<%= item.todo %>
</li>
<% }) %>
</ul>
This is some JavaScript to place just above </body>
<script>
// Define a function that takes input of an HTML element
// and then toggles the CSS class
// then checks localStorage to see if the item is in it
// if not, add it
// if so, remove it
const toggleComplete = (item) => {
item.classList.toggle('complete')
const isComplete = localStorage.getItem(item.innerText)
if (!isComplete) {
localStorage.setItem(item.innerText, 'complete')
return
}
localStorage.removeItem(item.innerText)
}
// When the page loads, add an event listener to each <li>
const items = document.querySelectorAll('#todo li')
items.forEach((item) => item.addEventListener('click', () => toggleComplete(item)))
// If the user leaves and comes back, we reinitialize
// We step through the same array we add event listeners to
// if the todo item is in localStorage, add the CSS class
const reinitializeSession = () => {
items.forEach((item) => {
const isComplete = localStorage.getItem(item.innerText)
if (!isComplete) return
item.classList.add('complete')
})
}
reinitializeSession()
</script>
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
You might have heard that the 2018 United States midterm elections are only days away.
Key points: The US midterms will determine how easily Donald Trump can push his policy agenda
The US midterms will determine how easily Donald Trump can push his policy agenda The midterms are seen as a referendum on Mr Trump and the direction of the country
The midterms are seen as a referendum on Mr Trump and the direction of the country Issues like healthcare, immigration, and reproductive rights will drive voters to the polls
The midterms on Tuesday, November 6 are said to be the most important in years — some are even calling them the most important in American history.
But what even are midterms? Why are they so important, let alone more important now? And what is going to happen?
Here's what to look for and what to expect as America takes to the polls.
What are the midterms?
The midterms fall half way through a president's sitting term. ( ABC News: Jarrod Fankhauser )
The American midterm elections are held nationwide every four years, halfway through the sitting president's four-year term — hence the name 'the midterms'.
There are all sorts of elected positions on ballots but the main focus is on Congress — America's version of Australia's Parliament — which is made up of the House of Representatives (lower house) and the Senate (upper house).
Representatives in the House serve two-year terms, which means all 435 House seats are up for re-election.
Senators, however, serve staggered six-year terms and 35 Senate seats are up for grabs this fall.
There are also governors' races in 36 states and three American territories this year, and a whole lot of lower-level state and local races that you don't really need to know about — but if you are interested, here's a full list.
Some states are even voting on individual issues, including in Florida where constituents are deciding whether convicted felons who have served their time should regain the right to vote.
What's going to happen?
Mr Trump isn't up for election in the midterms, but the result is important for his presidency. ( Reuters: Carlo Allegri, file )
US President Donald Trump is NOT up for re-election until 2020, but the result will be seen as a marker of his success as President so far.
Unfortunately for Mr Trump, the party of the sitting President almost always loses congressional seats in midterm elections.
This is because midterms are seen as referenda on the current administration, and it's much easier to energise and mobilise voters who lost the presidential election than voters who believe their preferred candidate is doing a great job.
A quick look at the voter turnout at previous US midterms compared to presidential election years show why Mr Trump and Republicans are pushing hard for their supporters to get out and vote.
Voter turnout is normally far lower than in presidential years. ( ABC News: Jarrod Fankhauser )
Five close races to watch Florida's 26th district (House) - Republican-held district that overwhelmingly supported Hillary Clinton in 2016
Republican-held district that overwhelmingly supported Hillary Clinton in 2016 Texas (Senate) - Mr Trump's nemesis-turned-ally Ted Cruz faces stiff opposition from three-time congressman Beto O'Rourke in the traditionally Republican state
Mr Trump's nemesis-turned-ally Ted Cruz faces stiff opposition from three-time congressman Beto O'Rourke in the traditionally Republican state North Dakota (Senate) - Democrat Heidi Heitkamp faces a difficult challenge in a state Mr Trump won by double digits in 2016
Democrat Heidi Heitkamp faces a difficult challenge in a state Mr Trump won by double digits in 2016 Texas' 23rd district (House) - Democrat Gina Ortiz Jones is trying to become first woman to represent district in a seat held by Republicans by just 1.3 per cent in 2016
Democrat Gina Ortiz Jones is trying to become first woman to represent district in a seat held by Republicans by just 1.3 per cent in 2016 Maine's 2nd district - 102 years since an incumbent has been toppled, but strong state Democrat Jared Golden could change history
In the current situation, the Democrats need to net 23 seats to win back control of the House and claim the 218 majority.
The New York Times estimates between 60 and 70 races are closely contested, and that realistically around 30 of those will determine whether the Democrats reclaim the House and by how much.
According to FiveThirtyEight, a leading American politics and data journalism site, Democrats have around an 85 per cent chance of success.
In the 100-seat Senate the current balance of power is very tight, with Republicans holding a narrow 51-49 majority.
To have control of the Senate the Democrats need to gain at least two seats, because Republican Vice-President Mike Pence serves as the tie-breaker when votes are tied.
To regain control from the Republicans, the Democrats need to win two Senate seats and 23 in the House. ( ABC News: Jarrod Fankhauser )
But winning those two seats won't be easy.
Just nine of the Senate seats up for grabs are held by Republicans and, according to FiveThirtyEight, the Republicans have a six-in-seven shot to maintain control of the Senate and are even likely to build on their advantage.
Why do midterms matter?
They matter because whichever party controls Congress control the passage of laws.
Basically, if the Democrats win big, Mr Trump's right-wing agenda would be hampered and he would struggle to enact his desired tax cuts, immigration restrictions, and anti-abortion policies.
But, if the Republicans hold onto both houses, it would embolden the 45th President.
Sorry, this video has expired What's at stake for Trump in the Midterms?
For example, in the first two years of Barack Obama's presidency, he was backed by a Democratic Congress and was able to pass his agenda.
But in the 2010 midterms, Republicans gained control of the Senate and proceeded to obstruct Mr Obama's policy moves everywhere they could.
It's likely the Democrats will use similar tactics should they find themselves in control of Congress.
Outside of Congress, the races for Governor — the equivalent of a State Premier in Australia — also have an underlying importance.
Governors will be in control of drawing electoral district maps following the 2020 US Census.
Sitting governors will be able to manipulate district lines to align with their voter bases — a process known as 'gerrymandering' — which would provide crucial advantages to their party in every state and national election until the 2030 US Census.
This election 36 states will pick a Governor, who are the equivalent of an Australian state premier. ( ABC News: Jarrod Fankhauser )
The position of Governor has also been a traditional proving ground for those with future ambitions for high office or positions within a White House administration.
Seventeen of the 45 US presidents have also served as Governors — think Theodore Roosevelt, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton or George W Bush — so it's possible that some of the current crop of contenders may be destined for the Oval Office.
How about the Russia investigation?
If the Democrats win big this time, it is expected that they will move to check Mr Trump wherever they can.
They also have the ability to probe and investigate the Trump administration and his 2016 election campaign.
Democrats would gain control over who to subpoena and where to focus inquiries — a process that has been closely monitored by the current Republican-controlled Congress.
Democrats have already made over 100 formal requests related to the investigations into the Trump administration and the 2016 campaign, which Republicans have mostly deflected.
So with Democrat control of Congress, subpoenas and inquiries could be coming thick and fast for the president and his team.
The midterm elections will be a referendum on the first two years of Donald Trump's presidency. ( Reuters: Kevin Lamarque )
Also, the more Democrats there are in the Senate, the greater the possibility of impeachment.
The threat is not lost on Mr Trump, with Republicans imploring their supporters to vote by threatening that a Democrat-controlled Congress would move to impeach the President.
If they gain control of the House of Representatives — which experts predict they just might — the lower house could easily vote to impeach Mr Trump.
But to remove a President by impeachment, they would need a two-thirds majority in the Senate.
And even if the Democrats win all available Senate seats in the midterms, achieving that majority would not be possible without a stack of Republican votes.
So hypothetically Mr Trump could be impeached, but remain President — just as Democrat Bill Clinton did when he was impeached following the Monica Lewinsky scandal.
What are the key issues being debated?
As is the case in any election there are the main policy issues alongside the personal attacks and underlying tensions.
This year the midterms are being fought on three major policy battlegrounds — jobs, healthcare, and immigration.
The Democrats claim that Mr Trump and his Republicans are trying to gut the country's popular entitlement programs and strip away important healthcare protections, which Republican politicians deny.
The Democrats are also slamming Mr Trump's 'trade wars' for hurting US jobs, while Republicans point to the falling unemployment rate since Mr Obama left office as evidence of their economic prowess.
But dwarfing both issues is immigration, with Mr Trump upping his anti-immigration rhetoric and claiming that the Democrats are behind the caravan of thousands of mainly Honduran migrants heading towards the US-Mexico border.
Sorry, this video has expired The migrant caravan has become a key focus of Mr Trump as it makes its way to the US-Mexico border
While the focus on stopping the caravan will resonate with his Republican base, Democrats will point to border detentions, deportations and the mass separation of migrant children and parents as a hallmark of Mr Trump's immigration policy.
But despite those key policy areas, many will be influenced by Judge Kavanaugh's Senate confirmation hearings, which left a bitter taste in the mouths of Americans on both sides.
Republicans slammed the Democrats for their obstructionist tactics during the hearings, while many Democrats and liberals saw Republican Judge Kavanaugh's appointment in the face of multiple sexual assault accusations as an shining example of the sexism and women's rights issues currently being grappled with in America.
Mr Trump's 2016 triumph despite multiple sexual assault allegations of his own, as well as the growth of the #MeToo movement, has meant he has had to face protests by women worldwide from day one.
Now, on November 6, more women are running for office at every level of American Government than ever before.
Plenty of issues are activating Americans and driving them to the polls, but none more so than how they feel about Mr Trump himself.
The President is still a hugely polarising figure, and whatever the result, it will be seen as a marker of his presidency and his prospects for re-election in 2020.
When will we know results?
Americans have already been out in huge numbers to vote early. ( AP: Jim Mone )
The first results are likely to feed in some time on Wednesday morning AEST as polling stations close.
Analysts will be able to make their predictions, but in a country where sometimes up to half of voters submit their ballots early and by post, it might take days or weeks to know the full picture.
Whatever the result, the fallout will be massive for US politics and the state of the country for the coming years. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
4 Screenshots
About This File
These were the first true skins with anatomical correctness that I am aware of made for the Sims 4. Simply extract the .zip file, and put the .package file into your Sims 4 mod folder. Any time they are naked the bits will show. These are textures only, they do not remove the censor mosaic. See below for a link to that mod.
Required / Recommended Mods:
If you want to see the details when they are bathing, you need a mod to remove the censor mosaic. There are several of them out there. I use moxiemason's Mod at MTS.
If you want the sim naked while they are not bathing, you need some invisible clothing. I use Snaitf's . You can use any iteration of CAS to put them in the invisible clothing (creating a sim, planning clothes using the dresser, etc.). You need to click the x on the category type for the invisible clothes to show up.
If you have none of the above you will NEVER SEE THESE TEXTURES!
For Comparison:
Standard Skin: Shiny nipples, genital are sort of a mess. A clumsy first attempt. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Relativist Stances, Virtues and Vices Martin Kusch Department of Philosophy University of Vienna Universitätsstrasse 7 1010 Wien Austria [email protected] Abstract. This paper comments on Maria Baghramian's 'The Virtues of Relativism'. We agree that some relativist positions are naturally couched as 'stances' and that it is fruitful to connect relativism to virtue epistemology. But I find Baghramian's preferred rendering of relativism uncharitable. I Introduction. Maria Baghramian's paper, 'The Virtues of Relativism', contains a wealth of original observations and arguments. I will only be able to offer a few marginalia in response. II Debates and Wars. There are many debates over relativism. Some of them – for instance the controversy over 'new-age' semantic relativism – are conducted like most other philosophical disputes: scholarly, esoterically, and respectfully. Other debates surrounding relativism are different: they are 'wars'. It is customary to speak of 'wars' either when intellectual exchanges become acrimonious ('science wars') or when one launches an intellectual campaign ('war on cancer'). I submit that some discussions of relativism have the feel of 'relativism wars' or 'wars on relativism' (e.g. Boghossian 2006; Williamson 2015). The relativism wars share the following features. First, they primarily concern forms of ontological or epistemic relativism. Second, contributors aim to reach a wider audience in academia and beyond. Third, the disputes are strikingly one-sided in that the critics of relativism vastly outnumber its proponents. Relativism is 'refuted' over and over again, but only rarely defended. Fourth, the critics regularly link relativism to various social and political ills, for instance, to climate-change scepticism or Holocaust denials, to 'post-truth politics' or the 'Taliban'. Relativists are portrayed as opening the floodgates to irrationality, while the critics fashion themselves as noble fighters for decency and reason. Fifth and finally, the relativistic positions under attack in these campaigns are not carefully distilled from a large corpus of philosophical writings; more typically, the critics construct what relativists had better be saying if they are to make any sense at all. This dismissive and patronizing attitude is helped by the fact that the alleged or card-carrying relativists either are not philosophers (e.g. David Bloor, Stanley Fish, or Barbara Herrnstein 2 Smith) or outwith the Anglophone philosophical mainstream (e.g. Lorraine Code, Jacques Derrida, Paul Feyerabend, Michel Foucault, Bruno Latour, Francois Lyotard, or Richard Rorty). I find the relativism wars and the war on relativism deeply problematic. Whenever they take for granted that reason is exclusively on their side, and that they need to reach the public, academics are prone to allow themselves dubious intellectual shortcuts. They feel entitled to dispense with detailed and charitable reconstructions of their opponents' positions and arguments; justified in giving more weight to moral signalling than to meticulous scholarship; and obliged to ignore their own allies' sloppy interpretations and poor reasoning. Applied to relativism: the urgency of the political goals of confronting and defeating climate-change scepticism and Holocaust denials is no excuse for suspending established canons of careful reading and arguing. Quick and dirty reflections directed at relativistic scarecrows do little to undermine politically unsavoury opponents. On the contrary, such reflections lower intellectual standards and enable the prophets of post-truth to dismiss philosophical reasoning as superficial propaganda. It is to Baghramian's credit that in her writings on relativism she has generally kept off the war-on-relativism band-wagon. Although critical of almost all versions of relativism, Baghramian has done her best to do justice to relativist positions by focusing on their apparent strengths as much as on their weaknesses. III Equal Validity. I shall now turn to the central issue on which Baghramian and I differ. Proponents and opponents of epistemic relativism tend to agree that the following five conditions have to be met for a position to qualify as relativistic: (1) DEPENDENCE: Judgements attributing an epistemic status to a person or belief (= 'E-judgements') are relative to epistemic standards. Sets of such standards form epistemic frameworks. (2) NON-ABSOLUTISM: None of these standards or frameworks is absolutely correct.1 (3) PLURALITY: There is (or has been, or could be) more than one such framework. (4) CONFLICT: E-judgements of different epistemic frameworks can conflict. (5) NON-NEUTRALITY: When E-judgements (licensed by different standards of different frameworks) conflict, there are – at least in some important cases – no framework-independent, neutral ways of adjudication. While this much is generally agreed, many friends and foes of relativism do, however, disagree over a sixth condition: (6) EQUAL VALIDITY: The different epistemic frameworks (their standards and the judgements they license) are all equally valid. 3 Almost all card-carrying epistemic relativists deny being committed to EQUAL VALIDITY. And yet, anti-relativists invariably regard EQUAL VALIDITY as the very heart of relativism. Baghramian is a case in point2, writing for instance that: ... the relativist is committed to ... the 'equal validity' thesis – the claim that there can be more than one equally correct or true, but mutually incompatible, judgement on a given topic ... (p. 2) The relativist ... gives equal credence to the truth (rational acceptability, justificatory standards) of differing positions and beliefs ... (p. 9) In Baghramian's case this is all the more surprising since she also notes in passing (p. 7) that three paradigmatic card-carrying relativists – the sociologist of knowledge David Bloor, the feminist epistemologist Lorraine Code, and the epistemological anarchist Paul Feyerabend – deny any commitment to EQUAL VALIDITY. In the case of Bloor, Baghramian quotes his denial herself (Bloor 2011, p. 452): Bloor ... objects to Boghossian's characterization of his brand of relativism as an equal validity, rather he thinks that the relativists of the Edinburgh School treat all theses with equal curiosity. (p. 7) Note that this has been Bloor's position since 1982: Our ... postulate ... is not that all beliefs are equally true or equally false, but that ... all beliefs without exception call[..] for empirical investigation and must be accounted for by finding the specific, local causes of [their] credibility (Barnes and Bloor 1982, p. 23). Bloor even ridicules the idea that relativism is committed to EQUAL VALIDITY. He does so while praising the alethic relativism of the physicist-philosopher Philipp Frank, of Vienna-Circle fame. Reflecting on Frank's 1952-book Wahrheit: Relativ oder Absolut?, Bloor poses this question about EQUAL VALIDITY: What is 'equal validity'? According to this idea, the physics of Aristotle would, presumably, have 'equal validity' with the physics of Einstein. Now recall the theoretical physicist Philipp Frank. Ask yourself: Would the scientist and relativist who took over Einstein's chair really believe such a thing? (2011, p. 452) In her paper 'Must a Feminist Be a Relativist After All?' (1995), Code takes issue with Sandra Harding's suggestion that, for the relativist, 'no reasonable standards can or could in principle [...] adjudicate between one culture's claim that the earth is flat and another culture's claim that the earth is round' (Harding 1991, p. 139; Code 1995, p. 202). Code rejects this suggestion with reference to Ivan Karamazov's 'If god does not exist, everything is permitted'. Code points out that we today no longer draw this conclusion. And she suggests that we are able to do likewise concerning 4 our standards: from the fact that there are no absolute standards, it does not follow that there are no standards at all (1995, p. 203). In Feyerabend's case, the picture is more complex. In Against Method he regards as sceptical rather than anarchist-relativist the idea that 'every view [is] equally good, or [is] equally bad' (1975, p. 189). And he happily acknowledges that '[we] can say today that Galileo was on the right track ...' (1975, p. 6) Such judgements are not absolute of course, but relative to our epistemic practice. So far from committing to EQUAL VALIDITY, Against Method is willing to accept only the following equality: to make progress, every system of thought sometimes needs 'irrational means such as propaganda, emotion, ad-hoc hypotheses, and appeal to prejudices of all kinds' (1975, p. 154). In later writings, Feyerabend distinguishes between forms of relativism he rejects, and forms of relativism he accepts. Interestingly enough, only the rejected forms involve EQUAL VALIDITY. Thus in Science in a Free Society (1978) Feyerabend distinguishes his own 'political relativism', that treats all cultures as politically equal, from so-called 'philosophical relativism, that is, the thesis that all traditions [and] theories ... are equally true or equally false ...' (1978, pp. 82-84) Conquest of Abundance rails against versions of relativism that treat cultures as 'equally truthful messengers of reality' or as 'equally successful' (1999, p. 122). Against all such views Feyerabend insists that 'not all approaches to 'reality' are successful' and that the success of cultures is 'a matter of empirical record, not of philosophical definitions' (1999, p. 215). The 'new' relativism of Conquest of Abundance is primarily ontological. Its core is the idea that 'Ultimate Reality ... is ineffable' and that the theoretical posits of religion and science – be they elementary particles, be they Gods – are so many attempts to cope in one's natural and social environment (1999, p. 145). But there is no suggestion here that all these theoretical posits are equally valid. What shall we do in light of this textual evidence? Shall we say that Bloor, Code and Feyerabend are not relativists after all, on the grounds that they reject EQUAL VALIDITY? That would be a problematic move. After all, these three authors are amongst our central exemplars for relativism. Not to forget that other key cardcarrying relativists across the humanities – from Barbara Herrnstein Smith (2018: p. 26) all the way to Hartry Field (2009: pp. 255-6) – also go to great lengths to distance their position from EQUAL VALIDITY. Note also that Christopher Herbert, the author of an extended study of 'Victorian Relativity', concludes a lengthy discussion of the issue with the remark: 'Nowhere does any "relativist", to my knowledge, assert that all views are equally valid ...' (Herbert 2001, loc. 440). Of course, if we want to break the link between relativism and EQUAL VALIDITY, we need to first understand why this link can seem natural. I submit the absolutists' underlying thought is as follows. The relativist says that all E-judgements are relative to epistemic frameworks. Assume that two such E-judgments, J1 and J2, based on two different epistemic frameworks, F1 and F2 respectively, contradict one another. The relativist endorses the following claim (*) concerning such situation: (*) J1 and J2 can, at best, be 'relatively right,' that is, right relative to their respective frameworks, F1 and F2. F1 and F2 in turn can also only be 'relatively 5 right': there is no way to evaluate them other than by using F1 and F2, or same other framework; and none of these frameworks is absolutely correct. Some absolutists think that to call J1, J2, F1 and F2 merely 'relatively right' is in fact to maintain that they are not right at all. And this makes it natural to claim that J1, J2, F1 and F2 are equally valid: they are equally valid in not being valid. From the absolutist's perspective this reading of the relativist's position makes sense. But it does beg the argument against the relativist: for the relativist, the denial of absolute correctness is no denial of correctness per se. Other absolutists reason differently. They focus on the fact that relativists see the structure of justification of J1 and J2 as parallel: J1 is justified in light of F1, and J2 is justified in light of F2. Likewise for F1 and F2: both can be justified internally, F1 from within F1, F2 from within F2, in parallel ways, say, by considerations of coherence, or based on intuition. As the absolutists see it, if the relativists take the structure of justification to be parallel in this way, then the relativists must also think of J1 and J2 on the one hand, and F1 and F2 on the other hand, as equally valid. Still, the relativist will demur here too: claims concerning the equal validity of epistemic frameworks presuppose a perspective beyond epistemic frameworks. But this is precisely the sort of perspective the relativist denies. All assessments of epistemic frameworks are framework-bound. And whether or not two epistemic frameworks are regarded as equally valid depends upon the standards of the evaluating framework. Absolutists will not be satisfied with this answer. They will pose a further question: What can the relativist say about a situation in which her own epistemic framework, say F1, embodies epistemic relativism? Is the relativist not forced to accept F2 as equally valid? No. The relativist is committed to denying that her own – or indeed any other – framework is absolutely valid. But again, to insist that 'not absolutely valid' implies 'equally valid' just begs the question. IV Dogmas and Stances. In The Empirical Stance (2002), Bas van Fraassen suggests that at least some philosophical positions are primarily not 'doctrines' but 'stances', that is, bundles or systems of values, emotions, policies and preferences. This is not to deny that doctrines or beliefs can also be part and parcel of stances. And yet, within a stance, beliefs take second seat, and can be replaced without changing the commitments to values, emotions, policies and preferences. van Fraassen claims that empiricism and materialism are best understood as stances in this sense. In two forthcoming book chapters (Kusch 2019a; 2019b) I have argued – without knowledge of Baghramian's paper – that at least some forms of relativism are best rendered as stances. My cases in point are Bloor's 'Sociology of Scientific Knowledge' and Feyerabend's 'epistemological anarchism'. I shall not repeat these interpretations here. I mention them only in order to underline the depth of my agreement with Baghramian's main thesis. Still, in the spirit of fostering debate over the strengths and weaknesses of our proposals, I shall highlight three quibbles concerning Baghramian's take. 6 First, I think there is reason to prefer van Fraassen's distinction between 'doctrine' and 'stance' over Baghramian's opposition between the 'problems-ofphilosophy approach' and the 'philosophy-of-life approach'. On the problems-ofphilosophy approach, philosophy is 'seen as the study of the most abstract and fundamental questions'; on the philosophy-of-life approach 'the role of philosophy is to provide a framework and set of tools for thinking and living better' (p. 3). This foregrounds a difference between fundamental and abstract questions on the one hand, and policies for research and living on the other hand. This makes it sound as if the former approach were concerned with deep and the latter with superficial issues. I am also unhappy with the very term 'philosophy-of-life approach'. At least the German term 'Lebensphilosophie' is historically tainted because of its close association with forms of irrationalism, biologism and racism in late nineteenth-andearly-twentieth century German-speaking philosophy, including the Nazi period. Of course, a good many philosophers think that relativism is tantamount to irrationalism – but we should not decide this issue by the choice of our terms. Second, it is worth pointing out that characterizing relativism as a stance has often played a negative role. That is to say, absolutists have often portrayed relativism as a deeply problematic and dangerous 'stance' or 'attitude' towards politics, science, and rational conversation. Simon Blackburn for example, calls relativists 'abusers of their mind and enemies of ours' (2005, p. 139), 'dehumanising' (2005, p. 69), featuring a 'soggy, tolerant, happy-clappy attitude' (2005, p. xvi), 'monster[s]' (2005, p. 68), or advocates of intellectual 'perversions' (2005, p. 137): The relativist reflection is dehumanising. Its attitude, including its light irony, is the stance of someone above the fray, someone who has seen through the debates and engagements of ordinary participants. But this stance is demeaning and impoverished ... (Blackburn 2007, no page numbers). Or think of Zac, the muddle-headed relativist of Timothy Williamson's Tetralogue (2015) who proclaims: 'Sarah, you're trying to reduce relativism to a formula. It's more like an attitude to life.' (2015, loc. 504-5) The core of this attitude is tolerance. Williamson lets Zac's interlocutors trash this idea; one interlocutor gets to compare Zac's stance to that of a rapist (2015, loc. 1429), another to that of a dishonest car salesman (2015, loc. 2190). Call this the 'negative use of the stance-idea'. Baghramian and I concur in trying out the opposite path, a 'positive use'. We both choose the largely overlooked option of presenting relativism as a plausible stance of sorts and in a more positive light. But we should not forget that there is a further option in the neighbourhood of our efforts: the option of interpreting absolutism or anti-relativism as stances.3 Absolutists too can believe that 'the role of philosophy is to provide a framework and set of tools for thinking and living better'. They often put a high value on protecting the sciences and morality from social ills; they frequently commit to the idea of an unlimited undivided community of rational beings; they characteristically are fearful of anything that might seem to undermine the rule of reason; and they often oppose naturalism and empiricism. Right or wrong – first and foremost these are values, emotions, policies and preferences. 7 My third and final comment on stances concerns not whether relativism or absolutism are stances, but whether taking all philosophical positions to be stances commits one to meta-philosophical relativism. Baghramian takes this to be obvious (p. 5). But it seems to me that it all depends on the degree to which one takes rationality to be internal to stances and variable from one stance to the next.4 van Fraassen himself ties the stance-idea to his 'epistemic voluntarism', a minimalist but absolutist conception of what rationality demands: logical consistency and probabilistic coherence. Elsewhere (Kusch 2019a; 2019b) I have urged a more radical version of epistemic voluntarism according to which consistency and coherence too are values that can vary in importance from stance to stance. The resulting position is obviously more radically relativist than van Fraassen's. Be this as it may, it is worth mentioning that philosophers who have tried out the stance-idea have typically ended up accepting something of a relativistic stand-off between philosophical positions (cf. Chakravartty 2017; Dilthey 1911; Simmel 1900). V Virtues and Vices. I now turn to discussing Baghramian's intriguing comments on the relationship between epistemic relativism on the one hand, and epistemic virtues or vices on the other hand. Baghramian starts from the observation that card-carrying relativists like Bloor, Code, Feyerabend, or Hans Kelsen (1948), frequently make the following two claims: first, that relativism motivates, or even embodies, certain epistemic virtues that everyone – relativist and absolutist – finds desirable; and, second, that absolutism tends to motivate, or even embody, certain epistemic vices that everyone finds undesirable. (pp. 6-10) On Baghramian's reading of these paradigmatic relativists, they take absolutism to be an 'obvious vice' that is best countered by relativism (p. 7). Relativists' belief that 'absolutism is an obvious vice' is, as Baghramian sees it, underwritten by the idea that 'political', 'religious' and 'philosophical absolutisms' are closely intertwined. Baghramian supports her view with a passage from Kelsen: [Political absolutism] has in fact the unmistakable tendency to use [philosophical absolutism] as an ideological instrument. ... [Moreover] almost all outstanding representatives of a relativistic philosophy were politically in favour of democracy, whereas followers of philosophical Absolutism, the great metaphysicians, were in favour of political absolutism and against democracy. (Kelsen 1948, pp. 909-911) Baghramian is not convinced. In her view the philosophical absolutisms of, say, Frege and Hegel are not vicious. She also reminds us that many progressive thinkers (like Chomsky) have been anti-relativists, and that some fascists (like Mussolini) called themselves 'relativists' (p. 8). Relativists might regroup and focus less on the alleged vice of absolutism, and more on specific epistemic virtues. Baghramian notes that Code and Feyerabend in particular present tolerance, open-mindedness and fair-mindedness as virtues that come natural to the relativist. Baghramian sums up the relativist's train of thought as follows: 8 What better way to give at least some credence to the ideas and beliefs of other people ... than by accepting them as true or warranted relative to differing but equally legitimate contexts of assessment? (p. 9) Some relativist authors also claim to be the true champions of 'intellectual curiosity' or the true opponents of 'intellectual rigidity'. Again this is so because 'the relativist gives equal credence to the truth (rational acceptability, justificatory standards) of differing positions and beliefs' (p. 9). Arguments in favour of a close link between relativism on the one hand, and 'intellectual humility and modesty' on the other hand, take an analogous route. Baghramian even considers the possibility that relativists might claim to be ideally placed to combat testimonial injustice: 'the relativist stance, in the sense of equal validity, ... will give credence to all testimony' and thereby hear the voices of the marginalized (p. 11). Baghramian rejects all of these proposals concerning a natural affinity between epistemic virtues and relativism. Relativism does not lead to open-mindedness since, for the relativist, her own beliefs are true 'for herself', and the points of views of others are true for them: 'to each according her own epistemic stance' (p. 10). This leaves everyone with their respective truths, and there is no need to ever transcend one's own stance. To make matters worse, relativists tend to champion 'incommensurability'; and once incommensurability is accepted, communication between different frameworks becomes impossible. (p. 10-1) Baghramian suggests a similar argument against a natural fit between humility and relativism. EQUAL VALIDITY means not only that my viewpoint is no better than any other; it also means that my viewpoint is no worse. It is easy to see that this line of thinking must end up very far from humility. No-one has anything to learn from occupants of other frameworks. And what goes for humility also applies to curiosity (pp. 11). As if all this was not bad enough, Baghramian goes further by insisting that relativism is prone to encourage epistemic vices. In suggesting that many unresolvable disagreements are faultless, relativists undermine the ability to 'discriminate between good and bad, right and wrong, better and worse alternatives' (p. 12). Relativists tend to lack conviction, to be irresolute, and to slide into 'epistemic insouciance'. The last-mentioned category has been introduced by Quassim Cassam (2018). He defines it as 'a casual lack of concern about whether one's beliefs have any basis in reality or are adequately supported by the best available evidence' (2018: 1). Cassam links this vice to 'post-truth politics' and Harry Frankfurt's little classic On Bullshit (2005). The bullshitter 'is neither on the side of the true nor on the side of the false. ... He does not care whether the things he says describe reality correctly' (Frankfurt 2005: 55-6; Cassam 2018: 4). Needless to say, it is all too easy to find this personality type in our current political world. VI Replies. I now turn to some comments. I welcome reflection on the relationship between epistemic relativism and virtue epistemology, and Baghramian deserves credit for having opened up this interesting new testing ground for relativism and its 9 opponents. I also think it an excellent idea to connect the conception of philosophical positions as stances to the notion of virtues. Going beyond Baghramian's paper, one might ask whether the clash between two epistemic frameworks is not often best rendered as a confrontation between different sets of epistemic virtues – rather than as a conflict between epistemic norms or beliefs. Consider for instance the standard test-case of relativism-debates, the conflict between Galileo Galilei and Cardinal Bellarmine. Paul Boghossian describes their differences by saying that Bellarmine accepted, while Galileo rejected, an epistemic principle to the effect that Biblical revelation gives us knowledge about the heavens (Boghossian 2006). The virtue-theoretical alternative would focus instead on the different epistemic virtues and vices Galileo and Bellarmine valued or detested most. It seems plausible to say that for Bellarmine ethical and religious virtues (like faith, hope, and love) interacted closely with epistemic values, and made him give special weight to intellectual humility in astronomical and biblical matters (Broderick 1961). Galileo was also deeply religious but in studying the natural world he put great emphasis on the epistemic virtues of curiosity, freedom from preconceptions, boldness and courage (Blackwell 1991). Of course, Bellarmine and Galileo ultimately also differed in their beliefs about the heavens, but perhaps these differing beliefs were the result of the exercise of conflicting virtues. Or perhaps the two men were stuck in a regress of sorts: they were unable to agree on facts since they disagreed on epistemic virtues; and they were unable to agree on epistemic virtues since they disagreed on the facts.5 I am also in Baghramian's camp as concerns the links between philosophical relativism or absolutism on the one hand, and progressive, conservative, or dictatorial regimes on the other hand. It would be an interesting exercise to try to quantify the political allegiances of relativists and absolutists, but in the absence of such a study there is good reason to suspend judgment on this matter. Turning from areas of agreement to more contentious issues, I struggle to concur with Baghramian's comments on Hegel and Frege. She refers to these two philosophers as evidence for the claim that not all forms of absolutism can easily be characterized as vicious (p. 8). I shall discuss the two men in turn, and begin with Hegel. Needless to say, I will only have space here to make an initial case for further investigation of the issue. I am a bit at a loss as to what would count as 'vicious' for Baghramian in this context. But the following count as vicious in my book: Hegel sought to legitimize the repressive Prussian monarchy by declaring Prussia to be the most developed state in world history; his conception of world-history naturally lent itself to a justification of colonialism; he declared women to be naturally subordinate to men; and he compared women to plants, governed by feeling, not reason. The fact that Hegel presented these views as part of a philosophical system capturing the absolute no doubt helped in giving them considerable political and intellectual weight (Hegel 1970; 1971; 1991). As far as Frege is concerned, I shall leave aside his notorious 1924 diary with its extreme right-wing political, misogynist and anti-Semitic views (Gabriel and Kienzler 1996). Truth be told, I find it difficult to connect these views to Frege's work in logic. But this does not let Frege escape scot-free. After all, there are first-rate logicians 10 who find Frege's logical absolutism deeply problematic. For instance, in his intriguing paper 'Logic and Reasoning' (2008), Johan van Benthem describes Frege's absolutist understanding of logic in this way: ... logical consequence is an eternal relationship between propositions, firmly cleansed from any mud or blood stains, smells, or sounds that human inferences might have ... in some eternal realm where the sun of Pure Reason never sets ... (2008, p. 68) van Benthem goes on to argue that Fregean logical absolutism stood and stands in the way of logicians addressing a range of important topics that require a close interaction between logic, psychology and the social sciences. For van Benthem, and contrary to Frege, logic is the study of situational reasoning, often involving multiagent interaction and group phenomena. Interestingly enough, there is a strong pluralism – if not relativism – in van Benthem's position: My view is that there remains one logic, but not in any particular definition of logical consequence, or any favoured logical system. The unity of logic, like that of other creative disciplines, resides in the mentality of its practitioners, and their modus operandi. (2008, p. 82) Of course, van Benthem is just one of many influential voices in logic today. But it is noteworthy that logicians disagree over the question whether Frege's absolutism is unproblematic. Moving on from absolutism in general to epistemic virtues and vices, I am struck that in investigating the links between relativism, virtues and vices, Baghramian restricts her attention only to the most implausible versions of relativism, that is, versions committed to EQUAL VALIDITY and other unsavoury ideas. Moreover, I do not believe that relativism or absolutism can be distinguished in terms of virtues or vices like open-mindedness, tolerance, courage, steadfastness, or insouciance. There are many absolutists who display these virtues and vices, and many absolutists who do not. And the same is true for relativists. Neither absolutism nor relativism has a special claim to these virtues, and neither absolutism nor relativism is guilty of fostering these vices.6 This is a big claim, and I will be able to offer only scant evidence. Consider tolerance for example. Surely the absolutist can make it a matter of absolute principle to tolerate other people's views that contradict her own, and she can do so even while taking her own respective beliefs to be absolutely true. Or the absolutist might be a fallibilist or 'gradualist' by assuming that the beliefs of humankind will be absolutely true only in the long run. Even an absolutist skepticism might underwrite tolerance. The absolutist skeptic denies that we can ever discover the absolute truths that are 'there anyway'. Relativism too can give support to tolerance, and without any appeal to EQUAL VALIDITY. Relativist tolerance might simply be motivated by the thoughts, first, that one's own beliefs are true or justified only relative to a framework of standards, virtues or values, and second, that similar such frameworks – especially those in the sciences – have frequently been overthrown in the past. Honestly facing up to the 11 existing problems in her own web of beliefs, and system of standards, the relativist might well have good reason to learn from others and even when their webs and systems are incompatible with her own. Not even a commitment to incommensurability need undermine relativist tolerance, at least not if we understand incommensurability with Kuhn, Feyerabend and van Fraassen not as something which makes communication impossible but merely as a phenomenon that makes communication difficult and challenging. As we saw above, Baghramian goes out of her way to show that relativism undermines rather than supports open-mindedness. Her central premise in so arguing is that, for the relativist, all his views are true-for-him, and all others' views are true-for-them. And yet, if the relativist's views are already true-for-him, he has no reason to pay attention to what others believe. And thus there is no need for the relativist to ever transcend his own framework, there is no need for the relativist to be open-minded. The argument is valid, but the premise is too uncharitable for comfort. Baghramian ties the relativist to an implausible principle of self-vindication: (SELF-VINDICATION) For every framework, all beliefs held by people using this framework are true relative to this framework. At one stage she even commits relativism to a relativistic form of infallibilism (p.11): (INFALLIBILISM) S's believing that p guarantees that p is true for S. Did any relativist ever hold this view? Perhaps Protagoras did, but I cannot think of anyone doing so in the realm of epistemology ever since. Sensible relativists surely allow that one may be mistaken in one's judgement that a given belief is justified (by one's standards). Sensible relativists leave room for learning and for recognizing that their standards are inconsistent either with each other or with one of their beliefs, preferences or desires. Sensible relativists are thus ready to replace standards, and to incorporate standards or beliefs from other frameworks. Of course, in so doing, the relativist's epistemic actions are guided by (some) of her current standards. It follows that, just like the absolutist, so also the relativist can be open-minded, and ready to 'transcend her own standpoint', if that means coming to realize – using one's own standpoint – that this standpoint does not work as well as one would like it to work. To make it a matter of definition that relativists cannot do so, is to deny that self-proclaimed relativists like Bloor, Code, Feyerabend or Field really deserve to be called 'relativists'. But again, if these authors do not qualify, who does? Baghramian's case against relativistic humility and curiosity has the same problematic structure as her discussion of relativistic open-mindedness. Again the relativist is committed to EQUAL VALIDITY and SELF-VINDICATION, and again the conclusion is that the relativist has no reason to pay attention to the views of others. Baghramian's attempts to show that relativism lacks epistemic virtues all assume that relativism is epistemologically vicious: a fully relativistic viewpoint has to be intolerant, close-minded, and rigid. As if this was not bad enough, Baghramian also ties relativism to other, further epistemic vices such as lack of conviction or epistemic insouciance. One might wonder whether she does not overshoot the target here: after all, she ends up committing the relativist to character-dispositions 12 that are incompatible. Thus when rejecting the relativists' claim to openmindedness, she paints them as rigid, close-minded, and inflexible. But later, when reflecting on epistemic vices, she faults relativists for lacking conviction altogether. Perhaps these tensions do not worry Baghramian. Perhaps she can simply respond by saying: 'So much the worse for relativists! They cannot even develop a coherent set of dispositions.' Baghramian is not alone of course in linking relativism to phenomena of 'posttruth', 'post-fact', or 'truth decay' in contemporary political culture, and especially in the U.S. Her main focus is on 'epistemic insouciance'. Her thought seems to be that since the relativist does not believe in absolute truth, he must end up thinking that 'anything goes'. And the person believing that anything goes naturally concludes that there is little point in finding out how things really are, little point to believe in facts, little point to rationally argue, and little point to relying on scientific experts' testimony. Instead, there is every reason to do and say whatever one feels like, and whatever serves one's short-term political or other interests. In other words, for Baghramian relativism is the raison d'être of politicians like Boris Johnson and Donald Trump. Or, as Daniel Dennett puts it in a memorable phrase: relativists should finally own up to the 'evil' they have caused (Cadwalladr 2017). There is no denying that this analysis has become a familiar trope in much contemporary critique of post-truth politics. But is it true? The key question seems to be how we get from relativism to 'anything goes'. This could be discussed again in terms of EQUAL VALIDITY, but here I want to focus on a different aspect. The shortest route from relativism to 'anything goes' is to add a further element to relativism, namely ARBITRARY CHOICE: (ARBITRARY CHOICE) Assume an epistemic subject S, information I, known to S, and a belief B that S would like to hold. S is epistemically blameless if S picks such epistemic standards E as make holding B epistemically rational. The choice of E is unconstrained by other epistemic standards. Paul Boghossian and Crispin Wright see ARBITRARY CHOICE as an essential element in epistemic relativism (Boghossian 2001, pp. 30-1; Wright 2008, p. 388). And if relativists are committed to ARBITRARY CHOICE then it is natural for them to slide into insouciance. If you can make anything come out rational, all efforts to rationalize our beliefs will seem superfluous and silly. One might as well make it all up. All true – but, it seems to me irrelevant to the assessment of, say, the relativistic views of Bloor, Code, Feyerabend, Field (or my own). None of these authors accepts ARBITRARY CHOICE, not even Feyerabend. Feyerabend's slogan 'anything goes' does not say: do whatever you like, it's all justifiable; it says that all principles of scientific rationality have exceptions, such that it is sometimes rationally defensible – in order to achieve scientific progress – to intentionally go against them. Bloor is not guilty of ARBITRARY CHOICE either, though he defends a principle that, read superficially, looks similar (Barnes and Bloor 1982): (CONTINGENT CHOICE) Assume an epistemic subject S, and information I, known to S. Which beliefs S will take to be rationally permissible or obligatory will depend upon two interrelated sets of contingencies: the locally, socially and 13 historically entrenched and available epistemic standards E and the locally operative goals, values and interests of S and others in S's community. This is not an epistemic principle telling epistemic subjects how to act; it is a descriptive claim and causal hypothesis about how epistemic communities function. It does not give us a licence to rationalize whatever we want to rationalize. It tells us how we reason when trying to convince one another. Reflecting on CONTINGENT CHOICE can help us understand what is wrong about epistemic insouciance: the bullshitter follows the absolutist critics of relativism in conflating contingency with arbitrariness. He thinks that unless there are absolutes and metaphysical necessities, nothing really matters. If there are no absolutes, everything is permitted. It's Karamazov all over again. What can relativists do to defend our societies against the bullshitters? Should they go back to absolutism? Of course, relativists will answer 'no'. To go back to absolutism in order to defeat bullshitters would itself be to operate on the basis of ARBITRARY CHOICE. And this is not how epistemology functions in most of our philosophical traditions. Epistemology is not the slave of our political aspirations. We cannot pick our epistemic positions so as to defeat Johnson and Trump. This is not how we think about knowledge. CONTINGENT CHOICE directs our attention elsewhere: we need to bring together and defend anew hard-won, but entrenched standards of virtuous epistemic conduct; we need to remind each other how and why these standards have proven useful in our past; and we need to update these standards in light of our current intellectual challenges. And, most of all, we need to understand the changes in our social fabric: the increasing polarisations (economic, political, ethnic) in our Western societies, the (at least initially) unintended blurring of the divide between opinion and fact in old and new media, or the decline in respect for, and trust in, politicians or the press (Kavanagh and Rich 2018). To defeat the bullshitters we need to dig deeper and deeper into these contingencies, these local and variable structures and values. VII Conclusion. In this paper I have tried to comment on central themes of Baghramian's 'The Virtues of Relativism'. I have focused on EQUAL VALIDITY, stances, epistemic virtues and vices. I am only too aware that I have no more than scratched the surface of these complex issues. But I hope to have said enough to motivate further – and perhaps even a little more charitable – reflections on the relativist position.7 REFERENCES Baghramian, Maria 2004: Relativism. London, New York: Routledge. Barnes, Barry and David Bloor 1982: 'Relativism, Rationalism and the Sociology of Knowledge'. In: In Martin Hollis and Steven Lukes (eds.) Rationality and Relativism, pp. 21-47. Oxford: Blackwell. Blackburn, Simon 2001: 2005: Truth: A Guide. Oxford: OUP. 14 ---------2007: 'Outlooks on Enlightenment'. New Humanist, https://newhumanist.org.uk/articles/490/outlooks-on-enlightenment Blackwell, Richard J. 1991: Galileo, Bellarmine, and the Bible. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press. Bloor, David 1991: Knowledge and Social Imagery Chicago, Ill.: Chicago UP. ---------2007: 'Epistemic Grace: Antirelativism as Theology in Disguise'. Common Knowledge, 13/2-3, pp. 250-80. ---------2011: 'Relativism and the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge'. In: Steven Hales (ed.) The Oxford Companion to Relativism, pp. 433-55. Oxford: WileyBlackwell. Boghossian, Paul 2001: 'How are Objective Epistemic Reasons Possible?' Philosophical Studies, 106, pp. 1–40. ---------2006: Fear of Knowledge: Against Relativism and Constructivism. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Broderick, James 1961: Robert Bellarmine: Saint and Scholar. Westminster, MD.: Newman Press. Cadwalladr, C. 2017: 'Daniel Dennett: "I Begrudge Every Hour I have to Spend Worrying about Politics"'. The Observer, February 12th, 2017. Cassam, Quassim 2018: 'Epistemic Insouciance'. Journal of Philosophical Research, forthcoming. Quoted from http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/97658/ Chakravartty, Anjan 2017: Scientific Ontology: Integrating Naturalized Metaphysics and Voluntarist Epistemology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Code, Lorraine 1995: 'Must a Feminist Be a Relativist After All?' In: Code, Rhetorical Spaces: Essays on Gendered Locations, pp. 185-207. New York: Routledge. Dilthey, Wilhelm 1911: Die Typen der Weltanschauung und ihre Ausbildung in den Metaphysischen Systemen. Berlin: Reichl. Feyerabend, Paul 1975: Against Method: Outline of an Anarchistic Theory of Knowledge. London: New Left Books. ---------1978: Science in a Free Society. London: New Left Books. ---------1999: Conquest of Abundance. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Frank , Phillip 1952: Wahrheit: relativ oder absolut? Zürich: Pan-Verlag. Field, Hartry 2009: 'Epistemology Without Metaphysics'. Philosophical Studies, 143: pp. 249-90. Frankfurt, Harry 2005: On Bullshit, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton UP. Gabriel, Gottfried and Wolfgang Kienzler (eds.) 1994: 'Diary: Written by Professor Dr Gottlob Frege in the Time from 10 March to 9 April 1924'. Inquiry, 39, pp. 303-342. Harding, S. 1991: Whose Science? Whose Knowledge? Thinking from Women's Lives, Ithaca. N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 1970: Philosophy of Nature (Part Two of the Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences). Transl. by John Petry, London: George Allen and Unwin. ---------1971: Philosophy of Mind (Part Three of the Encyclopedia of Philosophical Sciences). Transl. by William Wallace, Oxford: Clarendon Press. ---------1991: The Encyclopaedia Logic (Part One of the Encyclopedia of Philosophical Sciences). Transl. by. Theodore F. Geraets, Wal Suchting, and Henry Silton Harris, Indianapolis: Hackett. 15 Herbert, Christopher 2001: Victorian Relativity: Radical Thought and Scientific Discovery. Chicago, Ill.: Chicago University Press, Kindle-version. Herrnstein Smith, Barbara 2018: Practicing Relativism in the Anthropocene: Science, Belief and the Humanities. London: Open Humanities Press. Kavanah, Jennifer and Michael D. Rich 2018: Truth Decay: An Initial Exploration of the Diminishing Role of Facts and Analysis in American Public Life. Santa Monica, Cal.: RAND. Kelsen, Hans 1948: 'Absolutism and Relativism in Philosophy and Politics'. American Political Science Review, 42(5), pp. 906-14. Kusch, Martin 2019a: 'Epistemological Anarchism Meets Epistemic Voluntarism: Feyerabend's Against Method and van Fraassen's The Empirical Stance'. Forthcoming in a volume on Feyerabend ed. by Bschir Karim and Jamie Shaw, and published by CUP. ---------2019b: 'Stances, Voluntarism, Relativism'. Forthcoming in: Dominik Finkelde and Paul Livingston. New Essays on Objectivity. Berlin, New York: DeGruyter. Simmel, George 1900: Philosophie des Geldes. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. van Benthem, Johan 2008: 'Logic and Reasoning: Do the Facts Matter?' Studia Logica, 88, pp. 67-84. van Fraassen, Bas 2002: The Empirical Stance. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Williamson, Timothy 2015: Tetralogue: I'm Right, You're Wrong. Oxford: OUP, Kindle-version. Wright, Crispin 2008: 'Fear of Relativism?' Philosophical Studies, 141, pp. 379–390. Footnote 1 David Bloor and Barry Barnes flesh this out as follows: 'For the relativist there is no sense attached to the idea that some standards or beliefs are really rational as distinct from merely locally accepted as such. ... he thinks that there are no contextfree or super-cultural norms of rationality ...' (Barnes and Bloor 1982: 27). Barnes and Bloor's 'really rational' is another expression for my 'absolutely correct.' 2 As we shall see below, very strong forms of EQUAL VALIDITY play an essential role in Baghramian's argument against the virtues of relativism. 3 Baghramian's discussion of the virtues of absolutism seem to commit her to this view, even though she never states it explicitly. 4 Put differently, the absolutist and relativist differ on the question of the extent to which there are neutral modes of assessment of stances. As well shall see later, Baghramian assumes that there are stance-neutral standards of virtue that allow us to adjudicate between the relativist and absolutist stances. The relativist insists that virtues too can only be understood and assessed relative to frameworks or stances. 5 It is exactly such regress that Baghramian seems to ignore. She assumes that virtues form a neutral background for assessing relativism and absolutism. 16 6 I take this to be a disagreement between Baghramian and me. I take her to align relativism with epistemic vices, and to reject the suggestion that a relativist could do embody epistemic virtues. 7 For comments I am grateful to Delia Belleri and Guy Longworth. -Work on this paper was supported by ERC Advanced Grant #339382. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PhilPapers |
The cops, pimps and victims all call it "The Game." It's no game. Young Canadian girls are being beaten, branded, bought and sold in hotels and motels, and along highways across the GTA and Ontario.
The victims are as young as 12, tricked into the sex trade by “Romeo” pimps who sell a dream of money, love and security.
Every day, an increasing number of teenagers and young women are being trafficked across Ontario and forced to work as prostitutes in what has become one of the fastest growing crimes in the province, a Star investigation found. Seasoned detectives and social workers estimate the number of girls being trafficked in Ontario today to be in the thousands.
On the streets, it’s known as “The Game.”
Some of the girls are beaten by pimps — whipped with coat hangers heated up on a stove, punched, choked, burnt and forced to sleep naked at the foot of the bed, like dogs.
Some are branded — often with their pimp’s street name. Earlier this year, a 21-year-old woman was held down in Toronto as a pimp carved his initials into her hand with a razor and then poured pen ink into the wound.
They are bought and sold — in 2013, police rescued a 17-year-old girl who was traded to a pimp by her own mother for a drug debt.
They are locked in hotel rooms and forced to have sex for money, sometimes up to 15 times a day, and then hand over all their cash to a pimp they are brainwashed into believing is their boyfriend.
Sexual human trafficking is the forced confinement or transportation of a person for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Contrary to popular belief, almost all of the victims in Canada are Canadian born.
Hear from victims who escaped “The Game”
The Star’s investigation is based on: information from criminal trafficking cases; federal government documents detailing the problem; interviews with victims, parents, social workers and police officers from four major regions across the GTA; and an in-depth interview with an accused pimp who is behind bars awaiting trial.
Detectives say the crime is growing because trafficking is so lucrative — a pimp can earn $280,000 a year from one sex-trade worker, according to the RCMP. The Internet has also changed The Game by taking these girls off the streets and hiding them behind closed doors. The girls are typically sold on the website Backpage.com which police say is notorious for running sex trafficking advertisements across North America.
Over the past month, the Star has interviewed six victims who were lured into The Game and trafficked throughout the GTA, moved every few days between four-star downtown hotels to cheap motels and strip clubs along Highway 401 and the QEW.
Their stories have similar traits — what lured the girls into The Game was the illusion of love and a secure future.
What made them stay was the fear of being beaten, burnt, “outed as whores” or left for dead, and sometimes threats to their families.
Some of these girls are runaways, abandoned by their parents, or foster kids lured straight out of group homes; others grew up in middle-income households and are recruited from high schools or house parties.
The six victims the Star interviewed said those buying sex were from all walks of life, including businessmen, doctors, lawyers, police officers, labourers, drug dealers, college students, teachers, judges, accountants and soldiers. Occasionally they were women.
Since 2013, Toronto Police have intervened in 359 trafficking incidents — arresting 114 pimps — where victims have told police stories of being deprived of food until they serviced a certain number of men or being forced to call their pimps “Daddy.’’
“I’ve met girls who have been assaulted so badly they’ve ingested their own teeth,” Toronto Detective David Correa said.
“I’ve met girls who were forced to put sponge pads inside their private area so they don’t bleed while they work. This is barbaric and horrific.”
Just last month, police rescued a 13-year-old girl who was sold for sex in hotels across Brampton, Niagara and Toronto. Two men and a 17-year-old girl have been charged with trafficking. Toronto Police say a previous case includes a victim as young as 12.
Inspector Joanna Beaven-Desjardins, commander of the Toronto Police Sex Crimes Unit, said pimps “brand them like cattle and move them like cattle.”
“This is a Toronto problem, an Ontario problem and a Canada problem. Everyone thinks it’s not happening here, but it is,” she said.
On a Thursday night in late November, the Star booked a room at the Mississauga Gates Inn — a motel nestled off Highway 427 that has been named by police and victims as a hot spot for human trafficking.
The two-floor motel, which touts $60 rooms online, was a late-night hive of activity, with flashy cars running laps of the parking lot and men dressed in hoodies and baggy jeans killing time watching movies on iPads in high-end SUVs and Cadillacs.
Star reporters observed a young woman, likely in her late teens with a face full of makeup, walk into a room around 9:30 p.m. Shortly after, a middle-aged man, who appeared to be an airport limousine driver, pulled into the car park and scanned the motel as he took off his suit jacket, neatly folded it and laid it down on his back seat.
He then walked to the woman’s door, knocked and was quickly let inside. Exactly half an hour later the man left, looking towards the ground as he walked the dimly lit motel corridor.
Ten minutes later another man arrived at her door.
A cleaner moved in and out of the rooms, changing sheets until the early hours of the morning.
The owner of the Mississauga Gates Inn, who identified himself as Suni, told the Star young girls are trafficked out of high-end hotels and small motels, like his, every day.
“We are kicking these people out like f--king crazy. We are battling the struggle every day,” Suni said.
Human trafficking, both for forced sex and farm and other labour, was written into the Criminal Code of Canada in 2005, but it was only last year that the first pimp in Toronto was convicted. Tyrone Burton, 31, was found guilty of holding two teenagers against their will, confiscating their identity documents and forcing them to work in the sex trade. The Crown is seeking to declare him a dangerous offender to keep him locked up indefinitely.
Hear an accused pimp who is behind bars awaiting trial
From behind bars, Matthew Deiaco, 29, who calls himself a “manager of escorts” and is facing a slew of human-trafficking related charges, told the Star that Toronto’s underground sex trade has grown “massively” over the past decade.
In a jailhouse interview in mid-November, the heavily tattooed Deiaco said he couldn’t talk about his case before the trial, but he agreed to describe how pimps play The Game.
It’s easy to make up to $1,000 a day with one girl, Deiaco said. “Sometimes in a month, if you have four women, you could make $70,000.”
Pimps, Deiaco said, prey on girls who are broken; girls who “need that daddy figure.”
It begins with the boyfriend stage: romantic dates, the illusion of love and the promise of a future, complete with a house they would own together. Then it’s the grooming, the gifts and the hints about how much money she could make working in the sex trade.
“You get in there, you find the crack, some just need to hear ‘I love you,’ ” Deiaco said.
Finally it comes to the “sale,” where a pimp convinces a girl to prostitute herself and give him all her money.
Deiaco, who said his role was “managing” at least 12 prostitutes in his time, explained a pimp might coerce a girl into entering the sex trade by selling her the dream of security, love, a big wedding and a nice house: “See, I’m putting my 50 in, you have to do your 50. So there’s another way, you can have sex with guys, but don’t worry, I’m going to love you. At the end of the night you’re home with me,” he says.
Natalie, a 27-year-old victim who was confined to a hotel room and forced to have sex with strangers day and night, said she earned $30,000 in one month — but handed every cent over to her pimp. Natalie is not using her real name out of concern for her safety.
“I never really knew what trafficking was. To me, it was always a relationship,” she told the Star. “I felt like he really loved me.”
Physically, Natalie admits she could have run, but mentally, she says, she was trapped. “They get inside your head: I felt like they had a hold of me from the inside — from my mind.”
The mental manipulation and control these traffickers have over women is the most challenging aspect for police and welfare agencies.
The pimps control their cellphones, delete their messages, isolate them from their families and steal their identification documents. They force them to offer “special sexual services” such as anal or unprotected sex to make extra money and then manipulate them through guilt and shame by threatening to “out” them to their families and friends.
Sergeant Martin Dick, a veteran homicide detective from the U.K. who now heads up the Vice Unit for the Halton Regional Police, said sex trafficking was the only crime that has left him in tears.
Last year, Dick entered the hotel room of a teenager whose online escorting ad “ticked all the right boxes” for a potential trafficked victim, such as a photo that doesn’t show her face, the offer to do “fetishes” and the request that clients text only (pimps often control the phone and pose as girls using flirtatious text messages).
“She was very aggressive with us at first and I remember being in the room and thinking ‘There’s something not right here, you are too defensive,’ ” Dick said, his voice breaking.
“There were suitcases on the floor and you could just tell that this was her life. Eventually, I said to her — with tears welling in my eyes — I said ‘Just let us help you, please.’ ” The teenager, wearing only lingerie, collapsed on to the floor.
“This girl was crying her eyes out, but she just wouldn’t come because she was so downtrodden and beaten and broken. It’s so hard to walk out that door, because you don’t know what you’re leaving her to.”
When the pimp returned to the hotel a few hours later, police arrested him for breaching bail and the teenage girl ran away. The next day, Dick went to court on the off-chance that she was going to be there.
The teenage girl was sitting in the courtroom alongside her pimp’s parents, he said.
In May, MPP Laurie Scott put forward a motion to the legislature calling for the creation of a provincial task force to combat homegrown human trafficking and increase funding.
Her motion passed, but the government has taken no action since. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
Q:
cocoon gem error: undefined method `new_record?' for nil:NilClass
i'm building a relations Company :has_many Notes.
i want to be able to add some new notes to a just created company in the Comany#show resource. so in the company scaffold's show.html.erb
i have follwed step by step the cocoon demostration app and from the github mardown, but the examples shows only the method to add nested attribute into _form.html.erb partial. I don't know if there is some particular things to do differently, but when i try to run the Company#show action it retrieves this error:
undefined method `new_record?' for nil:NilClass
this is my code:
show.html.erb:
...
<%= simple_form_for :notes, :html => { :class => 'form-horizontal' } do |note| %>
<%= render 'note_fields', :f => note %>
<% end %>
<%= link_to_add_association 'Aggiungi Nota', f, :notes, :render_options => {:wrapper => 'inline' } %>
...
_note_fields.html.erb:
...
<div class="nested-fields">
<%= f.input :body %>
<%= link_to_remove_association "Elimina Nota", f %>
</div>
...
Company.rb:
...
has_many :notes
accepts_nested_attributes_for :notes, :reject_if => :all_blank, :allow_destroy => true
...
Note.rb
class Note < ActiveRecord::Base
attr_accessible :body, :company_id
belongs_to :company
end
company_controller.rb
def show
@company = Company.includes(:category, :clients, :notes).find(params[:id])
@mapCompany = Company.find(params[:id]).to_gmaps4rails
respond_to do |format|
format.html # show.html.erb
format.json { render json: @company }
end
end
thanks!
Dave
A:
In the following code, the f variable was never defined.
<%= link_to_add_association 'Aggiungi Nota', f, :notes, :render_options => {:wrapper => 'inline' } %>
Try using company instead of f.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
Q:
IOS Convert String to Int
I have the need to convert a string to Int so I can use an if > statement so I can enable and disable buttons. As you can see from the commented lines in the updateStopwatch I've tried a number of ways to convert but without any success
My Class looks like
class Stopwatch {
var startTime:Date?
func startTimer() {
startTime = Date();
}
func elapsedTimeSinceStart() -> String {
var elapsed = 0.0;
if let elapsedTime = startTime {
if firstHalfTime {
elapsed = elapsedTime.timeIntervalSinceNow
} else {
elapsed = elapsedTime.timeIntervalSinceNow - 45*60
}
}
elapsed = -elapsed
let minutes = Int(floor((elapsed / 60)));
let seconds = Int(floor((elapsed.truncatingRemainder(dividingBy: 60))));
// print(elapsed)
let timeString = String(format: "%02d:%02d", minutes, seconds)
// print(timeString)
return timeString
}
}
My update timer function
func updateStopwatch() {
let stopWatchString = stopWatch.elapsedTimeSinceStart()
stopwatchLabel.text = stopWatchString
// let minutesString:Int = Int(stopWatchString)!
// minutes = minutesString
if minutes > 1 {
endFirstHalf.isEnabled = true
self.endFirstHalf.alpha = 1
}
}
A:
You cannot convert a string back to Int after inserting a colon (:).
I recommend to return the TimeInterval
func elapsedTimeSinceStart() -> TimeInterval {
var elapsed = 0.0
if let elapsedTime = startTime {
if firstHalfTime {
elapsed = elapsedTime.timeIntervalSinceNow
} else {
elapsed = elapsedTime.timeIntervalSinceNow - 45*60
}
}
elapsed = -elapsed
return elapsed
}
and do the math in updateStopwatch()
func updateStopwatch() {
let elapsed = stopWatch.elapsedTimeSinceStart()
let minutes = Int(floor(elapsed / 60)));
let seconds = Int(floor((elapsed.truncatingRemainder(dividingBy: 60))));
let stopWatchString = String(format: "%02d:%02d", minutes, seconds)
stopwatchLabel.text = stopWatchString
if minutes > 1 {
endFirstHalf.isEnabled = true
self.endFirstHalf.alpha = 1
}
}
This code does the same but uses a bit more contemporary API
let dateComponentsFormatter : DateComponentsFormatter = {
let formatter = DateComponentsFormatter()
formatter.allowedUnits = [.minute, .second]
return formatter
}()
func elapsedTimeSinceStart() -> DateComponents {
var components = DateComponents(minute: 0, second:0)
if let elapsedTime = startTime {
components = Calendar.current.dateComponents([.minute, .second], from: elapsedTime, to: Date())
if !firstHalfTime { components.minute! += 45 }
}
return components
}
func updateStopwatch() {
let components = elapsedTimeSinceStart()
stopwatchLabel.text = dateComponentsFormatter.string(from: components)
if components.minute! > 1 {
endFirstHalf.isEnabled = true
self.endFirstHalf.alpha = 1
}
}
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
Provider experiences with negative-pressure wound therapy systems.
MedWatch, the Food and Drug Administration's (FDA's) nationwide adverse event reporting system, serves to monitor device performance after a medical device is approved or cleared for market. Through the MedWatch adverse event reporting system, the FDA receives Medical Device Reports of deaths and serious injuries with negative-pressure wound therapy (NPWT) systems, many of which are used in homes and in extended-care facilities. In response to reported events, this study was conducted to obtain additional information about device issues that healthcare professionals face in these settings, as well as challenges that caregivers might encounter using this technology at home. The study was exploratory and descriptive in nature. The FDA surveyed wound care specialists and professional home healthcare providers to learn about users' experiences with NPWT. In the first phase of the study, a semistructured questionnaire was developed for telephone interviews and self-administration. In the second phase, a web-based survey was adapted from the semistructured instrument. Respondent concerns primarily centered on issues not directly related to the NPWT devices: NPWT prescription, provider education in addition to patient training and appropriate wound management practices, notably ongoing wound assessment, and patient monitoring. Overall, respondents thought that there was a definite benefit to NPWT, regardless of the care setting, and that it was a safe therapy when prescribed and administered appropriately. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Abstracts |
Non-invasive assessment of glucocorticoid and androgen metabolite levels in cooperatively breeding Damaraland mole-rats (Fukomys damarensis).
Dominant females of cooperative breeding species often use aggression to suppress reproduction of subordinate females, resulting in subordinates experiencing stress-related increases in glucocorticoid levels, which may cause reproductive down-regulation. This would suggest a general pattern with higher glucocorticoid levels in subordinate compared to dominant individuals; however, the opposite was found in a number of cooperatively breeding species. Furthermore, breeding females of the cooperatively breeding Damaraland mole-rats (Fukomys damarensis) exhibit very high androgen concentrations during the wet season, presumably to support their breeding monopoly. Hormone analysis in Damaraland mole-rats have typically been measured using plasma and urine, but faecal analysis offers additional advantages especially for field studies on this species. The present study examines the suitability of Damaraland mole-rat faecal samples for determining glucocorticoid metabolite (fGCM) and androgen metabolite (fAM) concentrations using enzyme immunoassays. Using these assays, we further evaluated the effects of breeding status on fGCM and fAM concentrations in wild-caught and captive Damaraland mole-rats. Wild-caught breeding and non-breeding males and females exhibited no differences in fAM concentrations. Immunoreactive fGCM concentrations were only high in male breeders and comparatively low in non-breeders and breeding females. Concentrations of fAMs and fGCMs were similar in captive males and females, but fAM concentrations were elevated in captive compared to wild-caught individuals, which may be related to a higher reproductive activity due to removal from the breeding female. The relatively uniform fAM and fGCM concentrations found in wild-caught mole-rats may be explained by a stable colony structure during the dry season during which this study was conducted. Limited dispersal opportunities result in lower aggression and stress levels within a colony and as a result lower fAM and fGCM concentrations. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Abstracts |
Senate invasion: It’s treasonable offence –Lawyers
Senate was under attack, yesterday, when a suspended Senator, Senator Ovie Omo- Agege stormed the Senate plenary session with thugs and seized the mace, the symbol of authority.
Some senior lawyers told Daily Sun that the move was equaivalent of a civilian coup against the second arm of government.
In his reaction, rights activist and social crusader, Chief Mike Ozekhome (SAN) described it as a sad day for Democracy and the country
“What happened (yesterday) was a civilian equivalent of a coup d’etat on the second arm of government. It is a great disaster for democracy and it should be roundly condemned.
“For a senator, who was suspended, whether rightly or wrongly, and who has approached the court to invoke its powers, under section 6 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and pronounce on his suspension, to now violate his oath of office and invade the sacred chambers of the Senate, with thugs, who forcefully and physically grabbed the symbol of authority, of hope and integrity, is a sad development.
“This is the same senator who sat on the committee that suspended Senator Ali Ndume for 180 days. It is sad for our democracy. It is a day of lamentation for our country.”
Another Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Chief Solo Akuma, described the action as a desecration of the installation of the legislature.
“It was despicable and condemnable. Whoever encouraged it should be condemned. I don’t know whether the Legislative Privileges Act, which gives them immunity against what they say on the floor of the Senate can shield him from prosecution. But, from a criminal point of view, it is a breach of peace and assault. It is a criminal attempt to overrun the Senate and it should be condemned.”
On his part, a former member of the House of Representatives and a legal practitioner, West-Idahosa said what transpired at the Senate was treasonable felony.
“What happened was unlawful obstruction of the legitimate sitting of the Senate, under the constitution, which entitled the Senate to sit and carry out its legislative functions.
“For a group of thugs to disrupt the proceedings, in my view, amounts to treason, which is punishable under the Penal Code. This is a very serious offence which goes to the heart of our democracy and all hands must be on deck so that the perpetrators be punished,” Idahosa said. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Phillip Kayser is among the several speakers joining Mike Huckabee, Ted Cruz and Bobby Jindal at the National Religious Liberties Conference in Iowa this weekend, and as we’ve reported, he, along with the conference’s chief organizer, Kevin Swanson, has called on the government to execute gay people. Kayser’s views are so extreme that back in the 2012 election, Ron Paul’s campaign tried to cover up his endorsement.
However, it seems that in today’s GOP, calling for the execution of gay people isn’t beyond the pale.
At the conference, where he is giving two speeches on how local officials and others can defy the Supreme Court’s marriage equality decision, Kayser distributed the very pamphlet calling for the death penalty for gay people that caused a stir back when he endorsed Paul.
In the pamphlet, “Is The Death Penalty Just?,” Kayser unsurprisingly concludes that the death penalty is in fact just, and lists homosexuality among the offenses deserving of capital punishment. Ironically for a “religious liberties” summit, he also claims that the government should treat “breaking the Sabbath,” “blasphemy and cursing God publicly,” “publicly sacrificing to other gods” and “apostasy” as death penalty crimes as well.
He writes that government officials are “subject to Biblical statutes and judgments,” claiming that “Christians should advocate the full implementation of all God’s civil penalties in every age…. Every Old Testament statue continues on the books, and without those statutes, we could not have a consistent ethnical standard.” Even “pagan” nations are obliged to follow biblical law, he writes, as “God held gentile kings accountable to these civil laws.”
Kayser believes that the government should execute murderers, among whom he includes abortion providers: “What could be more pro-life than having the state pass laws establishing a certain date after which all doctors who continue to perform abortions will be executed? Certainly, a handful of doctors might be killed [pro-death for killers], but think of the millions of little lives that would be saved!”
He writes that the death penalty should also apply to those who commit acts of blasphemy; apostasy; breaking the Sabbath; sorcery and witchcraft; kidnapping; rape; adultery; prostitution; bestiality; and of course, homosexuality.
But don’t worry, Kayser has good news for the gays who rather not be stoned to death or get “thrown off a cliff,” methods he mentions as biblically approved ways to execute someone.
While “these crimes are so heinous that they deserve death in God’s eyes,” he writes, with cases “of sexual sins, people who kept these things to themselves could not be prosecuted because it would require two or three witnesses (depending on judicial discretion), the pressing of charges by a victim-citizen, the exclusion of government from spying, sting operations, etc., and other checks and balances.”
Essentially, Kayser says that the government should put gay people to death, but only if they get caught.
“Even after a society implemented Biblical law and made homosexuality a crime, execution would be rare,” he explains, because “the civil government could not round them up.” What a relief!
“Only those who were prosecuted by citizen-victims could be punished, and the punishment could take a number of forms, analogous to the flexibility in dealing with adultery — which ranged all the way from forgiveness, to divorce, to death,” he continues. “Some people characterize this as a victimless crime since homosexuals cannot get married. But there are plenty of circumstances (homosexual rape, homosexual incest, homosexual death threats against politicians, etc.) where victims might be motivated to bring charges.”
Kayser writes that “natural knowledge” endorses the view that homosexuality is “worthy of death.”
“It is not just the sinfulness of homosexuality that is known, but also the justice of the death penalty for homosexuality,” he said. “The reason men have an innate sense of justice is because God’s law reflects not only His holiness but also His justice and goodness (Rom. 7:12). Romans 13 says that magistrates are subject to all three.”
And remember, this is the kind of literature being promoted at a “religious liberty” conference. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
Crimson flowers crown silvery stems that rise above rosettes of foliage from late spring. This robust little perennial holds an RHS AGM and creates a wonderful display in shady, damp spots and woodlands. For the best impact, plant Primula 'Miller's Crimson' in large drifts. Height and spread: 45cm (18").
Water Primula regularly during hot, dry periods to prevent the soil from drying out. Deadhead faded Primula flowers to encourage more blooms to be produced. Primula may be a relatively short-lived perennial. Divide over-crowded clumps between late autumn and early spring to increase their longevity.
Sow Primula seed from February to July on the surface of a good, free-draining, damp, seed compost and cover with a fine sprinkling of compost or vermiculite. Place the pot or seed tray in a shaded position at a temperature of 15-18C (60-65F) until after germination, which usually takes 10-30 days. Do not exclude light, as this helps germination.
Once most of the seed have germinated, sprinkle a tiny amount of compost over the roots to anchor them. If there has been no germination after 30 days put the pot in the fridge (not freezer) for 2-3 weeks and then return to warmth. Check on the seeds regularly whilst in the fridge and remove them if they start to germinate.
When seedlings are large enough to handle, transplant into 7.5cm (3") pots and grow on in cool, moist conditions. In autumn, when Primula plants are well grown, gradually acclimatise them to outdoor conditions for 10-15 days before planting outdoors. Plant primula at a distance of 23cm (9") apart in sun or semi shade in moist, rich fertile, well drained soil.
Delivery
Seeds and garden supplies will normally be delivered within the time period stated against each product as detailed above. Plants, bulbs, corms, tubers, shrubs, trees, potatoes, etc. are delivered at the appropriate time for planting or potting on. Delivery times will be stated on the product page above, or in your order acknowledgement page and email.
Orders for packets of seed incur a delivery charge of £1.95.
Orders which include any other products will incur a delivery charge of £4.95.
Where an order includes both packets of seeds and other products, a maximum delivery charge of £6.90 will apply - regardless of the number of items ordered.
Large items may incur a higher delivery charge - this will be displayed in your shopping basket.
Please see our Delivery page for further details and details of any surcharges that may apply to certain destinations.
Satisfaction Guaranteed
For your complete peace of mind, our Home and Garden products may be returned to us within 30 days of purchase for a refund of the purchase price. Items must be returned unused, at your cost and in mint condition. All items carry a manufacturer's 12 month defects warranty. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
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Bring my husband back I need my better half back, however where do I begin? In case you’re posing this question to yourself, then I need to accept that the life partner has either physically or sincerely left the marriage, yet you don’t seek a separation or partition. The uplifting news is the way thatRead More | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Posts Tagged ‘phoenix cabaret’
This restoration has been a serious pain in the butt. I ruined one of my carefully laminated side panels in my last effort, (See part two for that story.) and would need to make another panel. I had enough scrap material to join and make a new panel, so I gave it a try. It worked out well and I figured that after laminating it, you’d never know it was two pieces. Unfortunately during the sizing portion, I cut about 4″ more off the bottom than I should have. Measure twice, cut once, words to live by. I bit the bullet and purchased another piece of material. This time I got it right.
I carefully lined up the new, pre-cut blank on top of the other blank I had already laminated but not cut. I then used screws through the carriage bolt holes to secure the pieces in place. No movement this time. (more…)
Picking up from where I left off with the restoration (part one), I got a postcard from Menards stating that my laminate was ready for pickup. The box it came in was huge. I got it home safely and pulled out a sheet of the wood grain laminate. To my surprise the stuff was longer than a sheet of plywood by about 4 inches.
This would allow me to cover a whole sheet of plywood with room to spare, good if you’re building cabinets, but a pain to work with for a cabaret. (more…)
I wanted to get started on this game for some time, as it was a huge childhood favorite, both in full size and on the Atari 2600. I’ve had it for almost a year now and have slowly gathered extra pcbs and a few parts necessary to get started. (Check out my other post to see it’s arrival Phoenix Cabaret Added) The plan was to do some minor cosmetic repair, clean up the cabinet, swap out the pcb and move on. I figured I could work on it during the down time of the other major projects I had going on.
I wanted to install a double jamma adaptor from Mike’s Arcade so I could throw Pleiads in the cab as well. With my limited space I’m always looking to maximize the use of floor space and those two games work well together. (more…) | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
This invention relates to a method for generating large numbers of fertilizable ova from the ovarian tissue of a mammal. More specifically, it relates to methods for the in vitro development and maturation of germ cells recovered from the ovarian tissue of a mammal into fertilizable oocytes. These oocytes may be fertilized in vitro to form embryos which can be implanted into surrogate mothers.
The two commonly employed methods for breeding animals are natural mating and artificial insemination. In addition, a small number of animals are bred by embryo transfer. In this technique, a female is impregnated either naturally or by artificial insemination and six to ten days thereafter her uterus is flushed and any viable embryos are recovered. The recovered embryos are then implanted into surrogate mothers. Often the female is superovulated by hormone treatments prior to impregnation to increase the yield of embryos. For example, in cows, superovulation can increase the number of viable embryos recovered from one to about five to fifteen.
With the widespread acceptance and use of artificial insemination for animal breeding, large quantities of sperm are commonly collected and banked for future use, in essence creating a limitless supply of sperm. Equally important, artificial insemination permits the genes from the most desirable animals to be made far more widely available than with natural mating techniques. For example, sperm collected from a single superior bull can be used to impregnate thousands of cows by artificial insemination. Heretofore, however, there has existed no practical method for collecting large numbers of fertilizable ova from females and, as a result, there is no efficient method comparable to artificial insemination for improving the quality of livestock by the widespread breeding of superior females. Embryo transfer which is designed to overcome this problem is inefficient and expensive and therefore not appropriate for widespread use.
The reason large numbers of fertilizable ova have heretofor not been available relates to the reproductive biology of females. Mature males are continuously producing large numbers of sperm. However, in female mammals, only certain cells in the ovaries are capable of maturing into ova. These germ cells, which usually number about 200,000 to 300,000 per ovary in most mammals, are present at birth, are held in the ovary, arrested in an early stage of meiosis and incapable of being fertilized and developing into normal young. Under normal circumstances, a number of these cells begin to develop within the ovary with a periodicity tuned to the animal's sexual cycle. At the appropriate time in the sex cycle, either one or a small number of these cells (depending on whether the animal is a litter bearer) will be released from the ovary, a process known as ovulation. The complex process by which an individual germ cell develops to the point at which ovulation occurs is known as folliculogenesis. Folliculogenesis involves several major steps and the coordinated activities of other cells of the ovary as well as pituitary and ovarian hormones. Following ovulation, the cell or cells (oocytes) released undergo another step in the process of meiosis in which the number of chromosomes in the cells is reduced by half, after which cells become fertilizable ova. This process usually occurs during the movement of the cells from the ovary to the oviduct where fertilization will take place.
To the knowledge and belief of the inventors, there currently exists no known method or process for the development and maturation of large numbers of germ cells into fertilizable ova either in vitro or in vivo. There is a clear need for such a process in order to eliminate the critical limiting factor in all known breeding techniques, the availability of fertilizable ova. Such a process would make possible the use of in vitro fertilization and embryo implantation on a large scale for efficiently reproducing commercially important animals or other important animals (such as endangered species). Perhaps more importantly, it would also make possible the use of these techniques for efficiently improving the quality of herds and of animals by selectively breeding desirable females. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | USPTO Backgrounds |
Passive air sampling for determining the levels of ambient PCDD/Fs and their seasonal and spatial variations and inhalation risk in Shanghai, China.
The seasonal and spatial variations, compositional profiles, and possible sources of polychlorinated dibenzo-p-dioxins and polychlorinated dibenzofurans (PCDD/Fs) in ambient air samples in Shanghai of China were investigated by passive air samplers, and the potential inhalation risks posed by these chemicals were evaluated. The following results were obtained: (1) The World Health Organization (WHO) toxic equivalency (TEQ) values for PCDD/Fs were in the range of 10.8-259 fg m(-3) (mean 63.4 fg m(-3)) in summer and 24.1-154 fg m(-3) (mean 83.4 fg m(-3)) in winter. Atmospheric PCDD/F levels were in the following order: industrial areas > commercial and residential areas > rural areas. (2) 2,3,4,7,8-PeCDF (24 %), 2,3,7,8-TeCDD (16 %), 1,2,3,7,8-PeCDD (13 %), and 2,3,7,8-TeCDF (12 %) were the predominant contributors to the TEQ of PCDD/Fs. (3) There was a slight seasonal trend with higher TEQ values in winter than in summer, which could be related to seasonal variations in the dispersion of PCDD/Fs in ambient air. (4) The children's daily intake was at the lower end of the range for the tolerable daily intake of PCDD/Fs recommended by WHO, which indicates that the inhalation risk of PCDD/Fs for local residents in Shanghai is relatively low. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Abstracts |
Selon des informations obtenues par La Presse, près du tiers des 600 millions en dépassements s’explique parce qu’aucune taxe n’était prévue dans l’estimation de départ.
(Québec) La facture du prolongement de la ligne bleue du métro vers Anjou est revue à la hausse d’environ 600 millions, car on avait oublié de calculer le paiement de taxes et sous-estimé le coût des expropriations.
Tommy Chouinard
La Presse
L’ajout d’un tronçon de 5,8 km et de cinq stations coûtera ainsi 4,5 milliards au lieu des 3,9 milliards annoncés par le gouvernement Couillard il y a un an. Il s’agit d’une augmentation de 15 %. En 2013, lorsque le gouvernement Marois avait donné le feu vert au projet, on avançait un coût approximatif d’au moins 1,5 milliard, sans toutefois en faire une estimation formelle.
Selon des informations obtenues par La Presse, près du tiers des 600 millions en dépassements s’explique parce qu’aucune taxe n’était prévue dans l’estimation de départ.
Cette estimation s’appuyait sur le dossier d’opportunité préparé par la défunte Agence métropolitaine de transport (AMT), mais adopté par sa remplaçante, l’Agence régionale de transport métropolitain. Or, selon une source informée du dossier, la nouvelle entité est soumise à des règles de taxation auxquelles n’était pas assujettie l’AMT, situation qui serait à l’origine de « l’oubli ».
L’affaire n’est pas sans rappeler la saga du métro de Laval : on avait oublié un kilomètre sur un tronçon qui en compte cinq, ce qui avait fait grimper les coûts.
De son côté, la Société de transport de Montréal (STM) est le maître d’œuvre du prolongement de la ligne bleue. Son bureau de projet a commencé ses travaux en début d’année. Des avis d’expropriation ont été envoyés à des dizaines de propriétaires, puisque le projet est construit dans un secteur à haute densité commerciale et résidentielle.
L’opération sera toutefois plus coûteuse que prévu, a appris La Presse d’une source sûre. L’an dernier, la STM disait disposer d’un « budget préliminaire » s’élevant à un peu plus de 300 millions pour le rachat des propriétés expropriées.
Troisième cause derrière la hausse de la facture : les « frais financiers », en gros les coûts d’emprunt, ont été révisés à la hausse.
Pas de remise en question
Le gouvernement Legault doit prendre une décision d’ici l’été quant au mode de réalisation du prolongement de la ligne bleue, son coût total et son « envergure ». Il n’est pas prévu de revoir le projet à la baisse. Du reste, le premier ministre François Legault déclarait en début d’année que son gouvernement faisait du prolongement de la ligne bleue une priorité et qu’il comptait même en « accélérer le développement ».
De son côté, Ottawa s’apprête à confirmer sa contribution financière… en se fondant sur l’estimation de départ de 3,9 milliards. Il devrait accorder 1,3 milliard, grosso modo ce à quoi s’attendait Québec avant l’augmentation de 600 millions évoquée d’abord sur les ondes de Cogeco hier.
Il reste à voir si le gouvernement Legault demandera des sous de plus au fédéral dans les circonstances. Les deux capitales sont déjà en conflit, depuis quelques mois, au sujet des infrastructures, en particulier le projet de tramway à Québec.
PHOTO MARCO CAMPANOZZI, ARCHIVES LA PRESSE Le ministre des Transports, François Bonnardel
Hier, le ministre des Transports, François Bonnardel, a d’ailleurs indiqué que le financement du nouveau réseau dans la capitale sera bouclé dans quatre ans seulement, par la faute du fédéral, selon lui. Le projet commencera avec une enveloppe de 2,5 milliards, au lieu de 3,3 milliards.
Ottawa maintient que l’argent est sur la table pour financer en totalité le projet, mais Québec refuse de piger dans d’autres fonds fédéraux que celui des infrastructures de transport collectif pour boucler le budget. Le gouvernement Legault attendra donc dans quatre ans pour puiser dans le fonds sur les infrastructures les 800 millions manquants. À ce moment, une clause sur la gestion de ce fonds qui donne avantage aux villes ayant le plus fort achalandage tombera. Québec pourra ainsi allouer les millions nécessaires au projet de la capitale. Il n’aura pas à négocier avec la Ville de Montréal pour que celle-ci accepte de céder une part du financement. Ses pourparlers avec la mairesse, Valérie Plante, s’étaient récemment soldés par un échec.
Le premier ministre Legault évoquait la semaine dernière « la possibilité de réduire les coûts du projet » de tramway, mais le plan B de son gouvernement semble maintenant consister en une réalisation « par phases ». | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
Q:
Cant get jQuery hover to work with an if statement
I have a row of custom styled radio buttons. On hover, I want a sort icon (two arrows made with css) to appear. I've gotten this to work successfully with jQuery's .hover function. However, when I try to add some logic to only allow the sort arrow to appear when a radio button is NOT checked, the hover event does not work. There's obviously a problem with the if statement; I suspect it's the syntax, but I'm just not sure how to fix it.
JS
// COLUMN HEADING ROLLOVER SORT BUTTONS //
var wrap = "<div class='sortWrap'>";
var sortUp = "<div class='sortIcon arrow-up'></div>";
var sortDown = "<div class='sortIcon arrow-down'></div>";
var combine = wrap + sortUp + sortDown + "</div>";
$('input[type=radio]+label').hover(function() {
var checked = $(this).attr('checked');
if (checked == false) {
$(this).append(combine);
};
}, function() {
$(this).children('.sortWrap').remove();
});
A:
Use $(this).is(':checked') or this.checked.
.prop() vs .attr()
The other problem is that this in your handler is the label element, not the checkbox. You need %(this).prev().is(':checked').
DEMO
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | StackExchange |
Oilrig Photos
Morecambe Bay Field
Divvy Gamma at Central Platform and Isle of Man on horizon at sunset, every country of the UK England, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, and also Isles of Man and Anglesey can be seen at times from this gas field. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Andy flies often but he's never fucked a stewardess. This flight is boring, the woman next to him is talking rubbish, the only thing entertaining him is the sight of the pert little ass walking up and down the aisle of the plane. Hiding his erection with a blanket he…
i had always been bi, i knew since i was young i was attracted to men and women. i used women as just a back up plan or some one just to please me. i used men when i wanted a relationship. but since i got out of a seriously…
Lola King, an African American young woman ran away from home at sixteen due to years of sexual and physical abuse as a child. Her drunken father sexually abused her from the tender age of thirteen and her drug addict Mother emotionally abused her. she survived on the streets of… | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Obesity is an issue Ruth Field says we need to tackle more openly.
Obesity is an issue Ruth Field says we need to tackle more openly.
WHEN SOMEONE PENS books with titles such as ‘Run, fat bitch, run!’ and ‘Cut the Crap’, you expect them to be a straight talker. And, it’s fair to say, Ruth Field doesn’t disappoint.
In fact, Field is almost evangelical in her belief that straight-talking is something we need more of as western Europe “sleepwalks” its way into an obesity epidemic.
And the person we need to be most critical of is the one reading this sentence.
“The human condition makes us excuse making machines,” Field told The42 this week.
“It’s part of our fundamental nature to come up with excuses not to do stuff that is good for us. You have to accept that those excuses are going to keep coming at us. I mean, I have those excuses, they same as everyone. The difference is that I override them.
“Part of getting fitter or getting healthier is accepting that you will try make excuses but you also have to find a way of overcoming them, find a voice that’s more powerful than the excuse-making voice.
“I do sometimes think that shocking yourself into doing it is good. I don’t know if that works for everyone but it works for me. So rather than sitting on the sofa and feeling comfortable with yourself, ‘I’m not so bad, I’m just a little bit overweight’ or whatever it is, it’s better to be a bit hard on yourself.
“Maybe instead you should tell yourself you’re a fat bitch or a fat bastard and get off your arse and do something about it.
“That might seem harsh but western Europe is eating itself into an obesity epidemic and we’re collectively deluding ourselves that we’re not.”
Excuses are easy to come by of course and a particular bugbear of Field — who will be giving her no nonsense advice at the Unislim Health and Wellness Show this Saturday in Croke Park — are the ones handed on a plate to people.
“It drives me nuts when I read stuff that says ‘you’re fat but it’s not your fault’. It’s so obviously not the case. Anyone with half a modicum of common sense will know that in the vast, vast, majority of cases being overweight is to do with having a less active lifestyle than previous generations and eating more sugar.
“There are other factors, there’s no doubt about it. There are some very obscure diseases that do cause obesity but there has not been a explosion in those diseases in the last 40 years.
“It really frustrates me when people are looking for excuses when the obvious reason is right in front of them. They’re eating too much and not doing enough exercise.”
Hers may be a no-nonsense approach but it’s grounded in genuine concern for the men and women who buy her books or read her newspaper column. Field also understands that it’s not easy to lose weight which is why self-criticism and self-discipline is just one approach.
If you’re fit and healthy yourself, but living with someone who’s not, helping them can often involve just making smaller changes over time.
“My husband was two and a half stone overweight, sugar addicted and exercise averse so he was my experiment when writing ‘Cut the Crap’. But for him, and for a lot of people, there is no diet pill — so to speak — instead it’s all to do with regular exercise.
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“Once you start exercising regularly, your metabolism starts to speed up and in your mind it makes a connection between putting the right things in your body and what you get out of it.
“So, for me, exercise is the answer and adopting a crap cutting approach for your diet. Maybe it’s as simple as giving up that packet of sweets or chocolate biscuit with your cup of tea. It’s gradual, it’s not about going out and buying rice cakes and quinoa straight away.
“There’s nothing faddy, no rules, just starting to look at your diet and removing the really crappy elements, then the less crappy but still bad for you elements. Everything else comes from that.
“For my husband, it took him the best part of two years to lose that two and a half stone whereas he could have lost the weight in two months on a fad diet but is has come off and it has stayed off.”
Source: Dominic Lipinski/PA Wire/Press Association Images
One area Field is especially passionate about is the issue of childhood obesity, something she says parents can be reluctant to deal with.
“It’s becoming such a problem and there is a lot of pussyfooting around the issue. To give them their due, I think the medical profession are probably a little bit more robust about dealing with obesity or overweight issues in children than they tend to be with adults.
“Children that present as very overweight will be very quickly told — or their parents/carers will — that they are overweight and here’s a correct diet. But try get a GP to say that to an overweight parent.
“This may sound blunt but there are just so many fat kids and if you spent an hour with an overweight child, you could see within that hour exactly why they’re fat.
“They’re eating too much junk food and sugar and they’re never outside. When I was growing up we were out all day. My mother would tell me to come home a six and not a minute before. You’d go out with a couple of sticks and a ball and you’d be running around all day, burning off fuel.”
Field does admit, however, that even when parents think they’re doing the right thing for their kids, it’s actually the wrong thing.
“When I was writing ‘Cut the Crap’ I was shocked by how much sugar is in food and drink that looks healthy. One organic fruit juice or organic yogurt, for example, takes a child over the daily maximum level of sugar that’s set out by the World Heath Organisation.
“So if you give your child an organic fruit juice and yogurt for breakfast that’s already twice their daily allowance of sugar and they haven’t even left the house. There’ll be so many parents who don’t know that.”
The result:
“Sugar is addictive and, without being too melodramatic about it, if you start off as a kid on a high-sugar diet it’s very difficult to break that habit. I know I can sound harsh on people but I do realise that it’s really, really difficult to lose weight and the longer you’ve been dependent on a sugary diet, the harder it is to give that up.
“I never had that kind of diet and I accept that makes it a bit easier for me. Don’t get me wrong, I like cake and pudding but the difference is I’m not craving it.”
The Unislim Health & Wellness Show featuring inspirational talks from Bressie, Ruth Field, Derval O’ Rourke and many more takes place in Croke Park this Saturday, 18 April. Tickets are available here. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
I am going to tell you that cholesterol is actually GOOD for you, contrary to what you might believe. I know, you still don’t believe me, right? It’s ok, it was hard to me to understand at first, too. However, the more I researched, the more I learned, and the more I began implementing these dietary changes in my life, the better I felt. After all, it wasn’t until I truly started changing my diet that my Lyme disease symptoms started to improve. Although healing is a practice and I still have a ways to go, I am nowhere near as sick as I used to be and I attribute so much of this to the changes I’ve made in my life, specifically dietary changes.
So, if cholesterol is good for you, then why have we all been told to avoid it like the plague? Well, to make a long story short, essentially the proponents of the “cholesterol is bad” theory have been a bit selective about their information, only using studies that support their idea (known as the Diet-Heart Hypothesis) and disregard those that are opposing. Some of these studies they’re referring to are summaries of the papers that doctors and researchers are most likely to read. Unfortunately, you have to thoroughly read and study the entire paper to understand the contradictory results. Most people rely on the summaries for an accurate conclusion since few have the neither time nor expertise to review on their own. Dr. Natasha Campbell-McBride (founder of GAPS Diet) does a great job explaining this mess in more detail in her book, Put Your Heart in Your Mouth.
Now that we know we’ve been fed a bunch of lies (no pun intended), let’s discuss 4 amazing health benefits of cholesterol and why it is vital for optimal health.
1.Cholesterol and Saturated Fats Give our Body Structure
Our cell walls are comprised of fats and cholesterol, and without them, our cells would be loose and soft without structure. As Dr. Natasha Campbell McBride (GAPS Diet founder) puts it, without cholesterol, “…we would look like giant worms or slugs.” Studies have shown that cholesterol and fats prevent wrinkles and cellulite, as they both are directly related to the elasticity and firm structure of our cells. Cholesterol also helps our cells communicate to transport nutrients in and out of the cell. Essentially, our bodies could not function without cholesterol.
2.The Brain Runs on Cholesterol
Did you know about 25% of the body’s cholesterol is used by the brain?! Our entire nervous system actually requires cholesterol to function. Cholesterol is also incredibly important for making myelin, a fatty substance that nourishes and protects every part of our brain and nervous system (think of it like insulation tubing to electrical wires). Studies show that multiple sclerosis can be caused from lack of myelinand that foods in high cholesterol and high animal fat content are essential for a person with multiple sclerosis. If you inhibit the body’s ability to produce cholesterol, the brain and the rest of the nervous system become at risk.
3.Cholesterol is Essential For Healthy Hormone Balance
After the brain, the endocrine system has the biggest appetite for cholesterol. The endocrine system is essentially a bunch of hormone producing glands that help regulate a variety of functions, such as: metabolism, energy production, mineral assimilation, bone and muscle formation, emotions, and reproduction. Unfortunately, our stressful lifestyles inhibit the proper production of these hormones, causing an imbalance and adverse side effects like adrenal fatigue or even infertility. In fact, a study by Dr. Jorge Chavarro published in Human Reproduction, showed that women who drink whole milk and eat high-fat dairy products are more fertile than those who eat low-fat products. He said women who wanted to conceive should study their diet and avoid low-fat.
4.Cholesterol is Healing Agent
When the body has an injury, it immediately produces cholesterol and sends it to the wound. In more detail, when our liver receives the message that there’s a wound, it immediately sends cholesterol to the damage site. When the wound heals, cholesterol is removed and travels back to the liver. In fact, scar tissue is primarily composed of cholesterol which is also why when cells are damaged, they require cholesterol and fats in order to repair. The body simply cannot clear infections, detoxify, or heal wounds without cholesterol and fats.
Now do I have you convinced cholesterol is not bad for you? I hope so! And hopefully now you’re thinking, ok I want to start eating healthy fats! But, where do I start? Well, first of all, YAY!! And thank you!!
There are countless other health benefits of cholesterol, but hopefully these top points will encourage you to change your belief system on the way you think about cholesterol. For more information, especially regarding the Diet-Heart Hypothesis, I encourage you to read Dr. Natasha Campbell-McBride’s book, Put Your Heart in Your Mouth.
I'd love to hear from you in the comments below, how do you incorporate healthy cholesterol and fats into your diet? Or perhaps you have a health story you'd like to share on how adding these types of foods back into your diet has helped you...share your comments below! | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
U.S. Solar Energy Installations Soared in 2011: Report
March 21, 2012
The U.S. solar energy industry installed a record 1,855 megawatts (MW) of photovoltaic (PV) capacity in 2011, according to the latest U.S. Solar Market Insight report. The amount represents a 109% growth rate over the previous year and is enough to power more than 370,000 homes. The total more than doubled the previous annual record of 887 MW set in 2010. The findings came from GTM Research and the Solar Energy Industries Association, an industry trade group.
This growth was spurred in part by declining installed solar photovoltaic (PV) system prices, which fell 20% last year on the back of lower component costs, improved installation efficiency, expanded financing options, and a shift toward larger systems nationwide. In addition, the anticipated expiration of the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s 1603 Program, which ended December 31, 2011, drove developers to commission projects before the end of 2011.
The report also provides an update on the concentrating solar power (CSP) market. While no new concentrating solar thermal electric capacity was brought online in 2011, a total of 10 concentrating PV projects came online. The year also saw meaningful construction progress on a number of projects with some capacity expected to come online later in 2012 and a surge projected in 2013. Today, more than 1,000 MW of CSP—enough to power 200,000 homes—are under construction.
As of year-end 2011, cumulative PV capacity in the United States reached nearly 4,000 MW and cumulative CSP capacity topped 500 MW. Together, these represent enough solar capacity to power nearly a million households.
The market demonstrated why the United States is becoming a center of attention for global solar, according to Shayle Kann, Managing Director of GTM Research's solar practice. Kann noted that 2011 was the first year with meaningful volumes of large-scale PV installations, adding that there were 28 individual PV projects over 10 megawatts in 2011, up from only two in 2009. Kann also said that the market continued to diversify nationally; eight states installed more than 50 megawatts of solar each last year, compared to just five in 2010. The U.S. Solar Market Insight report projected that 2012 will be another strong year for the PV industry, with installations of more than 2,800 MW forecasted. See the press release for the report. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
The proposed research and development effort is aimed toward validation and use of a portable biochemical detector (''C-Probe'') as an indicator for human exposures to carcinogenic chemical agents in the field. During Phase 1, C-Probe responses to test agents will be compared with in vitro and in vivo production of carcinogen-DNA addicts which form as a result of the exposures. Successful-completion of Phase 1 work is expected to demonstrate an in vitro exposure assay for addicts, determine the concordance of C-Probe response with carcinogenic activity of the test agents and correlations with DNA adduct formation, and evaluate the feasibility of C-Probe for adduct detection in body fluids and tissue samples. These results will support Phase 2 R&D by establishing a framework for final design of production prototype detectors, quality control critteria for use and interpretation in exposures in the field, and finally applicability of the detector(s) for monitoring human exposures to carcinogenic substances and/or noncarcinogenic toxins in the field. The proposed research shows promise for expanding the applicability for C-Probe and for verifying possible alternative biochemical assay systems for carcinogen exposure. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | NIH ExPorter |
Sunday Buzz Year in Review
12/31/2008 6:04 PM
Well we wrapped our final show of 2008! We want to thank everyone that has called in and sent e-mails all year long and hope you join us as we go into 2009! We also have a couple of surprises coming in 2009 so be listening for some exciting changes!! Hope everyone has an awesome New Year's Eve! | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Normally, I wouldn’t post a trailer for a vamp teen romance because, well, most of them suck. (Twilight, I’m looking in your direction.)
But Vampire Academy: Blood Sisters, the first adaptation of Richelle Mead’s YA book series, is different. This vamp teen romance is written by Daniel Waters, the man who brought us Heathers, and directed by Mark Waters, the man who brought us Mean Girls. Even though the trailer doesn’t show it, the Waters brothers could end up delivering the most quotable vamp teen romance you’ll ever see. Check it out: | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
1. Field of Invention
The present invention relates generally to an apparatus that chops off a weed at or below ground level and applies a small shot of herbicide to the freshly cut weed base. More particularly the present invention is a rechargeable, battery operated, solenoid driven, and hand held device with a herbicide reservoir on the handle and a reciprocating cutter blade with a directed herbicide spray nozzle at the base.
2. Prior Art
There are numerous rotary action blade or cord devices for cutting weeds and some that have herbicide sprayers acting in conjunction with the rotary cutters. These systems, however, do not allow for selectively eradicating individual weeds in the middle of valuable crops or vegetation. Numerous rotary weed cutter devices are currently on the market, some using electric motors with extension cords, others with internal combustion engines and some with rechargeable batteries. None have disclosed a unit that is relatively light weight and easy to move from one place to another and allows the eradication of individual weeds in the midst of valuable crops. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | USPTO Backgrounds |
AP Images
On December 6, tucked away in the privacy of the Bluebonnet Boardroom at the Gaylord Texan Resort, a group of athletic directors, politicians, NCAA employees, former coaches and one interim bowl coach to be named later watched an unfamiliar quarterback by the name of Cardale Jones lead Ohio State to a decisive 59-0 victory over Wisconsin.
They huddled around flat-screen TVs propped up on makeshift tables. They sat in chairs that were comfortable enough. They enjoyed modest food options. They guzzled coffee and bottled water, fighting off exhaustion.
Before Ohio State could complete the unlikeliest of national championship runs, it first needed a spot at the table. And so, with the college football world immersed in speculation, the College Football Playoff selection committee—a handpicked group of 12 granted incredible power—watched, talked and decided.
“It certainly wasn’t like being at Buffalo Wild Wings,” committee chairman and Arkansas athletic director Jeff Long told Bleacher Report. “We weren’t watching the games on the big screens, eating and drinking. It was intense, and everybody was focused on the different things happening in those games.”
Unlike the committee’s previous gatherings, this carried much more significance. Each week the committee met in Texas prior to the Tuesday night release of its updated Top 25, it collected another valuable bit of intel.
Uncredited/Associated Press
Prior to meeting, each committee member would review their notes and draft their personal rankings. The group would then collectively achieve a consensus. As committee chairman, it was up to Long to justify the updated rankings for a few minutes on ESPN every Tuesday. Once that was complete, each member would go their separate ways and reboot the process the following week.
A routine had been established, but the December 6 meeting was certainly unique given the timing. Out of games and out of time, the selection committee had approximately 12 hours to craft its final ranking—and more significantly, the top four teams—once the Big Ten Championship Game concluded.
There would be no re-ranking; there would be no more adjustments. The final tweaks were the only ones that mattered.
“It was different. The finality of the season was upon us,” Long said. “We knew at the end of the evening we were going to have all the factors, and all the resumes were going to be complete. We had all the pieces to the puzzle.”
One piece had already fallen into place. Oregon’s win over Arizona in the Pac-12 Championship Game on December 5 made the Ducks a lock for the postseason, meaning there were three vacancies and five teams to fill them.
So that Saturday, December 6, each member of the committee found his or her seat and dug in. The day began with TCU—the No. 3 team at the time—taking on and eventually dismantling Iowa State. For a team granted access to the top four before the day began, it was a compelling final statement to begin the day.
Early Games are progressing ... View from @CFBPlayoff room pic.twitter.com/uItEWXTbay — Jeff Long (@jefflongUA) December 6, 2014
Attention then shifted to the SEC Championship Game, where Alabama eventually pulled away from Missouri and locked up another vacancy. There was no debating the Crimson Tide’s place in the playoff. They were in.
Two down. Two to go.
As more games kicked off, more televisions were put to work. The ACC Championship Game, the Big Ten Championship Game and Baylor’s regular-season finale against Kansas State all overlapped, forcing the committee to focus on a handful of developments.
“There wasn’t a whole lot of conversation,” Long said, recalling the vibe in the room. “We were all pretty much intently watching.”
As the committee members looked on in silence, a flurry of results gave them plenty to eventually discuss. Florida State wrapped up its perfect regular season with another nail-biting victory over Georgia Tech. As the only undefeated team in the nation, the Seminoles—despite the imperfect nature of their perfect regular season—felt like another playoff lock.
With one spot left and three teams remaining, Baylor conquered No. 9 Kansas State by double digits, delivering the most interesting—but not necessarily surprising—development of the day. Another compelling resume was filed.
Then Ohio State and Wisconsin teed up in the Big Ten Championship Game.
A day of unique circumstances took yet another turn, as Barry Alvarez, Wisconsin's athletic director, watched his Badgers take on the Buckeyes with a potential playoff spot on the line. Less than a month later, he would coach Wisconsin to a bowl victory over Auburn. In that moment, however, he wore two hats: school administrator and committee member.
It was unusual, but then again, nothing about this process was usual. Nothing about the game was, either.
Alvarez watched what you watched. He saw his program fall in tremendous fashion to a superior football team with a third-string quarterback who looked nothing like a third-string quarterback. He saw a storied program that spent precisely zero days in the top four leading up to that moment state a persuasive case to crash the playoff after a 59-0 victory.
More significantly, Alvarez and the rest of the selection committee watched the final second of the college football regular season.
“It was decision time,” Long said.
Joe Robbins/Getty Images
The silence gave way to intense discussion. That night, the group worked “officially” until about 1 a.m. For the next hour, however, many committee members hung around to regurgitate what they had just watched.
“It was a short night,” Long said. “We wanted to rehash some things while the games were fresh, before we went to bed.”
With a decision needed by late morning, the committee reconvened at 7:30 a.m., operating on only a few hours of sleep. The brief time away allowed each committee member to collect and interpret their football thoughts. The passionate conversations from the prior evening—and they were the most “spirited” of the year, according to Long—were centered.
“The committee always found that a night’s sleep helped us get to the final determination,” Long said. "We did that on Monday nights during the season as well. It gave us a fresh look at things.”
Somewhere between 10 and 10:30 a.m.—just a shade over an hour before Long was schedule to make his lengthiest television appearance to date, his least favorite part of the process—the committee finished up its final Top 25 rankings, paired up other bowl games and reached a consensus on the top four teams.
Although Long had grown accustomed to the strong, negative backlash of certain fanbases over the course of the season, this final reveal generated far different emotions. Seemingly equipped to cope with the reasonable and unreasonable responses generated by fans—look no further than his Twitter feed for a spectrum of responses—Long felt the intensity of the finale.
“There was a weight and gravity to this,” Long said. “You knew you were going to make four programs very happy. And in this instance, we had two programs that were very close. That was not easy for the committee.”
At 11:45 a.m., Long appeared on your television screen. The meetings were over. All debates had been decided. The committee’s work was complete.
TIM SHARP/Associated Press
Long had just spent the previous hour finding words to represent the collective thoughts of the group, though not necessarily his own. With the playoff teams revealed, Long justified the four teams with the world tuning in. More specifically, he outlined why Ohio State was tabbed as the No. 4 seed over Baylor and TCU.
“Ohio State was clearly No. 4 by the committee. It wasn’t even that close,” Long said. “That doesn’t mean it was unanimous, and not everyone saw it that way, but Ohio State was a clear selection on Sunday morning.”
Following the final, master reveal, debate ensued as expected. While Baylor and TCU made compelling cases for their inclusion, the backlash was not as loud and boisterous as anticipated. As the Internet discussed the committee’s work, Long met with the media following his final television cameo.
From there, he hopped on a commercial flight and headed back to Arkansas—back to his life as athletic director, husband and father. The first reviews Long heard of the committee’s work—and his television appearance—came from his daughters.
“They’re pretty tough on Dad,” Long said. “They thought I handled it well, so they gave me a good endorsement."
Less than one month later, the work was put into motion. The Rose Bowl and Sugar Bowl took place on New Year’s Day, posting enormous television ratings comparable to national championships from previous years.
The national championship that followed a week later posted the largest television rating in cable history, a number that was aided by a No. 4 seed, Ohio State, capping off a historic stretch with its new star quarterback.
Tom Pennington/Getty Images
“I think it raised the level of interest, excitement and passion for college football a step further than we thought it could go,” Long said. “I wasn’t sure how it was going to move the needle, but it did. We had a successful first year.”
The tables that propped up the televisions in the Bluebonnet Boardroom have long been put away. All chairs have been repurposed. Each member of this group is back at home and back to their normal lives, whatever such lives entail.
In April, the committee will meet again, at which point tweaks to the process will be suggested and discussed. The management committee will then decide how similar or different the selection process looks moving forward, and the focus will turn to next season.
Even though the selection committee’s work is complete—and December 6 feels like a distant memory of another time—it never truly stops. Not when there’s more history to write.
Unless noted otherwise, all quotes obtained firsthand. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
A story about Upwork and freelancers - scott_s
https://twitter.com/MattFnWallace/status/1060659941491363841
======
gojomo
While the communication should have been clearer, this may not be a matter of
Upwork wanting to upsell the client, but rather Upwork being under legal
pressure from the IRS or state employment-protection agency (eg: California
EDD) to classify workers as "W-2" employees rather than "1099" contractors –
no matter what the workers or employers prefer as being in their own best
interests.
The government bureaucracies prefer this, and have at different times and in
different jurisdictions cracked down on whatever other sorts of work-matching
arrangements startups have attempted to use, for themselves or as a
clearinghouse for others.
The likely threshold for the "compliance issue" could have been that Wallace
(the tweetstorm author) had few or no other clients, and was billing this
single client full-time hours over a significant period. That full-time
exclusivity is a major factor in the tax/regulatory authorities wanting
someone to be classified as a salary- or wage-employee.
Now, the very reason that the ultimate client prefers to use Upwork, rather
than contract directly, is the headache of complying with these rules. They
figure: we might screw up the 1099s, or cross some fuzzy compliance barrier,
and then be hit with an enforcement action, if we try to handle our own
freelancers. But if we use Upwork, well, they're the experts in ensuring
"compliance", and have such a large roster of capable freelancers that neither
we nor they would be at risk of appearing to be in an exclusive employment
relationship.
Thus: the ultimate villains here are the tax/employment-regulation
authorities. They've made the sort of arrangement that both Wallace and the
client prefer incur extra legal risks. Upwork has just been clumsy in
communicating that, and helping those on its platform navigate the rules.
~~~
stanleydrew
I wouldn't be so quick to call the tax/employment-regulation authorities
villainous. The reason these regulations exist is to prevent employers from
treating people who "should be" employees as contractors where they get fewer
benefits.
The regulatory environment isn't set up to handle a situation where an
employee would rather be a contractor, because that's relatively rare.
Ideally there would be some way to take the worker's preference into account,
but things just aren't set up that way and so the assumption is that
contractors need to be protected from employers who want to screw them.
In any individual case an employer could probably document an employee
preference for a certain classification and be fine. But UpWork and state
employment regulatory bodies are built for handling scale, so processes will
tend towards working for the most common situations.
~~~
milch
Making it possible for the worker to document their “preference” would defeat
the entire purpose of these regulations. Companies would simply fire anyone
who doesn’t have a contractor preference
~~~
stickfigure
So instead we're ram-roding everyone into the wage-slavery model. With health
insurance linked to your employer, it's no wonder people are afraid to leave
their cubicles.
I think "big evil corporations" like this setup just fine.
~~~
geezerjay
> So instead we're ram-roding everyone into the wage-slavery model.
Companies like upwork do absolutely nothing to solve that problem. In fact,
they make it even worse by not even considering the idea of offering any
healthcare service to any if their "contractors".
~~~
stickfigure
That's so naive that it makes me angry.
Companies like upwork provide a place for independents to find clients. I
spent the last 10 years earning most of of my income from consulting. The hard
problem is not getting health insurance (you can buy it, it's just expensive
and paid with after-tax dollars). _THE_ hard part about being a consultant is
finding people to pay you.
These marketplaces might not be perfect, but they're a step in the right
direction. I want exactly one thing from them - the ability to find work and
get paid.
------
hughjd
Is this Upwork trying to avoid falling afoul of tax legislation similar to
IR35 in the UK? As far as I understand, it tries to crack down on people like
OP who (in the view of the tax authorities) are essentially employees at a
company but do the work freelance so both they and the company benefit from
various tax perks.
[https://www.contractorcalculator.co.uk/what_is_ir35.aspx](https://www.contractorcalculator.co.uk/what_is_ir35.aspx)
~~~
zapperdapper
Yes, my feeling it was something along these lines. From what I read on
Twitter the hiring company would only use him through UpWork, which is fine
for one offs and so on, but it sounds like they used him a lot, to the point
where there was a question mark over the legal situation - that's why there
are umbrella companies.
I would possibly blame the hiring company more than UpWork, but there's no
doubt UpWork's communication could have been better. Most of my freelancing
has been done through umbrella companies in the past, but increasingly it
seems a better option to use Ltd. company in the UK due to employer those
massive NI contribs.
~~~
TazeTSchnitzel
Ltd companies are expected to also pay NI contributions if IR35-caught,
though?
------
sqrt17
With the raise of all these "platform" companies - basically some inbetween
that solves some QA and paperwork issues, we see that (i) there are "natural"
monopolies/monopsonies developing (e.g. people don't look further than Amazon
marketplace, companies giving out all their work via upwork, people watching
only Youtube videos) and then (ii) that these platform companies start
behaving in abusive and/or arbitrarily damaging ways.
Does anyone else think that this should be an issue for targeted regulation?
No one would accept a company taking over the road network and then randomly
trashing people's cars for incomprehensible reason, yet people seem to be
dreamy-eyed and naive about these new inbetween platform companies and seem to
think that the market will solve itself. (Which is - as may be known - not the
case with monopolies)
~~~
dmos62
I'm always happy when someone brings up regulation in the context of IT. I'm a
big proponent. Everything from closed-source to monopolies and ads. I find it
weird that it's not talked about more often. I wonder why that is. In some
ways it's a relic of the American free-market capitalism, but that can only be
part of the picture.
~~~
dmos62
If someone disagrees or thinks this is an inappropriate comment, I'd prefer an
argument, rather that a downvote. I don't think that what I said has any
negative effect on the discussion.
~~~
plainOldText
You seem to have a very simplistic view of how voting works. Why would you
assume downvoting is a feedback mechanism to signal negative posts only?
People downvote for all sorts of reasons.
I for instance downvoted your comment, for supporting a blanket regulatory
attitude across the IT spectrum. It's tantamount to proposing a single
programming language across the whole stack. That portrays a very narrow view
of the world. Not to mention it can lead to being counterproductive.
Do note, human communication is a complex endeavor. We employ all kinds
signals and techniques for information exchange and a simple downvote in an
online forum is a perfectly valid signal, albeit an ambiguous one.
~~~
dmos62
> blanket regulatory attitude across the IT spectrum
That's jumping to conclusions. I didn't elaborate at all what kind of
regulation I support or how granular. I now feel that my comment wasn't up to
the standard, because it has a bad mix of off-topic and terse "snarkiness".
As to the usage of downvotes, of course you can use it however you like, just
like you can dismiss anyone you like whenever. I'm referring to a common
_regulation_ in communities, that a comment shouldn't be dismissed if you
don't like it, but only if it has a negative effect on the discussion.
What do you hope to achieve by downvoting those you disagree with? Force their
opinions to the bottom of the discussion stack? I.e. silence them? That's what
you're effectively doing, and it's not conducive to a healthy community.
~~~
plainOldText
I rarely downvote those I disagree with. And when I do, my goal is to have
them reconsider and question their position and not at all to silence them.
I fail to see how I jumped to conclusions. You clearly stated that vis-a-vis
regulation:
> I'm a big proponent. Everything from closed-source to monopolies and ads.
If this is not an extreme pro-regulation attitude then I don't know what is.
And just to be clear, comments are clearly superior to downvotes, though we'd
hardly get any work done had we written replies to all comments we disagree
with; thus, occasionally replying via downvotes.
------
rmoriz
Rule #1 when working with/on a platform: Transform customers to your own
platform. Do it in a way that does not violate the AUP of the platform but do
everything you can to „own“ the customer contact. Never become dependent of a
single platform that temporarily may work in your interest.
This rule is somewhat universal and matches all business types and platforms:
Amazon, eBay, AirBnB, Uber, YouTube, App Stores.
~~~
tedeh
Unsurprisingly, Upwork expressly forbids this. "Keep contact with potential
clients inside Upwork [... or risk account termination]".
[https://support.upwork.com/hc/en-
us/articles/211067618-Freel...](https://support.upwork.com/hc/en-
us/articles/211067618-Freelancer-Violations-and-Account-Holds)
I'd say once a good match between a contractor and a client has been
established, both parties should swiftly move away from the Upwork platform,
their rent-seeking "rules" be damned!
~~~
CodeWriter23
> Keep contact with _potential_ clients inside Upwork.
You can email, Skype, phone once on a contract.
~~~
GarrisonPrime
True, but of course Upwork cant help you if a problem then arrises.
Not saying one shouldn't do it, but as Upwork is so flooded with shady
characters I'd be hesitant to move clients off the platform too quickly.
------
sandov
Twitter has such a crappy interface. Takes like 3 seconds to show anything at
all, then half of the time it throws an error and asks me to try again, and
when it works there's an unclosable banner asking me to join twitter.
~~~
paulgb
Here's an alternative UI for this conversation
[https://treeverse.app/view/FFBtBwxG](https://treeverse.app/view/FFBtBwxG)
(disclosure: Treeverse is a free-time project of mine)
~~~
imhoguy
This is really cool! One thing: Firefox content blocking somehow prevents
avatars from loading - I get empty boxes.
~~~
paulgb
Weird, desktop or mobile? They load for me in Firefox on MacOS (it's actually
my main browser, despite Treeverse being a Chrome extension for now)
~~~
imhoguy
Desktop. I know why now. I had "Browser Privacy" > "Content Blocking" > "All
Detected Trackers" set to "Always", the default is "Only in private windows".
And because FF uses Disconnect.me list it means all embedded social networking
load gets cut off.
------
hn17
Upwork is partially automated. They probably use market position to manipulate
users. I had some bad experience and no communication also. When you register
account, Upwork "moderates" your profile and "decides" if you can start to
work with clients. They have some kind of automated moderation with percentage
pass value. It's not working great. If you aren't using in your resume a lot
of words that they think are marketable you will be banned as not being
eligible for working with Upwork. They will send you e-mail with misguiding
information that you aren't good fit for them in nice words and that you can
reapply in the future. Reality is that some bad data processing took place.
For many people reading such type of e-mail that they send can be offending
(if not depressing in cases when they didn't get what happened). In my case I
just added some more keywords and tags because I was almost sure what happened
and resubmitted profile. After a couple of hours my account was Up and Working
;) No sorry or any other information from them - not a nice way of starting
bussiness with a client.
------
ddtaylor
I have seen a similar thing by Upwork happen. The problem also is that by
accepting the first freelance job you agreed to a two year exclusivity
contract on the platform, so not accepting their new terms of payroll means
you cannot work with them anymore.
You might be able to work around it though by creating a new incorporation of
changing juristiction, but that's a bit complicated. It's also not clear if
Upwork's contract is legal or enforceable.
~~~
pvaldes
> by accepting the first freelance job you agreed to a two year exclusivity
> contract on the platform
I think that is only If you want to work for the same client again [Maybe has
being changed in the last years?]. After a few jobs some clients will try to
circumnavigate the platform. In any case I wouldn't be very surprised if some
of this clients were disclosed as upwork employees in the future pushing their
own agendas.
After spending some time in the platform you can see lots of strange patterns
repeating here and there.
------
eganist
Unrolled:
[https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1060659941491363841.html](https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1060659941491363841.html)
------
foo101
Why are people still using Upwork? How many of these horror stories do we need
to come across before people learn to ditch Upwork for good? Here was another
horror story that I read sometime back: [https://hackernoon.com/why-you-
should-never-use-upwork-ever-...](https://hackernoon.com/why-you-should-never-
use-upwork-ever-5c62848bdf46) It has been two years since then!
Heck, everyone ditched Digg in a matter of weeks due to a UI redesign. How on
the same earth are people still using Upwork despite issues that are for more
serious where people's livelihoods are affected?
~~~
mrhappyunhappy
Some people don’t have any alternatives to upwork. Even though the platform is
shit it still puts food on the table. I still have an upwork profile but most
of my business is word of mouth. The reason I keep it is because due to how I
phrased my profile, once in a blue moon I get a good lead.
~~~
tnolet
Freelancer here. I understand what you're trying to say. But this is simply
not true. Freelancing existed before Upwork and will exist after.
~~~
alrehn
If you've got a lot of experience and connections, finding freelance work on
your own is easy. The thing that feeds sites like upwork is people with less
of that, people that will work for pennies, often from third world countries.
For me, a few years ago I was in school and wanted some income from
programming. I managed to get some work on a site that has since been bought
by upwork, worked for $10-15 an hour. If not for that site I'd have never
gotten that work, and be much worse off now.
------
praptak
So, why didn't the company contract him directly in the first place? We want
you to work for us but do so via a third party? Sounds fishy.
~~~
mrhappyunhappy
Obviously because they value his work so much.
------
agentPrefect
The amount of colossal horror stories I've heard about that company has made
sure I don't go near it with a 9 foot pole. Their platform is designed to
obscure process in lieu of exploiting workers - all whilst advocating to
"serve the client". Utterly toxic.
------
Hoasi
Adding back the middlemen beats the whole point of freelancing, which is to be
on your own. I understand that sometimes the clients are using the
"freelancers" platform(s). But if you trade independence for a little bit of
convenience, don't be surprised to find you are being used.
~~~
ilaksh
It's not about a little bit of convenience. It's about being able to pay rent.
You have to go where the business is.
The majority of the freelance jobs out there are on Upwork and cannot or will
not afford benefits or competitive US rates.
------
pbhjpbhj
Sounds reasonable to me.
The company can't employ him for full-time work as a freelancer, due to
regulations that protect workers rights. Whilst that might be a problem: it's
like one person doesn't like it and millions need it to protect their
livelihood.
Upwork wouldn't inform him because it's nothing to do with him, he's a
freelancer not an employee (the reason for the whole issue). If he were an
employee obviously payroll (who Upworks represent in this case) would have to
give notice etc..
So, in part he's complaining about not getting the protections that a full-
timer does - notification of change of work, conditions, hours and such -
whilst simultaneously arguing that he should be released from those same
protections.
I mean who wants holiday pay, sick pay, employer pension contributions, job
security, etc. ...
~~~
ilaksh
That company isn't going to hire him full time. It will cost a lot more. What
this does is just take his biggest client away from him. They will just find
another relatively inexpensive contractor.
So if these 'protections' are going to work out then they need to account for
the financial situation of the employers some how and also prevent them from
dropping misclassified employees when they become properly classified.
------
Lazare
Reading between the lines a bit, it seems:
1\. Wallace was on Upwork to freelance.
2\. Wallace was working for one client so much that he was at risk of becoming
an employment relationship, rather than a freelancing one.
3\. At no point was Wallace prevented from freelancing on Upwork; Upwork (as
far as is known) presented all valid opportunities _to freelance_ to Wallace.
4\. Upwork communicated to the client that if they wanted to keep working with
Wallace, they'd need to hire him.
5\. The client refused to hire Wallace, and tried to find ways to circumvent
labour laws.
That seems to me to be a plausible interpretation of the facts from the
twitter thread. In which case, the client seems to be the villain here, Upwork
has done everything right, and Wallace seems to be a bit confused.
In particular: "The marketing company, as confused as I was, pressed @Upwork
further. @Upwork would NOT tell them, refused to tell them what those supposed
compliance issues were. [...] So for the marketing company to continue
assigning me work, they have to enroll in @Upwork's 'payroll service' to do
it."
This doesn't add up to me. Either Upwork is refusing to tell the client why
they can't hire Wallace as a freelancer, __OR __they 're telling the client
they need to hire him as an employee. They can't really both be true! I don't
know who's lying/confused here (maybe the client's HR dept is lying to
Wallace's contact at the client, maybe the client is lying to Wallace, maybe
Wallace is just confused), but it seems pretty clear that Upwork _is_ angling
for the "payroll service" upsell, and was telling the client very clearly that
they need to hire Wallace. (That's not the story they told Wallace, but it
doesn't seem like they really had Wallace's best interests at heart here, as
they had a wide number of options available to them to fix this.)
And: "So @Upwork is insisting the marketing company make me an employee"
Yeah, pretty sure that's a legal requirement there buddy. And yes, I
understand that both you and the client would like to circumvent it, but
that's the point of labour laws; they only apply in cases where people wanted
to do something they ban. Minimum wage laws have no impact on the engineer
making $120k a year; they impact (for good or ill) the immigrant willing to
work for $5/hour. Laws requiring firms to treat people working full time
workers as employees were passed explicitly to cover the people who are happy
to work full time as contractors.
~~~
windowsworkstoo
Upwork wouldnt have visibility into any other customers he may or may not have
had, so it doesn’t seem like their call to make.
In Aus we have something sort of similar for contractors called personal
services income. The rules are somewhat complex but it roughly boils down to
the 80/20 rule - if you derive more than 80% of your income from a single
customer, you have to treat that income as if you were an employee. Note that
the burden here is on the contractor and enforcement is via the tax authority
- as opposed to this case where the employer seems to be on the hook
------
sheeshkebab
This looks to be a typical problem with staffing body shops, especially those
that bench their consultants without pay while having them wait for next gig.
IRS and labor agencies look down on that sort of thing. There are similar more
vague shops too MBOPartners (Randstad) and others, that have similar issues.
Since they control all billing and contracts, they are basically this shady
body shop that really needs to have its ass examined thoroughly and
periodically by government.
Advice to consultants - avoid these places and sign your own contracts direct
with customers, and invoice your customers yourself.
------
kemitchell
PSA: The Supreme Court of California recently published a key decision on
independent contractor versus employee classification, adopting an "ABC" test
akin to the one adopted in Massachusetts.
[http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/archive/S222732.PDF](http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/archive/S222732.PDF)
> [A] worker is properly considered an independent contractor to whom a wage
> order does not apply only if the hiring entity establishes: (A) that the
> worker is free from the control and direction of the hirer in connection
> with the performance of the work, both under the contract for the
> performance of such work and in fact; (B) that the worker performs work that
> is outside the usual course of the hiring entity's business; and (C) that
> the worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade,
> occupation, or business of the same nature as the work performed for the
> hiring entity.
------
kleopullin
It's a bit in response to a change in California laws. California has always
more strictly enforced employment regulations, especially with regards to
contractor classifications.
[https://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/news/2018/09/04/cal...](https://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/news/2018/09/04/california-
s-new-contractor-test-will-impact-the.html)
------
jorgemf
In my country is illegal to have someone as a freelance doing the same as a
full time job. So I see the point of upwork. If that company is your only
client and you are working full time with them, they should hire you (at least
in my country). In my country you have more rights if you are full time
employee than if you are a freelance, as for example a monthly pay after they
fire you to help you to find another job
~~~
sfifs
Yup this seems to basically be co-employment risk mitigation. I have seen
situations where there is a hard limit on how long we can hire a contractor
for a task through an agency. I have also seen limitations in what we can
specify, measure, reward and what we cannot.
The issue is basically that for contractors, you generally pay no benefits or
retirement plans. However, if they are effectively employees, you do need to
pay them that (ref. Uber driver cases where they are suing for classification
as employees)
------
dna_polymerase
So Upwork actually recognized that this company is completely screwing him and
he is mad at Upwork. Great.
If the company is hiring him for so many jobs that he is basically a full time
employee there they are the arseholes not Upwork. That marketing firm get
their shit together, hire him and pay him the money (and the extras) he
deserves.
------
vadym909
This is fucked up but not because of a Government regulation which has good
intentions and not because of Upwork who is trying to reduce its client's co-
employment risk. All freelancers come across this situation over time and all
are amazed but it is very reasonable.
The labor laws in place are to safeguard companies from using employees in a
fulltime manner but treating them as freelancers so they dont pay the 10%
employer tax, or sick leave or vacation or minimum wage or overtime. Once you
start hitting over 30 hrs/week, and for more than 3 months workign for the
same company- you are hitting the red warning flags that either the IRS is
going to start asking questions about why they're not getting the employer
tax, if th freelancer claims unemployment they are going to look for the last
employer. and the freelancer might himself decide to sue the client claiming
he was misclassifed as a contractor.
In this case all he has to do is enroll in the payroll service, pay a little
more in taxes and reduce the co-employment risk to his client in exchange for
more regular work. If not diversify your client base.
~~~
hippich
1099 paid freelancers pay self-employment taxes, including the equivalent of
all the social taxes. Why does government care? (there are no sick leave or
vacation minimums in the USA)
------
chiefalchemist
Not to get off topic but if this guy owned his own agency he would have /
should have been well aware of IRS' regs. That said, his agency went under.
Not so sound nasty, but perhaps common sense and detail are not his strong
suit?
~~~
majc2
Sure maybe. I guess my takeaway, is that a growing percentage of the workforce
are locked into platforms for income - and how they are treated by those
platforms can have a massive personal financial impact.
Back in my freelancing days, I made a conscious effort to own the whole
conversation - not to use a platform - but to do my own marketing.
As an aside, I've found it interesting to watch youtube videos made by Uber,
Ubereats, Deliveroo delivery people - by scooter chargers and how they all
discuss how to make more money - or to complain about changes in policies
having a financial impact on them.
~~~
chiefalchemist
IDK, those platforms are not agencies. They are a dating service meets escrow.
They not in the relationship business. If the hiring company __and__ the
freelancer don't know the law - and clearly both of themt should - is that
Upwork's job? To give legal advice? Sounds more like Legal.com to me.
Upwork saw an obvious red flag and covered it's arse. I think they could have
done a bit better, but the Twitter rant is foolish, at best.
------
creaghpatr
What’s the best alternative to upwork at the moment? I almost put a job on
there but they spammed the crap of me and the process was way to much for what
we needed done.
~~~
pluc
mondo.com is recommended in the Twitter thread
~~~
dexterdog
Mondo is just a typical body shop. I did a very short contract through them
once which was a nightmare. They took forever to pay and nobody seemed to
understand the payment schedule so getting an answer as to when I was going to
get paid was a constant punt of responsibility around the company.
Sure it's just one experience, but they are crossed off in my book. I still
get their recruiters emailing me on occasion (often more than one of them for
the same position which is its own kind of mess), but I set the domain to just
go right in the trash
~~~
dylz
Hilariously I've gotten phishing and malware from Mondo domain because their
recruiters keep clicking on malware, compromising their accounts, etc.
------
mkagenius
Is it true that we would never be able to do away with such middle-men like
uber, airbnb, google search and instead use some sort of non profit alternate
of these?
~~~
toofy
I imagine it is only a matter of time before we have alternatives to things
such as Uber or Airbnb which arr driven by open source and cooperatively owned
infrastructure.
It’ll be so frustrating to watch the current leaders in these industries, the
companies who are actively fighting for ways to get around regulation, as they
suddenly begin to fight _for_ regulation to keep cooperative or community
owned infrastructures out of the competition pool.
~~~
ilaksh
I have been saying stuff like this for a few years.
I think it is obvious that P2P distributed platforms will be leveraged to
replace the monopoly company platforms. Things like cryptocurrency payments,
Ethereum smart contracts, IPFS, Swarm framework, dat, WebRTC, etc.
------
k__
I looked into stuff lole Upwork and Fiverr.
I'm not into projects that are under 3 months, so I didn't use these
platforms.
But there are enough alternatives (CodementorX, Toptal, Uplink)
------
gigatexal
Related: this is what I love about Twitter — people posting and getting
support and the ability to shame publicly companies who are being jerks.
Albeit I’m hearing only one side it seems that they’re trying to force
companies who want to use stellar upworkers by putting them behind their own
payroll paywall. How lame.
------
gaius
This was a systematic attempt by all three parties to defraud the Inland
Revenue, Upwork is generally pretty sleazy but they blinked first this time.
------
mrhappyunhappy
I put a job up to code me a web app for $200 and nobody replied. What a shit
platform.
~~~
DonHopkins
Try explaining that you're an "idea guy" looking for a programmer to implement
your great ideas, and that you'll compensate them in equity when you make it
big, because your ideas are worth so much more than anyone's execution.
~~~
mrhappyunhappy
Nice. Sell them on a vision. Of course, why didn’t I think of that!
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | HackerNews |
Nebraska Supreme Court Online Library
www.nebraska.gov/apps-courts-epub/
01/25/2019 09:14 AM CST
- 768 -
Nebraska Supreme Court A dvance Sheets
301 Nebraska R eports
STATE v. UHING
Cite as 301 Neb. 768
State of Nebraska, appellee, v. Joshua Uhing, appellant.
___ N.W.2d ___
Filed November 30, 2018. No. S-18-375.
1. Jurisdiction. A question of jurisdiction is a question of law.
2. Statutes. Statutory interpretation presents a question of law.
3. Judgments: Appeal and Error. Appellate courts independently review
questions of law decided by a lower court.
4. Jurisdiction: Appeal and Error. Before reaching the legal issues pre-
sented for review, it is the power and duty of an appellate court to deter-
mine whether it has jurisdiction over the matter before it, irrespective of
whether the issue is raised by the parties.
5. Appeal and Error. Appellate courts do not generally consider argu-
ments and theories raised for the first time on appeal.
6. Legislature: Courts: Time: Appeal and Error. When the Legislature
fixes the time for taking an appeal, the courts have no power to extend
the time directly or indirectly.
Appeal from the District Court for Douglas County: Peter
C. Bataillon, Judge. Appeal dismissed.
Thomas C. Riley, Douglas County Public Defender, Jeanine
Tlustos, and Lori A. Hoetger for appellant.
Douglas J. Peterson, Attorney General, and Siobhan E.
Duffy for appellee.
Heavican, C.J., Miller-Lerman, Cassel, Stacy, Funke,
Papik, and Freudenberg, JJ.
Funke, J.
Joshua Uhing appeals the district court’s order overrul-
ing his motion to reconsider the denial of his motion to
- 769 -
Nebraska Supreme Court A dvance Sheets
301 Nebraska R eports
STATE v. UHING
Cite as 301 Neb. 768
transfer to juvenile court under Neb. Rev. Stat. § 29-1816
(Supp. 2017). For the reasons set forth herein, we dismiss the
appeal for lack of jurisdiction as untimely under § 29-1816(2)
and (3)(c).
BACKGROUND
Uhing was charged in the district court with two counts of
sexual assault in the first degree, Class II felonies, and one
count of incest with a victim age 17 or under, a Class IIA
felony. The alleged victims were Uhing’s sisters. Uhing was
born in April 2000 and, on the date the charges were filed, was
17 years old.
In October 2017, within 30 days of being charged, Uhing
filed a motion to transfer to juvenile court. On December 15,
the court overruled Uhing’s motion to transfer. The court’s
order noted the significance of the charges, Uhing’s age, the
likelihood of Uhing’s need for long-term treatment if found
guilty, the short amount of time Uhing had before reaching
majority, concern for public safety, and the lack of ability of
the juvenile court to provide Uhing meaningful benefit. The
district court thus retained Uhing’s felony charges in adult
criminal court, and Uhing did not appeal this order.
On February 8, 2018, Uhing filed a motion captioned
“Motion to Reconsider Denial of Defendant’s Motion to
Transfer to Juvenile Court.” The motion did not cite the spe-
cific statutory or legal authority that provided a basis for the
motion. Uhing alleged that in the time since the order was
issued, he underwent an evaluation that recommended offense-
specific treatment and he was accepted into a youth psycho-
sexual center which believed Uhing could complete treatment
prior to his 19th birthday. Uhing claimed that this information
was unavailable prior to the hearing on the motion to transfer
and that in the interest of justice, he should be allowed to pre
sent evidence of these factual allegations for consideration.
After a hearing on Uhing’s motion to reconsider, the court
entered an order on March 19, 2018, overruling the motion.
The court’s order stated:
- 770 -
Nebraska Supreme Court A dvance Sheets
301 Nebraska R eports
STATE v. UHING
Cite as 301 Neb. 768
[Uhing] has been abused since he has been at least
ten years old and is alleged to have been involved in
sexual abuse of his sisters for some time. [Uhing] has sig-
nificant issues of abuse and neglect, family relationship/
abandonment, mood, depression, sexual/mental health,
and substance abuse. The program[] as set forth in the
additional evidence is under optimal conditions and it
does not address the need or length of the aftercare pro-
grams after the nine month to twelve-month treatment.
Based upon this additional evidence and the evidence
offered at the initial hearing on December 8, 2017, this
Court is still concerned that thirteen and a half months
is not adequate time to resolve [Uhing’s] significant
and multiple issues. As such, . . . in consideration of
all the evidence, and the requirements pursuant to Neb.
Rev. Stat. § 43-276, this Court still has great concern
for public safety and the ability of a Juvenile Court to
provide long term meaningful benefit to [Uhing] in the
thirteen months that is remaining until his nineteenth
birthday.
On April 9, 2018, Uhing appealed the order overruling
his motion to reconsider. Uhing’s notice of appeal stated:
“This appeal stems from the Order overruling the Motion
to Reconsider. Said Order is dated March 19, 2018 and this
appeal is filed pursuant to LB11 which went into effect March
29, 2017.” Uhing asserts this court has jurisdiction to consider
the district court’s order on the motion to reconsider, because
the underlying order on the motion to transfer was a final,
appealable order.
The State, in turn, argues this court lacks jurisdiction of
the motion to reconsider, because the motion is not a final,
appealable order. The State asserts that a rule which treats
as a final, appealable order any order overruling a motion to
reconsider an order on a motion to transfer is overly broad and
would undermine appellate deadlines. We granted a petition to
bypass submitted by the State.
- 771 -
Nebraska Supreme Court A dvance Sheets
301 Nebraska R eports
STATE v. UHING
Cite as 301 Neb. 768
ASSIGNMENTS OF ERROR
Uhing assigns, restated, that the district court abused its
discretion in overruling his motion to reconsider the court’s
denial of his motion to transfer to juvenile court, because the
State failed to meet its burden to show a sound basis for retain-
ing Uhing’s case in district court.
STANDARD OF REVIEW
[1-3] A question of jurisdiction is a question of law.1
Statutory interpretation presents a question of law.2 Appellate
courts independently review questions of law decided by a
lower court.3
ANALYSIS
[4] Before reaching the legal issues presented for review,
it is the power and duty of an appellate court to determine
whether it has jurisdiction over the matter before it, irrespec-
tive of whether the issue is raised by the parties.4
[5] Uhing argues that the denial of a motion to reconsider
is a final, appealable order.5 In support of this argument,
Uhing contends, for the first time on appeal, that his motion
to reconsider was brought under Neb. Rev. Stat. § 25-2001
(Reissue 2016). However, there is nothing in the record indi-
cating Uhing ever presented this theory to the district court.
Appellate courts do not generally consider arguments and
theories raised for the first time on appeal.6
1
Clarke v. First Nat. Bank of Omaha, 296 Neb. 632, 895 N.W.2d 284
(2017).
2
Id.
3
Id.
4
Id.
5
See Capitol Construction v. Skinner, 279 Neb. 419, 778 N.W.2d 721
(2010).
6
State ex rel. Rhiley v. Nebraska State Patrol, ante p. 241, 917 N.W.2d 903
(2018).
- 772 -
Nebraska Supreme Court A dvance Sheets
301 Nebraska R eports
STATE v. UHING
Cite as 301 Neb. 768
Section 29-1816(2) provides alleged juvenile offenders the
ability to move for a transfer of their case from a county or
district court to a juvenile court. This motion must be made
within 30 days after arraignment “unless otherwise permitted
by the court for good cause shown.”7 Uhing apparently chose
not to attempt to make this showing of good cause and, thus, is
left only with taking an appeal.
Section 29-1816(3)(c) provides the procedure for appealing
an order on a motion to transfer and states:
An order granting or denying transfer of the case from
county or district court to juvenile court shall be con-
sidered a final order for the purposes of appeal. Upon
entry of an order, any party may appeal to the Court of
Appeals within ten days. Such review shall be advanced
on the court docket without an extension of time granted
to any party except upon a showing of exceptional cause.
Appeals shall be submitted, assigned, and scheduled for
oral argument as soon as the appellee’s brief is due to be
filed. The Court of Appeals shall conduct its review in
an expedited manner and shall render the judgment and
opinion, if any, as speedily as possible.
Summarized, subsections (2) and (3)(c) of § 29-1816 pro-
vide that an alleged juvenile offender can move for transfer to
juvenile court within 30 days of the juvenile’s arraignment and
that either the juvenile or the State can appeal an order on the
motion within 10 days of its entry. This procedure is in contrast
to the typical appeal process in which a party has 30 days from
the entry of a judgment or final order to appeal the decision
of a district court unless a party has filed a timely terminat-
ing motion.8
In previous appeals of a denial of a motion to transfer to
juvenile court, we have held that a trial court’s denial of the
7
§ 29-1816(2).
8
See Neb. Rev. Stat. § 25-1912 (Supp. 2017).
- 773 -
Nebraska Supreme Court A dvance Sheets
301 Nebraska R eports
STATE v. UHING
Cite as 301 Neb. 768
motion was not a final, appealable order.9 In response to our
decision in State v. Bluett,10 the Nebraska Legislature amended
§ 29-1816 to include the language that “[a]n order granting or
denying transfer of the case from county or district court to
juvenile court shall be considered a final order for the purposes
of appeal” and to impose the 10-day limitation of the time to
file the appeal. The Legislature, however, did not include lan-
guage that filing a motion to reconsider would terminate the
appeal period.
Here, Uhing filed the underlying motion to transfer within
30 days of his arraignment. However, he failed to appeal
the order denying this motion within the 10 days required
by § 29-1816(3)(c). Therefore, we lack jurisdiction to con-
sider any subsequent appeal of the order on Uhing’s motion
to transfer.
[6] Uhing’s motion for reconsideration does not cure this
jurisdictional deficiency. Allowing the appeal of Uhing’s
motion to reconsider would have the effect of extending the
time for filing the original appeal. But when the Legislature
fixes the time for taking an appeal, the courts have no power
to extend the time directly or indirectly.11 Because the motion
to reconsider did not extend the time for appeal, which had
run 10 days after the transfer motion was denied, we lack
jurisdiction to consider this appeal.
CONCLUSION
For the reasons stated above, we dismiss the appeal for lack
of jurisdiction.
A ppeal dismissed.
9
See State v. Bluett, 295 Neb. 369, 889 N.W.2d 83 (2016).
10
Id.
11
State v. Lotter, ante p. 125, 917 N.W.2d 850 (2018).
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | FreeLaw |
School Reunion (Doctor Who)
"School Reunion" is the third episode in the second series of the British science fiction television series Doctor Who. It first aired on BBC One on 29 April 2006.
The episode's narrative takes place in England some time after the events of the 2005 episode "The Christmas Invasion", and involves the Tenth Doctor (David Tennant) reuniting with his former travelling companion Sarah Jane Smith (Elisabeth Sladen), whom the Fourth Doctor left behind in the 1976 serial The Hand of Fear. In the episode, the alien race the Krillitanes, disguising themselves as school faculty, use the minds of children to solve a theory of everything that would allow them to control time and space.
The use of the Doctor's previous companions, in particular Sarah Jane and K9 (John Leeson), was first proposed in 2003 to the BBC. After the episode was produced, Elisabeth Sladen was approached by the BBC to star in a spin-off, The Sarah Jane Adventures, which also included K9 in several stories. The episode was positively reviewed, with an Appreciation Index of 85 ("Excellent").
Plot
Mr Finch, the headmaster of Deffry Vale School, has been changing the school to improve the students' performance; his changes include free lunches with special chips. The Tenth Doctor is undercover as a science teacher in the school, and Rose is working undercover in the school's cafeteria. The Doctor discovers the oil in the chips has caused the students’ increase in performance. Rose observes that the chip oil has an adverse effect on the other kitchen staff, who must use hazmat suits to handle the oil.
Mr Finch's successes arouses the attention of investigative journalist Sarah Jane Smith, a former companion of the Doctor. She meets the Doctor, Rose, and Mickey, with an immediate rivalry sparking between the two women. Sarah Jane shows them the robot dog K9 in the boot of her car. K9 identifies the chip oil as Krillitane oil. Rose, previously unaware that the Doctor had even had past companions, confronts him on why he leaves his old companions behind and never mentions them.
The following day, the group returns to the school to investigate further. The Doctor confronts Mr Finch, who confirms that he and other staff members are Krillitanes — a composite species that takes desirable attributes of the species they conquer. He attempts to subvert the Doctor, without success. Mickey and K9 remain in Sarah Jane's car for surveillance. With the Doctor's help, Sarah Jane and Rose discover that the school computers — bolstered by the students' enhanced intelligence — are part of a Krillitane effort to solve the "Skasis Paradigm", a theory of everything. Mr Finch propositions the Doctor a second time, but the Doctor again refuses, and they run from Mr Finch. After Kenny (a student who had not eaten the chips) alerts Mickey to the students' plight, Mickey crashes Sarah Jane's car through the school's doors and unplugs the computers, allowing the children to flee. The Doctor leads the Krillitanes to the kitchen. Upon their arrival, K9 detonates the chip oil container, saturating the Krillitanes and blowing them up along with K9.
Sarah Jane declines a second chance of travelling in the TARDIS, having finally decided to move on with her life. Mickey decides to join the Doctor. Sarah Jane, now getting on better than at their first meeting, asks Rose to stay with the Doctor, and is given a new K9 as a parting gift.
Production
The concept of Sarah Jane and K9 returning to Doctor Who was an idea of Russell T Davies from pitching the show in 2003. Such a use would show what would happen after a companion left the Doctor, without dwelling too much on the classic series. It was Davies' full intention for Sarah Jane to be used for this, and while Sladen originally declined a request, thinking her role would not be important, she changed her mind when she realised she would be the focal point of the adventure. After production of the episode was finished, Sladen was approached about a full spin-off series, The Sarah Jane Adventures, which was formally announced on 14 September 2006.
The episode went through several changes in production: working titles included "Old Friends" and "Black Ops", the latter being set in an army base. Davies requested that Whithouse set it in a school instead, mainly for simplicity, but also for a desire for the Doctor to masquerade as a school teacher. Additionally, the Krillitanes were to be named "Krillians" until the BBC found the name was trademarked, and Finch's forename was originally Hector, until the BBC found a real teacher by the same name, and renamed him Lucas. A scene in the that was cut was of Milo's brain being "shorted out" by the Doctor's rapid-fire questions causing him to collapse at the beginning of the episode, which was later alluded to in the episode.
The episode, originally in the second production block, was produced in the first block along with "The Christmas Invasion" and "New Earth". Two high schools in Wales were used for filming: Fitzalan High School in Leckwith was used on 23 August and 24 August 2005, for filming the first conversation between the Doctor and Finch, and for the playground, kitchen, and cafeteria scenes, and Duffryn High School in Newport, which was used between 25 August and 6 September for the remainder of the episode, with filming delayed due to asbestos being discovered in Duffryn High School's structure. The scenes in the schools utilised dozens of children as extras. Pick-up shots were later completed on 7 September and 8 September, with filming of the cafe scene delayed due to drunk and disorderly conduct from members of the public.
Broadcast and reception
The episode was watched by 8.3 million viewers, the twelfth most-watched programme of the week, with an Appreciation Index score of 85%. Jacob Clifton of Television Without Pity gave the episode an A+ rating, and jokingly stated that he "didn't know why the Doctor was fucking around [during the Physics lesson]: he taught Physics at Coal Hill School way back in '63". Ahsan Haque of IGN gave the episode an 8.7 out of 10 ("Great") and commented that the episode had "fantastic character moments" and "brilliant CGI effects", and that "if you're willing to accept the Scooby-Doo storyline, then the strong nostalgic vibes present in this episode should be enough to carry this episode into a must-see category.", and K9 and Sarah Jane alone made the episode worth watching for fans of the classic series. The episode was subsequently nominated for the 2007 Hugo Award for Best Dramatic Presentation, Short Form, an award that was won by the following episode "The Girl in the Fireplace".
References
External links
TARDISODE 3
Episode trailer
Episode commentary by Phil Collinson, Helen Raynor and Eugene Washington (MP3)
"School Reunion" episode homepage
"Doctor Who is reunited with K9"
BBC Somerset: Interview with Anthony Head
BBC Norfolk: Interview with Elisabeth Sladen
The Skasas Paradigm Code (WMV)
Category:Tenth Doctor episodes
Category:2006 British television episodes
Category:Fiction set in 2007
Category:Doctor Who stories set on Earth
Category:Films with screenplays by Toby Whithouse | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Wikipedia (en) |
09-3583-cv
Securities and Exchange Commission v. Byers
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
SUMMARY ORDER
Rulings by summary order do not have precedential effect. Citation to a summary order filed on or after
January 1, 2007, is permitted and is governed by Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 32.1 and this court’s
Local Rule 32.1.1. When citing a summary order in a document filed with this court, a party must cite either
the Federal Appendix or an electronic database (with the notation “summary order”). A party citing a
summary order must serve a copy of it on any party not represented by counsel.
1 At a stated term of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, held at the
2 Daniel Patrick Moynihan United States Courthouse, 500 Pearl Street, in the City of New York, on
3 the 25th day of October, two thousand ten.
4
5 PRESENT: RALPH K. WINTER
6 DEBRA ANN LIVINGSTON
7 GERARD E. LYNCH
8 Circuit Judges,
9
10
11 SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION,
12 Plaintiff-Appellee,
13
14 STEVEN BYERS, WEXTRUST CAPITAL, LLC, WEXTRUST EQUITY PARTNERS, LLC,
15 WEXTRUST DEVELOPMENT GROUP, LLC, WEXTRUST SECURITIES, LLC, AXELA
16 HOSPITALITY, LLC, ELKA SHERESHEVSKY,
17 Defendants,
18
19 JOSEPH SHERESHEVSKY,
20 Third-Party-Plaintiff,
21
22 AVROHOM SHERESHEVSKY, HOLMES REVOCABLE TRUST,
23 Intervenors-Defendants,
24
25 TIMOTHY J. COLEMAN,
26 Receiver-Appellee,
27
28 -v.- Nos. 09-3583-cv (Lead), 09-3593-cv (Con),
29 09-3596-cv (Con), 09-3633-cv (Con)
30 MARTIN MALEK,
31 Claimant-Appellant,
32
1 SPACE PARK ISSB PARTNERSHIP,
2 Interested-Party,
3
4 TCF NATIONAL BANK, REGIONS BANK,
5 Movant-Appellant,
6
7 SPACE PARK AIM PARTNERSHIP,
8 Movant,
9
10 AMNON COHEN,
11 Third-Party-Defendant.
12
13
14 MARK FORRESTER (Emily Alexander, on the brief),Thomas
15 Alexander & Forrester LLP, Venice, California, for Claimant-
16 Appellant.
17
18 DAVID LISITZA, Senior Counsel (John W. Avery, Senior Litigation
19 Counsel, Jacob H. Stillman, Solicitor, Mark D. Cahn, Deputy General
20 Counsel, and David M. Becker, General Counsel, on the brief),
21 Securities and Exchange Commission, Washington, DC, for Plaintiff-
22 Appellee.
23
24 TIMOTHY J. COLEMAN, Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer US LLP,
25 Washington, DC (John K. Warren, Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer
26 US LLP, Washington, DC, and Mark S. Radke, Arent Fox LLP,
27 Washington, DC, on the brief), for Receiver-Appellee.
28
29
30 UPON DUE CONSIDERATION, IT IS HEREBY ORDERED, ADJUDGED, AND
31 DECREED that the judgment of the district court be AFFIRMED.
32 Claimant-Appellant Martin Malek (“Malek”) appeals from an order entered July 24, 2009
33 in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York (Chin, J.), approving a plan
34 of distribution of receivership assets (the “Distribution Plan”) as proposed by Receiver-Appellee
35 Timothy J. Coleman (“Coleman” or “Receiver”). See SEC v. Byers, 637 F. Supp. 2d 166 (S.D.N.Y.
36 2009). This case arises out of the placement into receivership, after discovery of a large Ponzi
37 scheme, of the assets of several Wextrust companies and affiliated entities (together, the “Wextrust
2
1 Entities”). On appeal, Malek advances three claims of error. First, he asserts that the district court
2 erred in approving a distribution plan that included the assets of certain commodity-trading funds
3 (the “Commodity Funds”) operated by one of the Wextrust Entities. Second, Malek asserts that the
4 district court exceeded its equitable authority in approving a distribution plan that effectively
5 liquidates the receivership estate. Lastly, Malek asserts that the district court erred in approving a
6 pro rata plan of distribution as to the Commodity Funds. We assume the parties’ familiarity with
7 the underlying facts and procedural history of the case.
8 As an initial matter, the parties dispute the appropriate standard of review to be applied to
9 Malek’s challenges. Malek asserts that the first two questions—as to the inclusion of the
10 Commodity Funds in the receivership estate and the approval of a plan liquidating that estate—are
11 properly characterized as questions of law, and should be reviewed de novo. Coleman, on the
12 contrary, argues that an abuse of discretion standard is appropriate. “According to the Supreme
13 Court, ‘[i]n shaping equity decrees, [a] trial court is vested with broad discretionary power; appellate
14 review is correspondingly narrow.’” SEC v. Certain Unknown Purchasers of the Common Stock of
15 and Call Options for the Common Stock of Santa Fe Int’l Corp., 817 F.2d 1018, 1020 (2d Cir. 1987)
16 (quoting Lemon v. Kurtzman, 411 U.S. 192, 200 (1973)). Moreover, we have stated that “[w]e
17 review [a] District Court’s decision relating to the choice of distribution plan for the receivership
18 estate for abuse of discretion.” SEC v. Credit Bancorp, Ltd., 290 F.3d 80, 87 (2d Cir. 2002). We
19 need not determine in this case whether these principles counsel in favor of de novo or abuse of
20 discretion review with regard to the issues identified by Malek. Regardless of the appropriate
21 standard of review, Malek’s challenges fail.
22
3
1 I. Inclusion of the Commodity Funds in the Distribution Plan
2 First, Malek contends that the district court erred in approving the Distribution Plan due to
3 its inclusion of the Commodity Funds in the receivership estate subject to the Plan. Although neither
4 the Securities Act of 1933 nor the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 expressly vests the power to
5 appoint receivers in the district courts, “courts have consistently held that such power exists, where
6 necessary to prevent the dissipation of a defendant’s assets pending further action by the court.”
7 SEC v. Am. Bd. of Trade, Inc., 830 F.2d 431, 436 (2d Cir. 1987) (internal citation omitted). “A
8 primary purpose of appointing a receiver is to conserve the existing estate.” Esbitt v. Dutch-Am.
9 Mercantile Grp., 335 F.2d 141, 143 (2d Cir. 1964). In furtherance of this goal, the district court
10 froze, and ultimately included in the receivership estate, all assets “held by, or under the direct or
11 indirect control of the [d]efendants, including, but not limited to, entities owned or controlled by,
12 related to, or associated or affiliated with the [d]efendant Wextrust Entities and the limited liability
13 companies they control or have an ownership interest in.” J.A. 157. The Commodity Funds were
14 quite clearly included within this broad grant, and appropriately included in the receivership estate.
15 While “the power of a securities receiver is not without limits,” Eberhard v. Marcu, 530 F.3d
16 122, 132 (2d Cir. 2008), a federal receiver is appointed, under the district court’s broad equitable
17 discretion, “to restore to a defrauded entity or defrauded persons that which was fraudulently
18 diverted from its or their custody and control.” SEC v. Shiv, 379 F. Supp. 2d 609, 618 (S.D.N.Y.
19 2005). Malek relies heavily on the proposition that, under federal regulations governing the
20 commodity futures trading industry, WexTrade Commodity Managers, LLC (“WCM”), the statutory
21 manager of the Commodity Funds, was not permitted to own any part of the Funds. See, e.g., 17
22 C.F.R. § 4.20(a)(1). As the record demonstrates, however, Wextrust and its principals paid little
4
1 regard to the letter of those regulations by, for example, regularly commingling the Commodity
2 Funds’ assets with other Wextrust assets. See, e.g., J.A. 1082. As the district court appropriately
3 noted, Malek’s arguments against the inclusion of the Commodity Funds in the receivership estate
4 are “premised on a misunderstanding of the Receiver’s role,” since the “Receiver is charged with
5 protecting the interests of all investors in the Wextrust [E]ntities, and he has the authority to assert
6 claims on behalf of any of those entities.” Byers, 637 F. Supp. 2d at 181. Nor is there merit to
7 Malek’s contention that the principals of the Wextrust Entities, specifically Steven Byers and Joseph
8 Shereshevsky, did not exercise control over the Commodity Funds. As discussed below, this
9 proposition is belied by the record.
10
11 II. Approval of a Distribution Plan Liquidating the Estate
12 Next, Malek argues that the district court exceeded its equitable authority in approving a
13 distribution plan that effectively liquidated the receivership estate. First, there is some merit to
14 Coleman’s argument that Malek did not object to the district court’s authority on this ground below,
15 and thus forfeited the argument on appeal. Neither Malek nor Harris Kay, former counsel to eight
16 Commodity Fund investors who sought to intervene in this matter below, objected to the Plan on the
17 ground that it exceeded the district court’s equitable authority by effecting a liquidation, despite
18 multiple submissions and opportunities to address the court. Cf. SEC v. Forex Asset Mgmt. LLC,
19 242 F.3d 325, 332 (5th Cir. 2001) (“[Appellants] . . . did not raise this argument in the district court
20 when they objected to the distribution plan, and therefore this argument is forfeited.”). In response,
21 Malek relies on extensive briefing provided to the district court by dozens of interested parties, some
22 of whom did object on this ground, as well as the district court’s admonitions, addressing objectors’
5
1 oral statements in opposition to the Distribution Plan, that arguments ought not be repeated.
2 Whether or not Malek forfeited this argument, however, we find that the district court did not abuse
3 its equitable discretion in approving the Distribution Plan, despite its effective liquidation of the
4 receivership estate.
5 First, Malek’s argument that the Plan, in liquidating the assets of the receivership, “exceeds
6 the intent of the SEC and of the District Court,” Appellant’s Br. 28, is contradicted by the express
7 language of the court’s order appointing the Receiver, which authorized the Receiver, after notice
8 to all parties and creditors and approval by the court, to sell receivership assets. J.A. 654. In any
9 event, to the extent that Malek questions the court’s intent to authorize the Receiver to liquidate the
10 estate, we reject that challenge because the court made its intent clear when it expressly approved
11 the Receiver’s Plan to liquidate the estate. Moreover, the SEC, in its brief in this matter as Plaintiff-
12 Appellee, specifically denies the claim that the Plan exceeded its intent in seeking appointment of
13 a receiver.
14 It is true that this Court has consistently expressed a preference against the liquidation of
15 defendant corporations through the mechanism of federal securities receiverships, as opposed to
16 through the bankruptcy courts. See, e.g., Eberhard, 530 F.3d at 132 (noting that “receivership
17 should not be used as an alternative to bankruptcy”); Am. Bd. of Trade, 830 F.2d at 436 (noting
18 frequent admonition that “equity receiverships should not be used to effect the liquidation of
19 defendants in actions brought under the securities laws”); Esbitt, 335 F.2d at 143 (“We see no reason
20 why violation of the Securities Act should result in the liquidation of an insolvent corporation via
21 an equity receivership instead of the normal bankruptcy procedures . . . .”). Nevertheless, in Credit
22 Bancorp, we upheld the district court’s approval of a distribution plan similar to the one at issue,
6
1 effecting a partial liquidation of the receivership estate with subsequent distributions to occur in the
2 future as additional assets became liquid or otherwise available for distribution, and without
3 discussion of the district court’s authority to do so. See Credit Bancorp, 290 F.3d at 85; cf. Shiv, 379
4 F. Supp. 2d at 617 (arguing that, with the Credit Bancorp decision, this Court “extended the
5 Receiver’s equity jurisdiction to trace and repatriate funds from many discrete accounts . . . back to
6 the rightful owners, ratably in proportion to their losses”). Further, despite our reservations about
7 liquidation occurring through receivership, “we have never vacated or modified a receivership order
8 on the ground that a district court improperly attempted to effect a liquidation.” Am. Bd. of Trade,
9 830 F.2d at 437. Such restraint is particularly appropriate where, as here, “the receivership has
10 progressed almost to completion . . . and it would apparently not be in the interests of the parties to
11 direct that further proceedings be diverted into bankruptcy channels.” Esbitt, 335 F.2d at 143; see
12 also Am. Bd. of Trade, 830 F.2d at 436.
13 Here, both the Receiver and the district court made detailed findings, with the aid of experts,
14 that liquidation or reorganization through bankruptcy would be unfavorable to the receivership
15 estate. The Receiver noted that the initiation of bankruptcy proceedings would “increase the
16 administrative costs to be borne by the receivership estate,” would cause victims to “wait
17 significantly longer before receiving any payments,” and would forfeit the “latitude enjoyed by
18 courts overseeing equity receiverships to carefully craft a particularized plan to achieve the most
19 equitable distribution possible.” J.A. 1320. The district court similarly concluded, upon careful
20 review of the fiscal circumstances of the Wextrust Entities, that “it would be inequitable to force the
21 case into bankruptcy.” Byers, 637 F. Supp. 2d at 176. On the basis of the record before us, we agree
22 that, at this juncture, it would “not be in the interests of the parties” to divert these proceedings into
7
1 the bankruptcy courts. Esbitt, 335 F.2d at 143. Nor is there any indication that any non-victim
2 creditors of the Wextrust Entities had any interest in the estate that would have been protected by
3 bankruptcy proceedings but that were impaired by the liquidation plan. Accordingly, we conclude
4 that the district court did not abuse its equitable discretion in approving the Distribution Plan’s
5 liquidation of the receivership estate.
6
7 III. Approval of a Pro Rata Distribution
8 Lastly, Malek claims that the district court erred in approving a pro rata distribution as to
9 the Commodity Funds. As discussed above, “[w]e review a district court’s decision relating to the
10 choice of distribution plan for a receivership estate for abuse of discretion,” Credit Bancorp, 290
11 F.3d at 87, and find none here. “Courts have favored pro rata distribution of assets where . . . the
12 funds of the defrauded victims were commingled and where victims were similarly situated with
13 respect to their relationship to the defrauders.” Id. at 88-89. In fact, the “use of a pro rata
14 distribution has been deemed especially appropriate for fraud victims of a Ponzi scheme.” Id. at 89
15 (internal quotation marks omitted). This preference for pro rata distribution persists even where
16 some victims’ funds are theoretically traceable, since “[i]n such a scheme, whether at any given
17 moment a particular customer’s assets are traceable” is little more than a “merely fortuitous fact”
18 based on which funds the defrauders have chosen to misappropriate first. Id. at 89 (internal
19 quotation marks omitted). Further, we review the district court’s findings of fact that the
20 Commodity Funds were “commingled” and that their investors were “similarly situated” to other
21 Wextrust investors only for clear error. See Maloney v. Soc. Sec. Admin., 517 F.3d 70, 74 (2d Cir.
22 2008). Here, accordingly, we find no abuse of discretion in the district court’s well-reasoned finding
8
1 that a pro rata distribution was the most equitable remedy for the fraud at issue.
2 As in the original Ponzi scheme case, this is “a case the circumstances of which call strongly
3 for the principle that equality is equity.” Cunningham v. Brown, 265 U.S. 1, 13 (1924). We need
4 not decide here whether, as Malek contends, the district court erroneously suggested that any
5 commingling of assets suffices to permit inclusion of funds in the pro rata distribution plan.
6 Whether or not some threshold level of commingling is necessary, on the facts of this case, the
7 district court properly included the assets of the Commodity Funds in the Plan, given the substantial
8 evidence that those assets had been extensively commingled with the assets of other Wextrust
9 investors. See J.A. 1082 (declaration of accountant that “the commingling in the Commodity Funds
10 fits a consistent pattern in which the principals of WexTrust would move money throughout the
11 corporate family without regard to any corporate formalities”). On frequent occasions, Wextrust
12 transferred other, unrelated monies into the Commodity Funds to cover fraud-related shortfalls in
13 customers’ accounts, and the Commodity Funds made several “loans” to Wextrust Capital, LLC.
14 Nor can we determine that the district court’s finding that the Commodity Fund investors were
15 similarly situated to other Wextrust investors was clearly erroneous. The Commodity Funds were
16 specifically marketed as part of the Wextrust Entities’ family of investments, and were under the
17 significant control of Wextrust’s principals. WCM, the Funds’ statutory manager, was managed by
18 Wextrust Capital, LLC, and operated out of its Chicago office. Both Byers and Shereshevsky were
19 principals of Wextrust Capital, LLC, and Shereshevsky was a principal of WCM, holding signatory
20 authority over its escrow accounts. Cf. Lizardo v. Denny’s, Inc., 270 F.3d 94, 101 (2d Cir. 2001)
21 (noting, in different context, that to be similarly situated, “their circumstances need not be identical,
22 but there should be a reasonably close resemblance of facts and circumstances”). Finally, we note
9
1 that this is not a situation in which the assets in the Commodity Funds were “segregated in the
2 manner of true trust accounts” or “had never been placed in the defrauder’s control,” as in cases in
3 which some courts have permitted the return of identifiable assets to particular victims. See Credit
4 Bancorp, 290 F.3d at 90. Accordingly, we cannot conclude that the district court abused its
5 discretion in approving the Distribution Plan’s pro rata distribution of the receivership estate.
6 We have considered all of Malek’s remaining arguments and find them to be without merit.
7 For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the district court is hereby AFFIRMED.
8
9 FOR THE COURT:
10 Catherine O’Hagan Wolfe, Clerk
11
12
13
10
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | FreeLaw |
Craig Rosevear
Craig Gary Rosevear is an Australian drummer, auctioneer and TV presenter from Newcastle. He joined hard rock group The Screaming Jets from 1993 to 2001. From 2001 to 2005, he relocated to the United States and was a member of American band, Cinderglass. By 2005, he had returned to Australia and set up a music school Rosies's School of Rock in Newcastle focusing on performance & band coaching for kids. His portrait, Rock and role model by Peter Sesselmann, was entered for the 2009 Archibald Prize. In 2017 Rosevear won the Newcastle Heat of the Real Estate Institute of NSW Auctioneering Competition and is the host of lifestyle program Location Living Lifestyle on Network Nine.
Biography
Craig Rosevear started his musical career with the Sydney Youth Orchestra, before becoming lead drummer for 5 years with the Newcastle Combined High Schools Marching Band, or The Marching Koalas. He was also percussionist with the Broadmeadow High School Concert Band.
In 1990, he joined Sydney-based hard rock bands Angry Snuff Puppett and then BB Steal. With BB Steal, he recorded their debut full-length album, On the Edge, which was released in 1991. They supported Def Leppard on the Australian leg of their 1992 tour.
Rosevear joined rock group, The Screaming Jets, in July 1993. He was the permanent replacement for founding drummer, Brad Heaney who had been sacked in April and was temporarily filled-in by United Kingodom's Dave Holland (ex-Judas Priest) for the last leg of their European tour. The band supported Def Leppard and Ugly Kid Joe on their tour of United States. They returned to Australia in late 1993 and released a single, "Helping Hand" from their previous album, Tear of Thought (1992, before Rosevear had joined). With Rosevear, they recorded their third studio album, The Screaming Jets, which was released in August 1995 with the related single, "Friend of Mine" appearing in November. The album peaked at No. 5 on the Australian Recording Industry Association (ARIA) Albums Chart. They followed with World Gone Crazy in August 1997, which reached the top 20 and compilation album, Hits and Pieces in November 1999, which also peaked in the top 20. Rosevear left The Screaming Jets by 2000 and was replaced by Col Hatchman (ex-Hang Seng). Rosevear briefly played for Newcastle band, DV8 with Greg Bryce and Mark Middleton.
In 2001, Rosevear moved to the US, where he played with Albanian singer Simaku and then joined US band Cinderglass. After the demise of Cinderglass he returned to Newcastle and resumed playing with DV8 and also played with The Retro Rockets. In 2005 he set up his own music school called "Rosie's School of Rock" inspired from some of the Rock Schools he saw in USA. The school provides tuition on all Rock instruments and hosts concerts every term. The school's core aim is to provide a learning environment that creates confidence in kids by enabling them to create a 'cooler' image for themselves, including kids with disabilities. Many students form bands, perform, make and promote albums, get on radio and TV. With Retro Rockets, Rosevear released a third album, Cars, Guitars and Girls from Mars in 2007. In 2009, Peter Sesselmann's portrait of Rosevear was entered into the Archibald Prize as Rock and role model and was "symbolic of the rock drummer's transition from touring musician to educator over the past few years". In 2011, DV8 released a live album, Live at the Wicko.
References
External links
Rosie's School of Rock
Category:Australian rock drummers
Category:Male drummers
Category:Living people
Category:Year of birth missing (living people) | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Wikipedia (en) |
Pages
Sunday, May 6, 2018
The Dakota DC-3 VP 905, which was accepted by the CAS from the Hon’ble Member of Parliament (RajyaSabha) Mr. Rajeev Chandrasekhar on 13 Feb 18, was formally inducted into the IAF today evening at Air Force Station Hindan.
The aircraft commenced its journey from the UK on 17 Apr 18 and was flown by a joint crew of the IAF and M/s Reflight Airworks Ltd. The aircraft flew a total of 9750 km during its ferry into India and made en-route halts in France, Italy, Greece, Jordan, Bahrain and Oman. The aircraft landed on Indian soil at Air Force Station Jamnagar on 25 Apr 18 and reached its final destination at Air Force Station Hindan on 26 Apr 18.
This historic flight of the Dakota DC-3 VP 905, across seven countries, was a commemoration of the service provided by this venerable aircraft to the nation. The arduous feat of traversing half the globe in nine days on an aircraft of this vintage is a tribute to the steadfast determination and professionalism of the crew, the unflinching support provided by the Embassies of India in the countries en-route and the unwavering reliability of the old war horse.
The aircraft was escorted on its final leg of the journey, which was over the sea from Muscat to Jamnagar, by a P-8I aircraft of the Indian Navy, a C-130J and the Su-30 MKIs of the IAF. It was received with due ceremony by Air Mshl RK Dhir, AOC-in-C SWAC and the Hon’ble MP Shri Rajeev Chandrasekhar. Air Cmde MK Chandrasekhar (Retd) was granted special permission by the Raksha Mantri to fly on board the aircraft from Jamnagar to Air Force Station Hindan. His presence on the aircraft commemorated the contribution and sacrifice of a multitude of veterans who have successfully operated this aircraft in times of peace and war.
To honour the homecoming of the Dakota, a grand ceremony was held at Air Force Station Hindan today. The ceremony was attended by the Chief of the Air Staff, Senior functionaries of the MoD, diplomats from the High Commission of the UK, officers of the IAF, representatives from M/s Reflight Airworks and proud veterans of the IAF who have operated this magnificent flying machine.
The unique journey undertaken by the Dakota to its homestead, the Vintage Aircraft Flight of the IAF, was keenly followed the world over and its arrival has scripted an indelible mark in the rich legacy of the IAF.
Inaugural meeting of the Defence Planning Committee
The inaugural meeting of the Defence Planning Committee was held today under the chairmanship of the National Security Adviser Shri AjitDoval. Besides the three Service Chiefs, the committee comprises Defence Secretary Shri Sanjay Mitra, Expenditure Secretary Shri Ajay Narayan Jha, Foreign Secretary Shri Vijay Keshav Gokhale and Chief of Integrated Defence Staff, Lt General Satish Dua, who is also the Member Secretary. The members deliberated upon the geo-strategic landscape and agreed to chart a time-bound action plan in keeping with its broad mandate.
Exercise Vijay Prahar: South Western Command operationalises new concepts
Formations of South Western Command are carrying out Exercise VIJAY PRAHAR employing more than 20000 troops, cutting edge equipment and state of the art force multipliers in the Mahajan Field Firing Ranges close to Suratgarh in Rajasthan. The exercise is aimed to orchestrate wide spectrum of threats which are planned to be tackled through high tempo joint air and land operation involving hundreds of aircrafts, thousands of tanks and artillery pieces supported by real time intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance and just in time logistic support.
The month-long exercise is essentially to practice the troops in penetrative manoeuvres across the obstacle ridden terrain under a nuclear umbrella.
During the exercise, the formations of South Western Command are practising and operationalising certain innovative concepts of operating in the network centric environment, integrated employment of modern day sensors with the weapon platforms, employment of attack helicopters in the air cavalry role and bold offensive of application of the Special Forces. The formations will refine their drills and procedures for fighting in the nuclear environment during the course of the exercise.
Major General Annakuttybabu assumes Office of ADG, MNS
Major Gen AnnakuttyBabu assumed the charge of Additional Director General, Military Nursing Service (MNS),here today. She took over the reins from her predecessor Major General Elizabeth John who retired yesterday. She hails from Koothattukulam in Ernakulum district of Kerala. Born into an agricultural family, she inherited values of compassion and hard work from her parents. Before taking over this appointment, she was serving as Principal Matron, Army Hospital Research & Referral –an apex quaternary care hospital of the Armed Forces. With her extensive expertise, positive leadership and vision, she is able to instil a guiding philosophy of excellence for raising the calibre of patient care.
On this occasion, ADG, MNSsaid the Nursing Service officers play a pivotal role in care of sick &injured soldiers and their families along with medical corps in Tri-Services.
First Ever Joint Army exercise on Malaysian Soil Commences with Handing-Over of Troops Ceremony
Exercise Harimau Shakti 2018, between the Indian Army and the Malaysian Army commenced on 30 April at Wardieburn Camp, Kuala Lumpur with a brief and impressive handing over of troops ceremony.Lt Col Irwan Ibrahim, Commanding officer of the 1st Royal Ranger Regiment of Malaysian Army welcomed the Indian contingent and wished the Indian and Malaysian troops for a successful and mutually beneficial joint exercise.
First phase of the two week long joint military exercise begin with the formal handing over of the Regimental Flag to the Malaysian Army signifying merging of the two contingents under one Commander. First day also saw briefings to the joint contingent on Malaysian country brief, exercise settings and security aspects. The day ended with a keenly contested friendly Volley Ball match, which the visitors could finally snatch after a tiff competition. Both armies stand to hone their tactical and technical skills in counter insurgency and counter terrorist operations under the UN mandate. Due emphasis will be laid on increasing interoperability between forces which is crucial for success of any joint operation.
Exercise Harimau Shakti is a positive step in the bilateral relations between the two nations. The conduct of such exercises in future will enable mutual capacity enhancement and assist in building strong bonds of friendship and cooperation between India and Malaysia.
LCA Tejas Achieves Yet Another Milestone Towards FOC Certification
Tejas, the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) successfully fired Derby Air-to-Air Beyond Visual Range Missile to expand the firing envelope as well as to demonstrate safe operation of the aircraft during missile plume ingestion into the aircraft engine under worst case scenarios. The missile was launched from LCATejas piloted by Wg Cdr Siddharth Singh on 27 April 2018 from the firing range off the Goa coast after exhaustive study of the missile separation characteristics and plume envelope. LCATejas has been designed & developed by DRDO’s autonomous society – Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA).
Integration of Derby, a BVR class missile is one of the major objectives of Final Operational Clearance (FOC) of LCATejas.
The aircraft was tracked by two other Tejas aircraft in close formation to capture the firing event in the specially instrumented high speed cameras for detailed analysis and comparison with the simulation model for validation. The entire planning, practice sorties and final firing was carried out by ADA and it’s National Flight Test Centre (NFTC) officials Cmde JA Maolankar and GpCapt A Kabadwal, IAF, DG(AQA), HAL & INS HANSA.
Based on the successful integration and demonstration, Regional Centre for Military Airworthiness (RCMA), a unit of DRDO has cleared the series production aircraft of Squadron 45, to be equipped with Derby operational capability. LCATejas has successfully completed a series of captive flight trials to clear Derby for the full operational capability in the entire FOC envelope. In the past, Tejas has qualified for the armaments and missile release related trials.
Raksha Mantri Smt. Nirmala Sitharaman has complimented DRDO and other agencies involved for making LCATejas fighter jet, a world class aircraft platform.
Chairman DRDO& Secretary Department of Defence R&D Dr. S Christopher, congratulated and said that with this firing, LCATejas achieved another major milestone towards FOC certification.
DAC Approves Capital Acquisition Proposals Worth Rs 3,687 Crore
The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC), chaired by the Raksha Mantri Smt Nirmala Sitharaman, met today and accorded approval to Capital Acquisition Proposals of the Services valued at over Rs 3,687 crore.
In a boost to indigenisation and in realisation of India's growing technological prowess, the DAC approved procurement of Defence Research and Development Organisation’s (DRDO’s) designed and developed NAG Missile System (NAMIS) at the cost of Rs 524 crore. The system includes a third generation Anti-Tank Guided Missile, the NAG, along with the Missile Carrier Vehicle (NAMICA). The NAG missile is a third generation anti-tank guided missile, which has top attack capabilities that can effectively engage and destroy all known enemy tanks during day and night. This will give a quantum boost to the Army's capability against enemy armour.
The DAC also approved procurement of thirteen 127 mm calibre guns for the Navy. These guns will be fitted on-board new construction ships for undertaking surface engagements including Naval Gunfire Support Operations. The guns will enable Naval ships to provide fire support and engagement of targets on the land. These guns have engagement range of 24 kilometres, which could be extended further by using Extended Range Gun Munitions (ERGM). These guns, a long outstanding requirement of the Navy would be procured from BAE Systems of the United States of America under the categorisation of Buy (Global) at an approximate cost of over Rs 3,000 crore.
The DAC also reviewed the progress of the DRDO programme to develop indigenous Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS).
The third ship of the Landing Craft Utility (LCU) Mk-IV project was inducted into the Indian Navy today at Port Blair. The ship was commissioned as INLCU L53 by Vice Admiral Bimal Verma, AVSM, ADC, Commander-in-Chief A&N Command. Designed and built by Garden Reach Shipbuilders and Engineers (GRSE), Kolkata, the ship showcases the immense potential of the country’s indigenous ship building capability and is in consonance with the national goal of ‘Make in India’.
LCU MK-IV ship is an amphibious ship with a displacement of 830 Tons and is capable of transporting combat equipment such as Main Battle Tanks Arjun, T72 and other Armoured Vehicles. The ship is fitted with state-of-the-art equipment and advanced systems such as the Integrated Bridge System (IBS) and the Integrated Platform Management System (IPMS). The indigenous CRN 91 Gun with Stabilised Optronic Pedestal provides the ship the requisite offensive capability for undertaking patrolling in addition.
The ship, commanded by Lt Cdr Vikas Anand, has a complement of five officers and 45 sailors. Capable of carrying 160 troops in addition, the ships would be based in the Andaman and Nicobar Command bolstering the Command’s capability in undertaking multi role activities such as beaching operations, HADR, search/ rescue, and supply and replenishment of distant islands.
The remaining five ships of the project are in an advanced stage of construction and are scheduled to be inducted into Indian Navy over the next year and half. Induction of these ships will contribute to the nation’s maritime security needs and would accomplish India’s quest for self-reliance in shipbuilding. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Sure, the commercial aspects of the season suck, but to paraphrase Transmet, isn't this the world we chose? I don't spend a lot, but I do like giving gifts, and like to think I'd do so even without the constant badgering of the marketing men. For me, christmas (or whatever you choose to call it) is a good opportunity to eat, drink, be merry, and generally rage against the winter darkness with the people that matter most to me. Hopefully, people will still be doing that long after we've forgotten about both jesus, santa, and shopping malls.
F. David Swallow - I too dread this season MORE now that I work retail and get forced to listen to the music of xmas. And yes, it is mostly that pop shit. BIng Crosby I can deal with, but Josh fucking Groban? I don't celebrate the holiday now that my wife and I are 3000 miles from family, but if I were to ask for anything it would be Mr. Groban's severed head. And his severed arms, so I could use them to beat all those other pop christmas singers to death.
Me and my best ate always do our best to just be good friends at christmas to everyone we know. Since neither of us are that close to our families, we get in three different joints of meat, a bunch of veg, and start cooking (and drinking) pretty early in the morning, then at around 2ish open our doors to all our friends who have nowhere else to go or just want to escape their families.
Last year we did a Kein Smith film fest and drinking game, then on to the evil dead trilogy followed by a Romero triple bill. After 15 hours plus drinking and filling myself full of food, I fell asleep on the sofa and woke up in my front room an hour before the pubs opened with twelve other people who I don't live with.
For me at least, i always have fond memories of christmas being a time when the relatives you only see once a year, sometimes a good thing too, pop up and eat everthing in sight and argue.We didn't have a lot as kids, but my parents made sure we always had a tree up, some presents and those are fond memories for me.
Having a child, its about making her happy with things she digs, the pagan/religious aspects hold jno meaning for me and i would guess for most americans its the same, mostly a time of family and food, gifts and making fun of relatives.Im sure people feel some pressuer from the cunsumerism aspect of it all, but hey only spend what you can afford too and not anything beyond that will put you in a bind.
Christmas is going to be awful this year. I'm really starting to dread it actually. My one good friend in town is moving to England on Tuesday to get married and I'll know next to no one in town when he's gone. I think I'll invite over the guy who lives in his car.
I don't even get xmas music at my retail hell and still it sucks. It's a mad house, it takes me 3 times as long to get from one end of the store to the other and people ask stupid questions with a much higher frequency. I stare at them and tell them if they don't know the name of the book they're looking for I can do nothing to help them. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Scarless
Summary: Riley never meant to cause anyone pain, she never meant for anything bad to happen. Being so caught up in trying to make everyone happy, her life turned to depression. And she hated herself for it.
Chapter 1
It was just another evening in New York City. Car horns and the smell of fresh coffee filled the air. I was your average seventeen year old girl. Small, brown eyed, brown haired, and trying to look for a place in this world. It was 11:49. Eleven minutes till midnight.
I silently opened my window praying that my abusive foster parents wouldn't hear me sneak out. A few moments later I was out of the filthy apartment and walking down a nearby alley. I stopped for a brief moment. The clock struck twelve.
"Happy birthday, Riley." I mumbled to myself softly, only the taste of rust in my mouth.
Yes, today was my birthday. The worst day of the year. I let soft sobs escape my mouth, causing it hard for me to breathe. The thought of being alone crowded my mind. Nobody would ever want me. I was drowning in my self pity.
Just as I was about to leave the alley, I heard some laughs. I was soon surrounded by the Purple Dragons, a gang in New York City that made my life miserable. I bet they don't even remember what they did to me. It was because of them my life had no further meaning.
"What are you doing out here by yourself. Looking for so fun, hm?" One of them said in the dark shadows of the night.
I started to breathe harder. This can't be happening, this can't be happening. That sentence kept racing throughout my mind. There were about seven Purple Dragons in the alley with me.
One of them grabbed my wrist and started to pull me. I tried to fight back but my attacks were fruitless. It didn't stop until one of the dragons punched me in my stomach. I could feel the wind knock out of me. My lungs tried grasping for air that wasn't there. I felt more blows to my body. I was being kicked around for their joy.
My body couldn't take this any longer. I felt as if my heart was going to collapse. I was sore. My old jeans were filled with rips and holes alongside with my shirt. I was barely able to open my eyes but I was able to see the blood stains on my clothes and the concrete that I was laying down on. I begged for them to stop. My body couldn't take this. I knew that soon I would be dead.
"Please, st-op...." I begged them with my raspy and sore throat. It soon became difficult to sleek as I started to cough up blood.
But the hits wouldn't stop. Instead they were harder and more aggressive. I guess this is it. This is the end for me.
----
"That son of a turtle!"
His leg came on contact with the punching bag. There was a large amount of anger that surge through Raphael and into the punching bag.
'That excuse of a leader thinks that he can just push me around then he's absolutely wrong. I ain't his servant and I ain't gonna do what he says when he says it.' Raphael thought.
He kept punching and kicking the bag until there was no amount of energy left in him. He should have been the leader. He should have been the one. What's the difference between Leo and him. He's stronger than him. He has more potential. It always has to be Leo. He's the eldest. He's the leader. And what is Raph? He's just second best.
When he couldn't take being down there, he had to go somewhere else. Raph couldn't take being anywhere near Leo. Being cooped up will just make it worse. He ran out making sure that no one could hear him and walked through the sewers looking for the nearest manhole cover to get out. He knew there was one on Eastman and Laird street and went for that one.
When Raphael was out, he started to jump from rooftop to rooftop. After a while thinking about it, he didn't even remember what Leo and him were fighting about. But he couldn't let him know that. If Raph gave up on the fight to easily, he'll think he's weak. And he for sure wasn't.
Being so caught up in his thoughts, he didn't notice that he had stopped running. Raph ended up on an apartment roof next to an alley. He heard some muffled laughs and goans coming from down in the alley. When he looked down, he saw something that made him growl and be even angrier.
Some purple dragons though it would be fun if they messed around with a girl. They were beating her mercilessly and laughing at her pain. Raph saw some blood and it made him snap. He jump from the roof and onto one of the dragons. They stopped hurting him and looked at him with frustration. He guessed they didn't want to be interrupted.
"Its one of those turtle freaks. Get um!" One of them yelled out
He grabbed his sais and stared to stab them. Those insolent little bastards. Always trying to ruin someone's life just for the heck of it. It's disgusting. Raph killed every single one of the purple dragons. A smirk planted its self on his face. Now they'll never do that again. He didn't even bother picking up the now dead bodies. The good thing about being a turtle, no finger prints left at the scene.
He heard a goan and looked at the blood covered girl. She looked as if she were about to die. Damn it! Why did he always get stuck in these situations. Raphael picked her up gently and carried her bridal style to the nearest manhole cover. Her breathing was difficult. Her lungs would not allow some oxygen to enter.
He stared to run faster and faster until the entrance of the lair was in sight and quickly punched in the keycode, 8668, into the pad hidden in the wall.
He called out for his brothers as soon as he got in.
"Dude! What's with all the yelling at 3 in the morning?!" Mikey said as he came in rubbing his eyes. As soon as he saw the girl his eyes popped out and he was now fully awake. He muttered under his breath.
"Shit"
Donnie and Leo came from around the corner. Leo was in shock just as much as Mikey. But Donnie took action telling me to place her on the table in the lab.
"Leo, Mikey, go get some towels to stop the bleeding. Now!"
Leo and Mikey rushed around and came back with bundles of towels in their arms. Donnie stared wrapping her in bandages and cleaning her cuts. He was working in such a rush. During that time he didn't even notice Master Splinter come in. He guessed they were making a lot of noise and commotion.
"Raphael, when did you find this girl. Why is she hurt so badly?"
He knew could get in trouble for this. But he couldn't leave her. It wasn't because it's his moral code. But because something in his gut told him that he couldn't.
"When I was out, I found her getting beaten up by the purple dragons. She was gonna die if I left her out there."
Raph knew that his description of what happened was very vague but that's all he knew. He didn't know why they were beating her up. What's her name? Who is she? Why was she alone? All these questions were swirling around in his head. Donnie came up to him and placed a gentle hand on his shoulder.
"Raphael, I don't think she's going to make it. Shes lost a lot of blood."
Alkira Joan:
Great story, I found it hard to read especially the dialogue. You just need to fix up some spelling errors and the gramma .I enjoyed this book. was a little hard to get though.,.,..,.,.,,..,.,.,, , , , ,.,, , , , , , , ,., , ,.,,,,,
OpheliaJones:
This story took a different kind of spin on the "normal girl lives with definitely not normal guy" plot. The plot points of Frey's father, Liam's family, and Frey's view of Liam's world were good to read. She did not fall in love with him in the first couple weeks. Their lives were not smooth in ...
ernbelle:
When I first started this story I was a little unsettled by all of the information that appears in the prologue, and wasn't sure if I would continue. However, I am very glad I did. The plot was very well thought out and really interesting. There were not any page breaks or markers to acknowledge ...
SandraHan1:
This story is very descriptive, with vivid scenes from the very beginning, which made for a good scene setting. I love the symbolism in names, such as “Naysayers”, “Hadd”, etc . The story itself is revolutionary, intriguing, emotional and exciting. I was very pleased to see that there is a happy ...
Grapes Are Juicy yes!!!:
I give this novel FIVE STARS ! This novel is worth reading from the beginning to the end! The plot and conflicts in this story are very smartly integrated. The language facility is a little odd , but i guess this was done on purpose, given the novel's set era. Other than that, this should definit...
Alex Rushmer:
This was not what I expected, but I enjoyed it a lot Malfoy was always one of the characters that I liked a lot, so I like that a lot of this happens between him and Colette. I read the first couple chapters, and I enjoyed your writing style and am excited to see where you take this story. My com...
Lauren Sanby:
This is an excellent story. Very gripping and keeps your attention throughout. Hoping the author is writing a sequel because I'd love to read more about Rhi and Andreas and find out what else Rhi is able to do with her powers.
Flik:
Hi! ^.^ huge fan of yours on ff.net! When I saw the note about this contest on The Way We Smile, I couldn't help but rush over here, create an account, and vote! XD Seriously love this story and would recommend it to anyone! :D best FT fanfiction out there. Amazing story, amazing concept that wa...
christylynnr5:
This was beyond amazing! I loved this book. The characters seemed so real. It was amazing how the author let Zak and Kaylees personalities slowly change. This story was very sad and eye opening. It could teach some people a very worthy lesson. It was a great combination of romance, mystery, and a...
daneliacapote116:
This was one of my favorites! When you start reading you want to continue I can't wait for the rest of the novel!! The characters where awesome! Everything was great. I encourage you to read this novel, your going to love it it and want to read it more and more !!
Jennifer Kane Martin:
I am a high school teacher, and the dialogue and inner thoughts are PERFECT. However, the lack of capitalization, punctuation, and the typos are distracting. Don't let these get in the way of a potentially good story.
Alex Rushmer:
Chapter One: Not much is happening in this chapter, but I was absolutely fascinated by the depth of your character development. I love how you just sat there with the reader and explored Eddward. Usually, that sort of thing gets boring very fast, but this was actually really cool! He's so unique ...
brettylee:
The narrative is slick yet punchy. Life, Family and Friends I believe is the core message so it’s easy to relate to. It’s surprisingly action packed. The author does a good job at keeping you guessing. Just when you think all is right, whack, the unexpected happens. The dialogue is energetic and ...
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I just can't believe the story! I absolutely loved it, all of it. The characters and their chemistry between them, and the fact that they are relatable. The story also has some sick plot twists, which I never saw coming. I loved the fact that it is an adorable love story but has its mystery touc...
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Nine out of 10 of London’s private renters have experienced at least four serious problems during their tenancy, including electrical faults, incomplete repairs and lost deposits. The survey commissioned by the Green Party London Assembly Member Sian Berry, asked 1,530 Londoners about their experiences, with nearly 70% of respondents writing in to share their stories.
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The recent law banning of revenge evictions for tenancies starting after 1st October 2015 was hoped to give renters additional protection from eviction. However, many tenants are unaware of their rights. Moreover, the current revenge eviction legislation heavily depends on the tenant to negotiate with their landlord about disrepair before informing the council.
Very often cases are not investigated by local authorities due to lack of council funds and resources. A recent study conducted by London Assembly member Caroline Pidgeon found that the ratio of environmental health inspections to number of private rented sector homes was as high as one in ten in Greenwich, but only one in 689 in Lewisham.
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FILED
United States Court of Appeals
PUBLISH Tenth Circuit
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS April 28, 2014
Elisabeth A. Shumaker
FOR THE TENTH CIRCUIT Clerk of Court
__________________________________
CAROLYN BAYLESS,
Plaintiff - Appellant,
v. No. 12-4120
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Defendant – Appellee,
and
UNITED STATES ARMY; KAROL
RIPLEY, Lt. Col. Commander Tooele
Army Depot; DESERET CHEMICAL
DEPOT, Commander, Attn: AMSSB-
ODC; FORT MYER MILITARY
COMMUNITY, Office of the Claims
Judge Advocate; UNITED STATES
ARMY LEGAL SERVICES AGENCY;
DEREK SHOUP, Office of the Staff Judge
Advocate,
Defendants.
__________________________________
APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF UTAH
(D.C. NO. 2:09-cv-00495-DAK)
__________________________________
Kimberly M. Hult of Hutchinson Black and Cook, LLC, Boulder, Colorado (Keith M.
Edwards of Hutchinson Black and Cook, LLC, Boulder, Colorado; and Steve Russell,
Grand County Law & Justice Center, P.C., Moab, Utah, with her on the briefs), for
Appellant.
Jeffrey E. Nelson, Assistant United States Attorney (David B. Barlow, United States
Attorney, with him on the brief), Salt Lake City, Utah, for Appellee.
__________________________________
Before HARTZ and TYMKOVICH, Circuit Judges, and JACKSON, District Judge.
__________________________________
JACKSON, District Judge.
__________________________________
Sixteen years ago Carolyn Bayless began to suffer from a mysterious debilitating
illness. As her condition deteriorated over the years that followed, she doggedly sought
to learn what caused (and how to treat) her illness. Finally, in 2008, convinced that she
was the victim of exposure to nerve gas emitted by an Army testing facility, she filed a
claim under the Federal Tort Claims Act. When this lawsuit followed in 2009, the Army
responded that she knew of her claim by at least 2005 and had waited too long to assert it.
The district court agreed and granted summary judgment dismissing the case. We
conclude that under the unusual circumstances presented here, the period of limitation did
not accrue until February 2007. Therefore, exercising jurisdiction pursuant to 28 U.S.C.
§ 1291, we reverse.
I. BACKGROUND
A. Factual Background
In 1997, after graduating from college with a conservation biology degree, Ms.
Bayless began a seasonal position as a range technician with the Utah Division of
Wildlife Resources. As a result, she traveled to remote locations around the state to
The Honorable R. Brooke Jackson, United States District Judge for the District of
Colorado, sitting by designation.
2
conduct various wildlife studies, including one location less than ten miles away from the
Dugway Proving Grounds (“Dugway”) and another location within two miles of Tooele
Chemical Agent Disposal Facility (“Tooele”). Unbeknownst to Ms. Bayless during the
time in which she worked near them, both Dugway and Tooele were United States Army
sites then conducting chemical and biological weapons testing.
In October 1997, about a month after completing her seasonal position with the
Utah Division of Wildlife Resources, Ms. Bayless began to experience episodic lip
numbness and blurred vision, which she attributed at that time to sitting in front of the
computer for numerous hours a day. After the symptoms failed to dissipate, however,
Ms. Bayless sought medical evaluation. In February 1998 she saw an ear, nose, and
throat specialist who performed an MRI, which returned normal results. Shortly
afterwards and notwithstanding those normal results, Ms. Bayless experienced numbness
through her entire left side following cleaning her house with chemicals. Ms. Bayless
thus began a long and arduous search for an answer to her worsening medical condition.
In May 1998, Ms. Bayless sought evaluation from a neurologist, Dr. Christopher
Reynolds, whose tests likewise revealed normal results. The numbness meanwhile
spread to Ms. Bayless’ right foot and right arm. After severe vertigo sent Ms. Bayless to
the emergency room in July 1998, she discontinued her birth control pills upon her
doctor’s advisement that she suffered a transient ischemic attack.1 Later in the same
1
Ischemia is a “deficient supply of blood to a body part (as the heart or brain) that is due
to obstruction of the inflow of arterial blood.” MERRIAM-WEBSTER ONLINE
DICTIONARY, available at https://www.merriam-webster.com/medical/ischemia.
3
month, Ms. Bayless sought out a second neurologist, Dr. Dennis Thoen, whose tests
again showed normal results.
In January 1999, however, Dr. Thoen began to suspect that Ms. Bayless’
symptoms were caused by multiple sclerosis (“MS”). After a series of referrals, in
February 1999 a neurologist and MS specialist, Dr. John Rose, formally diagnosed Ms.
Bayless with MS and prescribed medication accordingly. Ms. Bayless’ condition,
however, only continued to worsen, and she discontinued the MS medication in August
1999.
Ms. Bayless’ condition thereafter seemed to improve, and she became pregnant in
January 2000. Unfortunately, her improvement proved to be temporary. In March 2000
Ms. Bayless’ health took a dramatic turn for the worse when she suffered a miscarriage
and underwent an emergency dilation and curettage. Two days later she began to
experience severe difficulty walking, and she lost control of her fine motor skills. She
became unable to care for, even to feed, herself. Ms. Bayless described it as going from
functional to nonfunctional.
Still under the theory that this sudden deterioration was related to MS, Dr. Rose
prescribed oral steroids on March 24, 2000. The steroids only worsened Ms. Bayless’
condition. Despite what was happening, however, another MRI performed on July 3,
2000 yet again showed normal readings.
In July and August 2000, Ms. Bayless traveled to Chicago to another MS
specialist, Gastone Celesia, M.D., who determined that she had been improperly
4
diagnosed with MS. Instead, Dr. Celesia and another specialist, Dr. Tony Fletcher, both
suspected Ms. Bayless’ symptoms were psychosomatic.
Veering Ms. Bayless in another direction in October 2000, Utah physician Judith
Moore, D.O., diagnosed Ms. Bayless with a chronic Epstein-Barr viral infection. Dr.
Moore prescribed vitamins and supplements to treat the infection. But a month later Dr.
Dean Wingerchuk, a neurologist at the Mayo Clinic in Arizona, seconded Drs. Celesia’s
and Fletcher’s conclusion that Ms. Bayless did not suffer from MS and advised her that
the psychosomatic symptoms would disappear without medical treatment. Hoping that
her symptoms would dissipate as these doctors had counseled her, Ms. Bayless stopped
seeking medical treatment. In August 2001 she gave birth to a daughter in Colorado.
Although Ms. Bayless continued to suffer from the same neurological problems, she did
not seek treatment for another year after her daughter’s birth.
In October 2002, Ms. Bayless, now having discarded the MS theory and
suspecting that her symptoms might be related to neck issues, began treatment with a
series of chiropractors. On her intake forms with one of the chiropractors, Dr. Beau
Maudlin, Ms. Bayless mentioned her work in southern Utah and raised concerns over
nuclear testing and mining tailings in the area. Dr. Maudlin referred Ms. Bayless to
another chiropractor, Susan Rector, at the end of March 2003. Dr. Rector raised her
suspicion that Ms. Bayless’ symptoms might be caused by heavy metal or mercury
poisoning. Ms. Bayless was then referred to a dentist to remove her mercury dental
fillings, but these detoxification treatments were again unfruitful in resolving her
symptoms.
5
Subsequently, still in 2003, Ms. Bayless was referred by her dentist to a clinical
nutritionist, Sam Queen. On the “Possible Exposure” portion of her patient intake form,
Ms. Bayless wrote, “I think I may have been exposed to uranium in the soil in southern
Utah when I worked for the Division of Wildlife for 6 months collecting plant and soil
samples.” App. to Appellant Br. 64. Mr. Queen performed blood work analysis and
informed her that he suspected her symptoms were caused by “organophosphate pesticide
poisoning.” Id. Ms. Bayless assumed this meant she had been exposed to lawn
pesticides and, while she did not pursue an additional investigation into the diagnosis, she
began Mr. Queen’s detoxification regimen. However, Ms. Bayless stopped that regimen
in December 2004 on the recommendation of her physician at the time, Dr. Dennis
Remington, who noted that she suffered from an apparent chronic renal failure.
In early 2005, Ms. Bayless read a magazine article by a woman named Pauly who
had experienced similar symptoms. When Ms. Bayless spoke with Pauly on the
telephone, she learned that Pauly developed her neurological symptoms after visiting an
Army base. Pauly suspected her own symptoms were caused by biological weapons
testing at the base, and she referred Ms. Bayless to Dr. Garth Nicolson, a research
professor at the Institute of Molecular Medicine in San Diego who studies biological
weapons.
Dr. Nicolson suggested to Ms. Bayless various methods of detecting exposure to
biological weapons, including a polymerase chain reaction (“PCR”) test. Ms. Bayless did
not obtain a PCR test at that time due to “debates on whether the PCR is accurate or not.”
Id. at 73. Notably, Ms. Bayless did not discuss nerve agents with Dr. Nicolson, only
6
biological agents and the related conditions caused by mycoplasma fermentans and
mycoplasma incognitus.
In early 2005, after speaking again with Pauly, Ms. Bayless began to research
biological and chemical weapons testing. Upon discovering the existence of the Army
sites at Dugway and Tooele, Ms. Bayless again consulted Mr. Queen regarding any
possible exposure to biological and chemical weapons. On February 1, 2005, Mr. Queen
wrote to Ms. Bayless that normally her lack of improvement from pesticide detoxification
“may be because of exposure to various toxins.” Id. at 66, 107. Mr. Queen suggested
that a “secondary toxin . . . due to nerve agents, etc.,” might be causing the lack of
improvement in her case. Id. Mr. Queen wrote that “the Institute of Orthomolecular
Medicine . . . would probably have a way to test for this,” and that “the information may
be very useful.” Id.
Ms. Bayless did not follow up with this Institute. Instead, on February 9, 2005
Ms. Bayless raised the issue with Dr. Remington who recorded that he discussed “new
ideas” with Ms. Bayless about her work history adjacent to Dugway and Tooele. Id. at
68, 97. Dr. Remington’s notes do not record—and Ms. Bayless does not remember—
whether he recommended any treatment or follow-up after this discussion.
Ms. Bayless also began seeing Dr. Robert Moody, another physician in Utah, in
early 2005. Among other things Ms. Bayless provided contact information for Major
Craig Lynch at Dugway, who was a contact provided by Dr. Nicolson from the Institute
of Molecular Medicine, to Dr. Moody. Id. at 111. In her note to Dr. Moody, Ms. Bayless
mentioned that Dr. Nicolson had purportedly helped Major Lynch with his Gulf War
7
Illness. However, neither Ms. Bayless nor Dr. Moody followed up by contacting Major
Lynch.
In an undated letter from early 2005 to Mr. Queen, Ms. Bayless commented on her
mother’s medical history while she was pregnant with Ms. Bayless. Ms. Bayless
remembered that her mother took two anticonvulsant drugs during the pregnancy, and she
also remembered some neurological problems in her childhood. She wrote, “My hunch is
that these two drugs caused a weakness in my central nervous system/brain so that when I
was exposed to a neurotoxin near Dugway it explains why it affected me so badly.” Id. at
109.
Ms. Bayless also wrote that she had found a doctor2 who believes that she “was
exposed to a neurotoxin out at Dugway and is willing to pursue it and call out there.”
This doctor, she claimed, also believed that the amount of acetylcholine in Ms. Bayless’
muscles was deficient. Ms. Bayless noted that she had read “that organophosphate
toxicity (like what they believe may be affecting some Gulf War vets) damages the
acetylcholinesterase enzyme so there is a buildup of acetylcholine in the nerve endings
which causes neuromuscular problems.” Id. at 68–69. Mr. Queen wrote in his reply—
also undated—that this is “possible,” and that treatment with huperzine would eliminate
any acetylcholinesterase inhibitors.3
2
Although the letter is unclear, Ms. Bayless believes that this doctor she mentioned was
referring to Dr. Moody, who later performed an acetylcholine test in May 2005.
3
As discussed below, Ms. Bayless was treated unsuccessfully with huperzine later in the
summer or fall of 2005.
8
On March 15, 2005, Dr. Moody recorded in Ms. Bayless’ history that “[a]ll [signs
and symptoms] preceded by working at forestry service near Dugway [with] exposure to
Seran [sic], Brucelloses [sic], multiple infectious disease.” Id. at 74, 114. On April 12,
2005, Dr. Moody also recorded that Ms. Bayless “[m]ay have been exposed to nerve gas
being destroyed [at] Toela [sic] Army.” Id. at 73, 113.
Meanwhile, also around April 2005, Ms. Bayless met with Dr. Rebecca Levine, a
family practitioner, on yet another theory that her symptoms might be related to seizure
activity. After hospital testing revealing negative results, Ms. Bayless crossed off seizure
activity as a potential cause.
At some point in early 2005 during her own research, Ms. Bayless had learned of a
man named Gary Harris who had worked at Dugway in 1996 and who had suspicions that
he had been exposed to nerve agents. Mr. Harris shared similar symptoms to those
experienced by Ms. Bayless, including “brain fog, numbness, muscle weakness, and
chronic fatigue.” Id. at 71, 116. Mr. Harris informed Ms. Bayless that “the government
was shooting munitions filled with VX and GB nerve agents into the southwest corner of
Dugway and lost a lot of them outside the borders.” Id. at 116. He also informed Ms.
Bayless that she could have been exposed if she had been downwind from the open burns
and detonations that the government performed during that time.
On May 3, 2005, Ms. Bayless saw Dr. Moody again, who recorded in his notes:
“Exposure to possible Seran/VX [sic]. [1996–1997] shot munitions into SW corner.” Id.
at 113. On the same day, Ms. Bayless asked Dr. Moody to test her acetylcholine levels.
9
On May 4, 2005, Ms. Bayless, citing her own research and the information she
learned from Mr. Harris about Dugway, wrote in an email to Mr. Queen: “I now am
pretty sure that my symptoms were caused by low-level exposure to nerve agents,
probably VX and GB (sarin nerve gas).” Id. at 116. Ms. Bayless also wrote that she
found out that employees in the Tooele facility, which operated “the largest nerve gas
incinerator in the world,” have also suffered neurological problems. Id.
Nevertheless, around the same time in early May 2005,4 Ms. Bayless received
negative results from Dr. Moody’s acetylcholine test. Later between July and October of
2005, Ms. Bayless was also treated by Mr. Queen with huperzine, a Spanish club moss
that he believed should have neutralized effects of sarin nerve gas by targeting inhibitors
of acetylcholinesterase enzymes and thereby restored Ms. Bayless’ acetylcholine levels.
After three days of treatment, however, Ms. Bayless’ condition not only failed to improve
but it actually worsened. Mr. Queen therefore discontinued any theory that an
organophosphate toxicity would be linked to sarin, and Ms. Bayless ended her search for
a chemical weapons link.
In early 2006, Ms. Bayless began seeing another nutritionist in Utah, Pat
Montague. Ms. Bayless, having abandoned the possibility that her condition was related
to Dugway or Tooele, worked with Ms. Montague’s suspicion that a candida infection in
4
It is unclear from the record when Ms. Bayless received the results of her acetylcholine
blood test performed on May 3—whether the results were returned alongside the test
being performed or following her email on May 4 to Mr. Queen. Appellant states in
briefing that the results came after the email had been sent, see Appellant Br. 13, but the
Court cannot discern anything in the record indicating the date Ms. Bayless knew the
results.
10
Ms. Bayless’ intestinal tract was to blame. Ms. Bayless adhered to a strict diet to treat
this until October 2006—but again to no avail.
Returning again to biological weapons, Ms. Bayless visited another Utah family
medicine specialist, Dr. Todd Mangum, in October or November 2006. Dr. Mangum
administered the PCR test for biological weapons, the test previously recommended by
Nicolson in 2005. The test results for mycoplasma fermentans and mycoplasma
incognitus returned negative in December 2006.
Finally, Ms. Bayless sought out Dr. William Rea, a specialist in neurotoxicity at
the Environmental Health Center in Dallas, Texas. During her first visit with Dr. Rea on
February 5, 2007, Ms. Bayless told him about her work in Utah near a nerve gas
incinerator. Dr. Rea recorded in his notes that Ms. Bayless “strongly suspects that she
was exposed to sarin nerve gas at the Dugway Proving Ground.” Id. at 118. Dr. Rea then
administered, among many other scans and tests, a cholinesterase test. For the first time,
Ms. Bayless received positive test results showing low cholinesterase levels—an opposite
result from the acetylcholine test performed by Dr. Moody in May 2005—now indicating
that she suffered from what Dr. Rea called an “organophosphate pesticide toxicity.” Id.
at 76; see also id. at 120.
Dr. Rea diagnosed Ms. Bayless in a June 21, 2007 report with toxic
encephalopathy, toxic effect of molds, toxic effect of pesticides, toxic effect of metals,
chronic fatigue, fibromyalgia, autonomic nervous system dysfunction, vasculitis, and
immune deregulations. Id. at 124. He concluded that Ms. Bayless suffered from
moderate neurotoxicity while noting that her “visual and respiratory symptoms . . . are
11
delayed sequelae in Sarin exposure.” Id. at 126. Dr. Rea wrote that he “firmly believe[d]
that in all medical probability this patient’s incapacitation is a result of her exposure to
pesticides, heavy metals, molds, and mycotoxins in the workplace.” Id. at 127.
B. Procedural History
Ms. Bayless filed an administrative claim on January 31, 2008, alleging that the
activities of United States Army on its Dugway facility caused her to sustain permanent
neurological and other injuries. Id. at 129–34. On May 29, 2009, Ms. Bayless filed a
complaint under the FTCA in the United States District Court for the District of Utah.
On December 2, 2011, the government moved for summary judgment to dismiss
Ms. Bayless’ complaint for lack of subject-matter jurisdiction. The government argued
that Ms. Bayless failed to present her administrative claim within two years of the accrual
of that claim pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 2401(b). After hearing argument on April 19, 2012,
the district court granted the motion on May 17, 2012. The district court concluded that
Ms. Bayless acquired enough knowledge by May 2005 for her claim to begin to accrue
and also that her claim was not protected by the doctrine of equitable tolling. Ms.
Bayless appealed.
II. DISCUSSION
“Absent a waiver, sovereign immunity shields the Federal Government and its
agencies from suit.” Dahl v. United States, 319 F.3d 1226, 1228 (10th Cir. 2003)
(quoting Fed. Deposit Ins. Corp. v. Meyer, 510 U.S. 471, 475 (1994)). The FTCA waives
the United States’ sovereign immunity from tort claims and makes it liable “in the same
12
manner and to the same extent as a private individual under like circumstances.” 28
U.S.C. § 2674. A tort claim against the government, however, is “forever barred unless it
is presented to the appropriate Federal agency within two years after such claim accrues.”
28 U.S.C. § 2401(b). Thus as a threshold matter, timeliness “is one of the conditions of
the government’s waiver of sovereign immunity under the FTCA, and [a federal] court
lacks subject matter jurisdiction to proceed under the FTCA if a plaintiff fails to satisfy
the FTCA’s timing requirements set forth in § 2401(b).” Harvey v. United States, 685
F.3d 939, 947 (10th Cir. 2012) (quoting Franklin Sav. Corp. v. United States, 385 F.3d
1279, 1287 (10th Cir. 2004)).
Whether a plaintiff has “file[d] an FTCA claim within the two-year statute of
limitations period is a matter we review de novo.” Plaza Speedway Inc. v. United States,
311 F.3d 1262, 1266 (10th Cir. 2002). In construing when a claim accrues within the
meaning of § 2401(b), we seek to interpret the section consistent with congressional
intent. Cannon v. United States, 338 F.3d 1183, 1190 (10th Cir. 2003) (citing United
States v. Kubrick, 444 U.S. 111, 117–18 (1979)).
“Both § 2401(b) and its legislative history are silent as to the meaning of
‘accrues.’” Plaza Speedway, 311 F.3d at 1267 (quoting Arvayo v. United States, 766
F.2d 1416, 1419 (10th Cir. 1985)). Section 2401(b) serves “to require the reasonably
diligent presentation of tort claims against the government,” and like other statutes of
limitations, it reflects the “legislative judgment that it is unjust to fail to put the adversary
on notice to defend within a specified period of time, and that the right to be free of stale
13
claims in time comes to prevail over the right to prosecute them.” Arvayo, 766 F.2d at
1418–19 (quoting Kubrick, 444 U.S. at 123) (internal quotation marks omitted).
The general accrual rule for FTCA claims is the “injury-occurrence rule,” where
the tort claim accrues on the date of injury. Plaza Speedway, 311 F.3d at 1167. In
exceptional cases, however, the “discovery rule” applies to “protect plaintiffs who are
blamelessly unaware of their claim because the injury has not yet manifested itself or
because the facts establishing a causal link between the injury and the medical
malpractice are in the control of the tortfeasor or otherwise not evident.” Plaza
Speedway, 311 F.3d at 1167 (quoting Diaz v. United States, 165 F.3d 1337, 1339 (11th
Cir. 1999)) (internal quotation marks omitted). In these cases, the date of accrual is when
that reasonably diligent plaintiff knows or should have known of both the existence of
and cause of the injury. Id.; Cannon, 338 F.3d at 1190.
We hardly question that this is an exceptional case where the discovery rule
applies. Ms. Bayless’ injury occurred in 1997 when she worked as a range technician
near the Dugway and Tooele Army bases in Utah, whose apparently undisclosed
weapons testing exposed her to sarin or other nerve agents. At the time of that
occurrence, Ms. Bayless had no reason to suspect the nature of the injury about to befall
her, let alone its cause. As such, “contrary to Congressional intent, strict application of
the occurrence rule here would deny [Ms. Bayless her] right to compensation under the
FTCA.” Plaza Speedway, 311 F.3d at 1268.
Starting with the episodic numbness and blurred vision in October 1997, and as
each symptom of her injury revealed itself, Ms. Bayless would develop knowledge of an
14
ever-worsening injury. But, at least initially, Ms. Bayless had no knowledge of Dugway
or Tooele to connect her time spent near them to her injury. From the time she first saw a
doctor in February 1998 after her initial symptoms did not dissipate, however, Ms.
Bayless persevered in her search for an answer despite dead end after dead end.
The question before us then is at what point during this long search did Ms.
Bayless know or should she have known of the causal link between her condition and the
Army’s activities. Ms. Bayless contends on appeal that the two-year limitations period
began to run no earlier than February 2007 when she received the positive cholinesterase
test results from Dr. Rea. That theory, says the government, ignores the teaching of
Plaza Speedway.
In Plaza Speedway we applied the discovery rule to an FTCA toxic tort case where
the Army’s activities at an airfield adjacent to the claimants’ racetrack contaminated the
property’s groundwater and soil. Speedway’s owners purchased the property in 1989
with knowledge of the Army’s chemical operations but, despite this knowledge, did not
test its wells or seek any environmental assessment. In April 1993, the Kansas
Department of Health and Environment (“KDHE”) tested the well water following an
application from the owners for public use of the property’s water. Four months later an
environmental geologist from the remedial section of KDHE telephoned the property
owners and discussed potential chemical contamination on the Speedway premises. Id.
That geologist followed up with an October 18, 1993 letter indicating that hazardous
substances were present in the groundwater and soil. The owners filed their
administrative claim on October 13, 1995.
15
We held there that the geologist’s phone call in August 1993 started the clock for
the statute of limitations. 311 F.3d at 1271. In doing so we emphasized three antecedent
facts that, when combined with that telephone call, should have given the owners “reason
to suspect the source might have been the neighboring property” and then to initiate
inquiry into “any possible harm”: (1) the owners knew that contamination testing by the
KDHE occurred in April 1993; (2) the owners knew at the time of purchase of the
property that the Army had been testing various chemicals on the adjacent airfield; and
(3) the property had no other neighbors than the Army airfield. Id. at 1270–71.
The facts in Ms. Bayless’ case are rather different. Unlike the owners in Plaza
Speedway whose options for suspicion could have pointed only to its sole neighbor, Ms.
Bayless had more than a handful of potential “suspects” wreaking havoc on her body.
And unlike the owners in Plaza Speedway, Ms. Bayless did not sit back idly, with
knowledge of the government’s activities and without taking any action to inquire into
the source of her injury.
The government stresses that Ms. Bayless failed to pursue certain leads, including
Dr. Nicolson’s suggestion to take a PCR test, Dr. Nicolson’s reference to Gulf War
Illness and Major Lynch, and Mr. Queen’s mention of the Institute of Orthomolecular
Medicine.5 Ms. Bayless, however, made a conscious choice at the time against taking the
5
Ms. Bayless suggests in her briefing—for the first time—that this Institute of
Orthomolecular Medicine does not even exist, while noting that Ms. Bayless had by that
time sought out Dr. Nicolson from the Institute of Molecular Medicine. The government
suggests on the other hand that this lead, had Ms. Bayless pursued it, might have led her
to Dr. Rea’s sarin toxicity diagnosis earlier because his title is Director of Orthomolecular
Health-Medicine. Compare Appellant Br. 12 n.3 with Appellee Br. 9 n.3. Unfortunately
16
PCR test because its accuracy was debated—indeed, a PCR test administered in 2006 by
Dr. Mangum returned no fruitful results.
As for the other references, the test for accrual does not require that a plaintiff
pursue every possible clue to its end in order to be deemed a reasonably diligent plaintiff.
See Arvayo, 766 F.2d at 1422 (question of reasonable diligence is an objective one). In
fact, within a decade Ms. Bayless had seen as many medical professionals as others might
see in a lifetime, and she traveled throughout the country to do so. On advice from those
physicians, neurologists, chiropractors, nutritionists, and other professionals, Ms. Bayless
passed through theories on ischemic attacks, multiple sclerosis, an Epstein-Barr infection,
a neck-related condition, heavy metal poisoning, uranium exposure, a seizure-related
condition, a systemic yeast infection, and was even told by more than one doctor that her
symptoms were entirely psychosomatic. To hold that Ms. Bayless must have followed
every word of advice from every professional to be deemed reasonably diligent would
change her legal duty into an absurd herculean task.
Despite her diligence, Ms. Bayless remained unaware of even the existence of the
Army sites at Dugway and Tooele until early 2005. According to the government, upon
this discovery in 2005, Ms. Bayless became not only armed with the critical facts
regarding the activity that occurred Dugway and Tooele, but she had already received
direction from her doctors that should have connected the cause and injury. The
for Ms. Bayless, her failure to raise the issue below means that the Court now has nothing
in the record that speaks to the existence or nonexistence of the Institute of
Orthomolecular Medicine—nor for that matter anything that speaks to a connection
between such an Institute and Dr. Nicolson or Dr. Rea.
17
government relies on the following pieces of evidence that Ms. Bayless had by that time:
first, Ms. Bayless’ research on Dugway and Tooele; second, Ms. Bayless’ conversations
with “Pauly” and Mr. Harris about suspicions of their own exposure to biological or
chemical weapons; third, Mr. Queen’s prior “organophosphate pesticide toxicity”
diagnosis in 20036 as well as his intimations at a “secondary toxin . . . due to nerve
agents, etc.” in his February 1, 2005 email; and finally, most significantly, Ms. Bayless’
own statement in her May 4 letter to Mr. Queen that she was “pretty sure” sarin
poisoning was to blame for her condition.
The crux of this case, however, lies in whether a legal distinction exists between
one’s own suspicion that something is a cause and the requisite objective knowledge that
begins the accrual clock. An example from the Seventh Circuit makes the point that
subjective suspicion is not necessarily enough.
In Stoleson v. United States, 629 F.2d 1265(7th Cir. 1980), the plaintiff, an
employee in an Army munitions plant, suffered a heart attack in 1968 and suspected that
it was related to her workplace exposure to nitroglycerin. Her condition was diagnosed,
however, as a myocardial infarction caused by vascular spasm triggered by temporary
withdrawal from nitroglycerin; and her treating physician told her that exposure to
6
According to the government, this is the same diagnosis that Dr. Rea later gave in 2007.
Nevertheless, not only did Ms. Bayless have no reason to tie that to activities at Dugway
or Tooele in 2003 when she had no knowledge of their existence, but she also testified, to
the contrary, that she understood Mr. Queen’s diagnosis in 2003 to mean that she had
been exposed to some sort of lawn pesticide. In any event, Ms. Bayless had followed Mr.
Queen’s detoxification regimen for this exposure to no avail and only stopped when she
discovered from Dr. Remington that she had begun to suffer from chronic renal failure.
18
nitroglycerin was not the cause. She nevertheless requested (unsuccessfully) a transfer to
a work area free from nitroglycerin, and she continued to experience periodic angina
attacks until her employment was terminated in 1971.
Meanwhile, her suspicion of a nitroglycerin connection continued. In the spring of
1969 she read an article suggesting that sudden withdrawal from nitroglycerin can cause
angina chest pains. Later that year an occupation safety inspector told her that he
believed her heart problems were caused by exposure to nitroglycerin, though he was
unaware of any medically recognized causal relation. But her personal physicians
confirmed the previous assessment, and the facility continued to assure her that her
suspicions were groundless.
In April 1971, a cardiologist examined her and concluded that her cardiovascular
problems were related to nitroglycerin exposure. Later he went further and, based on the
plaintiff’s case and other case histories, published an article documenting for the first
time the relationship between angina and chronic exposure to nitroglycerin.
Notwithstanding the cardiologist’s opinion, however, the facility’s doctor was
unconvinced, and the plaintiff ultimately was discharged as unable to work.
The plaintiff filed her administrative claim on August 16, 1972, and after striking
out there, filed suit under the FTCA. In granting the government’s motion to dismiss the
district court found, among other things, that if the discovery rule applied, her claim
accrued in November 1969—more than two years before she filed her administrative
claim—when she read the article and spoke to the safety inspector.
19
The Seventh Circuit reversed. “A layman’s subjective belief, regardless of its
sincerity or ultimate vindication, is patently inadequate to go to the trier of fact.”
Stoleson, 629 F.2d at 1270. Because medical science did not at that time recognize the
causal connection, “[t]o fix the time of accrual at this time would provide [plaintiff] with
nothing more than a delusive remedy.” Id. Only in 1971, when the cardiologist
documented the relationship between occupational exposure to nitroglycerin and angina,
informed the plaintiff of his findings, and also informed her of their relevance to her
medical problems did her suspicion ripen into knowledge sufficient to trigger the running
of the two-year limitations period. Id. at 1270–71; see also Rosales v. United States, 824
F.2d 799, 805 (9th Cir. 1987) (“Ordinarily, a plaintiff cannot be expected to discover the
general medical cause of his injury even before the doctors themselves are able to do
so.”); Nicolazzo v. United States, 786 F.2d 454, 456 (1st Cir. 1986) (“It was only when
[the plaintiff] received a correct diagnosis . . . that the factual predicate of his injury . . .
became known to him.”); Osborn v. United States, 918 F.2d 724, 733 (8th Cir. 1990)
(rejecting the government’s argument that the plaintiff’s mother should have known the
cause of plaintiff’s seizure “when the doctors, including specialists . . . had not yet
reached a conclusion”); Harrison v. United States, 708 F.2d 1023, 1028 (5th Cir. 1983)
(statute tolled because “[i]t would be unreasonable to hold [a plaintiff] to a higher degree
of medical competence and understanding than the many medical experts she
consulted”).
Stoleson is distinguishable. There is no indication in the facts here that medical
science did not recognize a connection between exposure to nerve agents and symptoms
20
such as those of Ms. Bayless before she saw Dr. Rea in 2007. The point, however, is that
what Ms. Bayless had before that time was a lay person’s suspicion. While in some
circumstances that might be sufficient to trigger the statute, it cannot do so here when the
context is considered.
In early 2005, Ms. Bayless did, of course, know of the existence of the Army
bases. She suspected, at times, that their activities caused her injuries. But when she
followed up on her suspicions with various professionals she received, if anything,
objective medical results to the contrary. And it was not just one doctor who turned Ms.
Bayless away. She received three empirical results from three different doctors, all
evincing what appeared to be the objective truth that Dugway and Tooele were not to
blame. First there was a negative acetylcholine test in early May 2005 by Dr. Moody,
notably administered around the same time that she wrote she was “pretty sure” that sarin
gas exposure was the cause of her condition. Next, Ms. Bayless was treated with
huperzine between July and October 2005, but to no avail despite Mr. Queen’s assurance
that it would neutralize the effects of sarin nerve gas. Last there was the negative PCR
test for biological weapons exposure conducted by Dr. Mangum in December 2006.
The objective indicia seemed to point to a conclusive “no” for chemical and
biological weapons exposure, and Ms. Bayless wholly dropped the idea of biological or
chemical agent exposure.7 Instead she pursued treatment with Dr. Montague throughout
7
In Kubrick the Court held that the two year statute of limitations was triggered by the
plaintiff’s knowledge (based on medical opinion) of his injury (hearing loss) and its cause
(neomycin administered in a prior surgery), not when he later was informed by another
doctor that the administration of the drug was malpractice. 444 U.S. at 118–22. Armed
21
2006 on a theory that she suffered from a candida infection. Once again, the new theory
failed, and her evidence is that it was not until her consultation with Dr. Rea and the
ensuing cholinesterase test8 in February 2007 that she knew that her suspicions were
valid.
The government posits that if we were to conclude that Ms. Bayless’ claim did not
accrue until she found Dr. Rea, it could lead the statute of limitations in many cases to
“be deferred indefinitely while the prospective claimant searched for some physician
willing to connect her condition with government activity.” Thus, “the weaker the
plaintiff’s claim, the longer the accrual of the claim would likely be deferred.” Appellee
Br. 34. But merely because a cause is more difficult to determine medically does not
make that claim legally weaker. The purpose of the discovery rule inquiry is to
recompense the reasonable diligence of an enduring plaintiff despite a scientifically or
with knowledge of the injury and its cause, a diligent plaintiff could protect himself by
seeking medical and legal advice, and if appropriate, pursuing a claim. Id. at 123–24.
The Court found that Mr. Kubrick was not diligent in pursuing his legal rights after he
knew the cause of his hearing loss. But contrary to the Kubrick facts, Ms. Bayless did not
unreasonably delay seeking medical or legal advice. On the contrary, she sought
professional opinions time and again. Also unlike in Kubrick, she did not know the cause
of her injury by May 2005. Whereas Mr. Kubrick had been told by a physician that the
cause of his condition was the administration of neomycin, Ms. Bayless had only a lay
suspicion, and her suspicion was in fact contradicted by contemporaneous tests and
professional advice. As the Court recognized in Kubrick, there is a difference between “a
plaintiff’s ignorance of his legal rights and his ignorance of the fact of his injury or its
cause.” Id. at 122.
8
The District Court opinion stated that “Dr. Rea administered a test for acetylcholine,
which had been negative when Dr. Moody tested it in 2005.” App. 193–94. This,
however, is incorrect. Dr. Rea’s June 2007 report indicates that her February 5, 2007
results for a “Cholinesterase Panel” showed results of “low Cholinesterase Serum and
Plasma.” Id. at 120. The report does not show that a separate test for acetylcholine was
performed.
22
medically challenging claim. One might equally worry that under the government’s
view, conspiracy theorists would run to the nearest courthouse to file futile suits for every
injury they suspect had been caused by the government’s activities—even where that
suspicion is based on anecdotes from strangers and Internet gossip, even where that
suspicion is repeatedly refuted by objective, medical documentation to the contrary. The
discovery rule for accrual should not serve to reward those who tilt at windmills yet snub
reasonable and diligent plaintiffs.
To be clear, our holding today does not upend precedent in this Circuit or others
that “compelling” or “certain” proof of a cause is not a requirement before accrual may
begin. See, e.g., Kronisch v. United States, 150 F.3d 112, 123 (2d Cir. 1998); Nemmers
v. United States, 795 F.2d 628, 631 (7th Cir. 1986). Nor does a plaintiff in every case
need medical or scientific confirmation of a cause before the statute of limitation begins.
We only opine with respect to the facts of Ms. Bayless’ case that, after confronting
demonstrable evidence debunking her own suspicions, she cannot be charged as a matter
of law with knowledge under the discovery rule. We hold only that, in the circumstances
presented by the parties’ respective summary judgment filings, that Ms. Bayless’
administrative claim was timely filed.
Alternatively, Ms. Bayless argues that the district court erred as a matter of law in
holding that the doctrine of equitable tolling did not apply to FTCA claims. Because we
reverse on grounds that Ms. Bayless’ claims accrued in 2007 less than two years before
she filed her administrative claim, we need not reach whether the district court erred in
holding that the doctrine of equitable estoppel did not apply. Accordingly, we REVERSE
23
the district court’s dismissal for lack of subject-matter jurisdiction and REMAND for
further proceedings consistent with this opinion.9
.
9
Contrary to the dissent, we are not granting “summary judgment” on an issue where
none was requested. Ms. Bayless vigorously argued in the district court and on appeal
that her claim did not accrue until February 2007, just as the government with equal vigor
argued that it accrued at least by May of 2005. Nor are we willing to engage in
speculation that the government might have additional cards in its hand that it has yet to
play but which might turn the tide in its favor at trial. The parties had a full opportunity
to engage in discovery and to present such facts as they had in support of their respective
positions. The district court recited those facts in a thoughtful order, but we respectfully
disagree with the legal conclusion that the facts support an affirmative defense based
upon the statute of limitations. The unusual facts of this case lead us to the conclusion
that, as a matter of law, Ms. Bayless’ claim accrued in February 2007.
24
12-4120 – Bayless v. United States
HARTZ, Circuit Judge, concurring and dissenting:
I agree that the summary judgment in favor of the government must be set aside.
Reading the evidence in the record before us in the light most favorable to Ms. Bayless,
one could say that a person in her situation acting with reasonable diligence would not
have discovered the cause of her ailments more than two years before she filed her FTCA
claim.
But the majority opinion does more than set aside the government’s summary
judgment. It grants a (partial) summary judgment to Ms. Bayless on the limitations-
period issue. It holds as a matter of law that she filed her claim in a timely manner. It so
holds even though Ms. Bayless did not seek such a ruling in district court1 and did not
argue in support of such a ruling in this court.2 The 2010 amendments to Fed. R. Civ.
1
The pertinent heading in Ms. Bayless’s response to the government’s summary-
judgment motion was “Plaintiff’s Initiation of this Action Against the United States on
January 31, 2008, was Timely under the Facts and Circumstances Presented.” Pl.’s
Resp. to Defs.’ Mot. for Summ. J. at 7 (Bayless v. United States, No. 2:09cv00495 DAK
(D. Utah Jan. 11, 2012) (emphasis added)). It is one thing to argue that her complaint
was timely if the evidence conceded to be true for purposes of the government’s motion
is viewed in the light most favorable to Ms. Bayless; it is quite another to argue that her
complaint was timely if that same evidence, supplemented by any other (at this point
unknown) contrary evidence that the government may offer, is viewed in the light most
favorable to the government. Only the first argument was made by Ms. Bayless in
district court. And the district court, correctly believing that Ms. Bayless had not sought
any affirmative relief on the issue, began its Memorandum Decision and Order by saying,
“This matter is before the court on Defendant the United States of America’s Motion for
Summary Judgment.” Mem. Decision & Order at 1 (Bayless, No. 2:09cv00495 DAK (D.
Utah May 17, 2012)).
2
Although Ms. Bayless’s briefs on appeal argue vigorously (and, in my view, correctly)
that her claim was timely if we accept the facts submitted by the government as
P. 56 now prohibit the district court from sua sponte granting summary judgment (and
presumably partial summary judgment as well) without “giving notice and a reasonable
time to respond.” Id. Rule 56(f). The majority apparently do not believe that a similar
principle should apply on appeal. But why not give the government the same opportunity
it would have in district court? Indeed, why not follow our customary practice of
deciding only the issues presented to us and remanding further matters to the district
court? Because I think the relief granted by the majority opinion is inappropriate in the
circumstances of this case, I dissent from the majority opinion insofar as it holds that
Ms. Bayless’s claim was timely.
The majority opinion states that it is not “willing to engage in speculation” that the
government could successfully contest its decision. Majority Op. at 24 n.9. It assumes
that there is nothing that the government could have presented or argued that could
change the result. But not only does such an assumption run contrary to our tradition of
providing notice and an opportunity to respond before rendering a ruling, it suffers from
the sin of speculation attributed to my view. I would rather speculate in favor of
affording due process than speculate to support its denial.
So let me suggest how the government might have grounds to oppose a motion for
partial summary judgment by Ms. Bayless. For one thing, the majority opinion assumes
the accuracy of all of Ms. Bayless’s testimony. How can we be certain that the
government does not have evidence that would challenge that accuracy? There would
undisputed, they nowhere argue that this court should grant relief she did not seek in
district court—that is, that we should rule her claims timely as a matter of law without
giving the government an opportunity to present further evidence or argument.
2
have been no reason for the government to put on such evidence in support of its motion
for summary judgment. After all, it needed to base its motion on undisputed facts.
Impeaching Ms. Bayless’s testimony would have accomplished nothing, because the
court would nevertheless have to credit her veracity and the reliability of her memory.
Accordingly, the government set forth a summary of her deposition testimony as stating
undisputed facts. Those undisputed facts, however, were undisputed “only for the
purpose of presenting a legal theory, which, if accepted by the court, would entitle the
government to a judgment.” United States v. Mills, 372 F.2d 693, 697 (10th Cir. 1966);
see 10A Charles A. Wright et al., Federal Practice and Procedure §2720 (3d ed. 1998)
(“[A] party moving for summary judgment concedes the absence of a factual issue and
the truth of the nonmoving party’s allegations only for purposes of his own motion.”
(emphasis added)). On the other hand, if Ms. Bayless had moved for partial summary
judgment, perhaps the government could have defeated the motion by presenting
evidence contrary to hers on the facts essential to her motion.
The approach of the majority opinion will work a sea change in summary-
judgment practice. A party seeking summary judgment will now have to protect itself by
presenting all evidence that could impeach evidence favoring the opposing party. Such
evidence, of course, is irrelevant to the summary-judgment motion because the court
reviewing the motion must view the evidence in the light most favorable to the
nonmovant. But if the moving party does not include impeaching evidence, it could face
a court that follows the precedent established by the majority opinion and (1) construes
the nonmovant’s opposition to the summary-judgment motion as a request for a judicial
3
determination that the nonmovant is entitled to summary judgment (or at least partial
summary judgment on the issue) and (2) refuses “to engage in speculation that the
[movant] might have additional cards in its hand . . . which might turn the tide in its favor
at trial.” Majority Op. at 24 n.9.
The only advantage I can see to such an unfair procedure is that it will save paper
otherwise used in litigating cross-motions for summary judgment. Why file a cross-
motion when you have a better chance of a favorable ruling by just opposing the other
party’s motion? If Ms. Bayless had moved for a partial summary judgment that her
complaint was timely, the government would then have been alerted to the need to put on
any evidence it had that would cast doubt on Ms. Bayless’s assertions relevant to the
limitations issue. By not so moving, Ms. Bayless would avoid alerting the government
that it needed to respond. How much better simply to oppose the government’s motion
and not take a chance that her account could be impeached? If there is any precedent for
the approach of the majority opinion, I am not aware of it.
Moreover, even on the limited evidence now before us, the government could
marshal arguments that Ms. Bayless’s rendition of facts (which had to be accepted as true
for purposes of the government’s motion) is actually unlikely and that a reasonably
diligent person in Ms. Bayless’s situation would have discovered the cause of her
ailments significantly sooner than she did. It is important to keep in mind the legal
standard. The discovery-rule analysis depends on what the plaintiff knew as time
progressed. “The exercise of reasonable diligence is an ongoing process. What is
required at any particular time depends on what one has notice of at that time. When
4
additional information is obtained, the standard of reasonable diligence may demand
action that would not have been demanded without receipt of the information.” United
States v. Denny, 694 F.3d 1185, 1190 (10th Cir. 2012). One could argue from the record
evidence that in early 2005 Ms. Bayless had acquired information mandating that she
obtain scientific testing of whether she had been exposed to sarin gas but that she had
delayed an unreasonably long time before doing so.
If we examine the evidence at hand in the light most favorable to the United States
rather than, as in the majority opinion, the light most favorable to Ms. Bayless, we get the
following picture. By early 2005 Ms. Bayless had learned (1) that where she had been
working shortly before her ailments first arose was near a military facility where sarin gas
was present and (2) that her ailments were similar to those of a man who had been
exposed to sarin at that facility. On May 4, 2005, she wrote to Mr. Queen, a clinical
nutritionist who had been treating her, that she was “pretty sure” that her problems had
been caused by exposure to nerve agents, probably sarin gas. App. to Aplt. Br. at 116. I
do not think that the majority would disagree that a reasonably diligent person would
promptly follow up on that belief. So what did she do?
On February 1, 2005, Mr. Queen had told her that the Institute of Orthomolecular
Medicine “would probably have a way to test for [nerve agents]” and that “the
information may be very useful.” She admits, however, that she did not follow up on this
advice.
Also, in July, August, or September of 2005, Mr. Queen had her take huperzine,
saying that it would relieve her symptoms if they were caused by sarin. After a few days,
5
however, her symptoms only got worse, so she quit using it. If that were the only reason
that Ms. Bayless quit investigating whether sarin had caused her problems, I would not
agree that she was acting as a reasonable person in that regard. Mr. Queen was not a
doctor. And huperzine is a Spanish club moss, not a prescription medication. A
reasonable person would not have relied on the huperzine trial as reason not to pursue
sarin as a cause.
The majority opinion suggests that a negative PCR test in December 2006 also
deterred Ms. Bayless from investigating sarin gas as the cause of her condition. But the
PCR test was for exposure to biological weapons. Sarin is not a biological weapon.
What about the acetylcholine test? Ms. Bayless testified that she had learned from
Internet research by February 2005 that such a test could help decide whether she was
suffering from exposure to nerve gas. And a test of that nature (the record before us
leaves unclear whether it was an identical test) is ultimately what she bases her present
claim on. To act with reasonable diligence she would have needed to pursue scientific
testing for exposure to nerve gas in early 2005. Contrary to the majority opinion,
however, there is a reasonable question whether she did. Ms. Bayless testified that
because of the importance of the test, she had it performed in 2005. But her recollection
may have been mistaken. At her deposition she, quite understandably, expressed
uncertainty about a number of matters in her medical history, including events in 2005.
Turning specifically to the acetylcholine test, the record before us contains no report of
such a test in 2005 or any mention of such a test in the medical records for that year. (Of
course, the parties may have documentation of such a test. But, in light of Ms. Bayless’s
6
testimony, it would have been irrelevant to any issue on appeal, so there would have been
no reason to include it in the appendix. Guessing about what evidence there may be is a
hazard in addressing an issue never addressed by the parties on appeal.) Although
Ms. Bayless testified that the test was performed by Dr. Moody, his office notes clearly
show that her last visit with him was on May 3, 2005, the day before she wrote the
message to Mr. Queen that she was “pretty sure” that sarin was the culprit. Dr. Moody’s
notes for May 3 do include the notation “test results,” but we do not know what the tests
were. Id. at 113. If Dr. Moody gave her the (negative) result of the acetylcholine test on
that date, it would be strange for her to write her message to Mr. Queen the next day.
And if the notation was to indicate that Dr. Moody should call her with the results, it
would be strange for her to write her “pretty sure” message without awaiting the results
or even mentioning that she was awaiting results. In addition, Ms. Bayless testified that
sometime between July and September of 2005 she tried huperzine for a few days. But
why was she still being tested for sarin if she had earlier received test results (the
acetylcholine test) that convinced her that sarin was not the cause of her ailments?
Thus, a reasonable factfinder could find that Ms. Bayless’s decision in 2005 not to
pursue sarin was the result of the huperzine trial, not a nonexistent acetylcholine test.
And if that were the case, I would say that Ms. Bayless had not acted with reasonable
diligence and that a reasonably diligent person in her situation would have discovered the
sarin connection substantially before she actually did.
For these reasons, I dissent from the decision of the majority that as a matter of
law Ms. Bayless’s claim was timely.
7
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | FreeLaw |
Jewish Resistance to Nazis in Yugoslavia Reported by Guerilla Army Leader
January 15, 1942
LONDON (Jan. 14)
The part which Jews are taking in the fight to free Yugoslavia of the Nazis, as well as details of the barbarism to which Yugoslav Jews are being subjected were related here today by a envoy of Gen. Draja Mihailovitch’s guerilla army, who just arrived in London on a special mission.
In an interview with a correspondent of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency the Yugoslav officer revealed that a number of Gen. Mihailovitch’s closest collaborators are Jews. His aide de camp is a Jewish doctor from Belgrade, while a young Jewish officer, a former student in Belgrade, directs the operations of 50,000 guerillas who are fighting in the Nazi-occupied, districts. In addition to these, the young officer’s command includes units of the famous Chetaiks, Serbian mountain fighters, which have been incorporated into the army. Among the rank and file fighters in the guerilla army are young and old Jews who fled to the mountains from Belgrade, Zagreb, Sarajevo and other cities.
The Yugoslav envoy also revealed details of the “terrible fate of the Jews” under the Nazis. A few days after the Nazi occupation of the country hundreds of Belgrade Jews were rounded up in a house in the suburbs. There, they were lined up and every fifth Jew was shot. In one morning, 119 Jews and six Serbs were murdered in this manner. Details of the executions were given him by a young Jew who succeeded in escaping, using the ruse that he knew where he could obtain for the Nazis a supply of sorely needed medicines, Gen. Mihailovitch’s representative said.
The manner in which Jews, who have not succeeded in escaping from the Nazi-held cities, also carry on anti-Nazi activity was also touched upon in the course of the interview. Jews who were ordered to surrender their radios to the Nazis, the Yugoslav spokesman stated, instead turned them over to Serbian friends who proceeded to use them to pick up instructions from the Yugoslav government in London, which were broadcast by the BBC. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Madelin Zero + Rich Morel – Love The Love
This hot new dance single from Blowoff DJ Rich Morel and vocalist Madelin Zero will be available on iTunes on June 24th. Morel has hit #1 on Billboard’s dance chart 33 times and his Hot Sauce party makes its Provincetown debut next month during Bear Week. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | Pile-CC |
Check out our new site Makeup Addiction
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Girlfriend is on period tells me it's blowjob week | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | OpenWebText2 |
All relevant data are within the paper and its Supporting Information files.
Introduction {#sec005}
============
Over the last two decades, advances in antiretroviral therapy have revolutionized the management of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and the control of HIV epidemics \[[@pone.0149467.ref001], [@pone.0149467.ref002]\]. Despite these advances, however, some factors, such as drug resistance and rebound viremia under suboptimal treatment conditions \[[@pone.0149467.ref003]--[@pone.0149467.ref008]\] may lead to treatment failure. Thus, precise quantification of the activity of antiretroviral drugs and drug regimens against drug resistant variants is essential in choosing maximally active drugs and developing newer drugs with high activity and functionality.
Several pharmacodynamic properties are used to determine the activity of a drug. The currently standard measure is the IC50, the concentration of drug required for 50% inhibition *in vitro*. Furthermore, resistance and resistant mutants are typically identified by fold change in IC50 relative to that of the wild-type (WT) strain \[[@pone.0149467.ref009], [@pone.0149467.ref010]\]. The IC50, however, represents only a single point on the dose-response curve and tends to be a poor reflection of antiviral activity among drug classes at higher drug concentrations. For example, recent studies reported that pharmacodynamic parameters such as the IC50 do not distinguish protease inhibitors (PIs) and non-nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitors (NNRTIs) from relatively less active nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitors (NRTIs) \[[@pone.0149467.ref011]--[@pone.0149467.ref015]\]. Clinically, antiretroviral drugs are used at concentrations substantially above the IC50, and clinical outcomes may generally depend on whether 99% inhibition is achieved. Indeed, predicting concentrations of antiretroviral drugs based solely on the IC50 when the shape of the dose-response curve is known may result in the loss of important pharmacologic principles underlying the curve. If a drug has a steep dose-response curve, defined as a high slope, a small change in drug concentration can have a significant effect \[[@pone.0149467.ref014]\], which may push inhibition to less than 100% and lead to an unfavorable outcome. Thus, the slope of the dose-response curve is an important, but generally neglected parameter of antiviral activity \[[@pone.0149467.ref011]--[@pone.0149467.ref017]\].
Furthermore, it is implicit in current studies that resistance mutations shift dose-response curves to the right alone without affecting their slope \[[@pone.0149467.ref004], [@pone.0149467.ref009], [@pone.0149467.ref010]\]. It is noteworthy that resistance mutations that reduce the slope of the dose-response curve may result in substantial drug resistance. To date, however, the effects of resistance mutations on the slope have not been brought into the laboratory monitoring as a standard parameter when evaluating antiviral activity of a drug. Currently, the wide coverage of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) has led to HIV-1 mutation complexes becoming the most frequent patterns in treating HIV-infected individuals. It is unclear that the effect of resistance mutation complexes on antiretroviral activity under the consideration of dose-response curve slope.
Instantaneous inhibitory potential (IIP), which is dependent on IC50, slope, and *in vivo* drug concentration, is a more accurate pharmacodynamic measure of antiviral activity than current parameters such as IC50 alone \[[@pone.0149467.ref011]\]. However, it is impossible to determine the plasma concentrations of novel, pre-clinical drugs. There is a need to add a parameter to the IIP indices to allow the assessment of drugs in the absence of *in vivo* plasma concentration.
This study was therefore designed to evaluate the effects of common HIV-1 resistance mutation complexes on the IC50 and slope, and to propose a parameter that incorporates both IC50 and slope to determine the efficacy of pre-clinical antiretroviral drug candidates.
Materials and Methods {#sec006}
=====================
Antiretroviral compounds {#sec007}
------------------------
The antiretroviral drugs used in this study included zidovudine (ZDV, AZT), lamivudine (3TC), indinavir (IDV), nelfinavir (NFV), saquinavir (SQV), and ritonavir (RTV), all from Sigma-Aldrich Co. (St. Louis, MO, USA); and didanosine (ddI), stavudine (d4T), nevirapine (NVP), and efavirenz (EFV), all from Shanghai Desano Chemical Pharmaceutical Development Co., Ltd. (Shanghai, China). All of these drugs are used commonly in China for antiretroviral treatment. DG35 was a new PI, provided by Hesi Scientific and Technology Ltd (Xi'an, Shaanxi, China).
All of these drugs were dissolved in dimethyl sulfoxide (DMSO) and stored at -20°C. Drugs were serially diluted, such that the final concentration of DMSO in cell culture medium was 0.5%.
Cells and viruses {#sec008}
-----------------
The human T-cell line MT-2 \[[@pone.0149467.ref018]\] was maintained in RPMI 1640 medium (Gibco, Gaithersburg, MD, USA). Human embryonic kidney 293T cells \[[@pone.0149467.ref019]\] are adenovirus-transformed human embryonic kidney cells, and TZM-bl cells (JB53BL-13) \[[@pone.0149467.ref020]\] contain luciferase and β-galactosidase genes under the control of HIV Tat expression. Both cell lines were cultured in Dulbecco's Modified Eagle's Medium (DMEM) (Gibco, Gaithersburg, MD, USA). All of these cell lines were kindly provided by Dr. Lu of the Laboratory of Nucleic Acid Vaccines at the University of Massachusetts Medical School (Worcester, MA, USA) in 2005. Culture media were supplemented with 10% fetal bovine serum (FBS) (Gibco, Gaithersburg, MD, USA), and cells were cultured at 37°C and 5% CO~2~. HIV-1~NL4-3~ was initially obtained from Dr. Lu in 2006 and long-term stored in our laboratory.
Construction of HIV-1 mutants {#sec009}
-----------------------------
Variant viruses bearing single or multiple amino-acid substitutions, which are commonly found in Chinese HIV drug resistance surveillance programs, were obtained by site-directed mutagenesis on a pNL4-3 wild-type background. In brief, because of the large size of the pNL4-3 plasmid (\~15 Kb), the entire protease (PR) (codons 1--99) and reverse transcriptase (RT) (codons 1--312) regions of this plasmid were amplified and ligated into the pMD18T vector (TaKaRa Biotechnology Co., Ltd., Dalian, Liaoning, China), followed by site-directed mutagenesis using the Phusion^™^ Site-directed Mutagenesis Kit (New England Biolabs, Ltd., Beijing, China). M46I, I54V, V82A, M46I\\N88S, G48V\\I54V, M46I\\V82T\\I84V, and G48V\\I54V\\V82A mutations were introduced into the PR coding region, and K103N, Y181C, K103N\\Y181C, K101Q, K101Q\\Y181C, K101Q\\H221Y, K101Q\\H221Y\\Y181C, V179E\\T215Y, V179E\\Y181C\\T215Y, V179E\\H221Y\\T215Y, V179E\\Y181C\\H221Y\\T215Y, K103N\\Y181C\\T215Y, K103N\\H221Y\\T215Y, K103N\\H221Y\\Y181C\\T215Y, and M41L\\L210W\\T215Y\\K103N\\K238T mutations were introduced into the RT coding region. The ligations harboring the desired mutations were digested with the restriction enzymes *SphI* and *AgeI* (New England BioLabs, Ltd., Beijing, China), and the digested targeted segments were cloned into the pNL4.3-Δ(*SphI*-*AgeI*) vector. These plasmids were subsequently transfected into HEK293T cells using Lipofectamine^®^ 2000 (Life Technologies Co., Carlsbad, CA, USA), according to the manufacturer's instructions. Culture supernatants were harvested 2--3 days after transfection, stored at -80°C, and sequenced to confirm the presence of the desired mutations.
*In vitro* drug susceptibility assay {#sec010}
------------------------------------
For experiments testing RT inhibitors, triple serial dilutions spanning empirically determined ranges for each drug were added to wells of 384-well plates. TZM-bl cells (10,000 cells/well) were infected with recombinant virus at an MOI of 0.02 in plates containing pre-plated antiretroviral drugs. After 48 h, the expression of the luciferase reporter gene was measured using a Bright-Glo Luciferase Assay (Promega Co., Madison, WI, USA).
As the inhibitory effect of PIs cannot be detected in TZM-bl cells after 48 h, the protocol for PI susceptibility assays was based on a modification of the reporter gene assay for determining antiretroviral activity. During the first round of infection, 200 TCID50s of each viral stock were used to infect 13,500 MT-2 cells (MOI, 0.01) in diaphanous 384-well plates containing 3-fold serial dilutions of each tested PI. After 72 h in culture, 20 μL of supernatant containing *de novo* produced viral particles was transferred to new TZM-bl cultures (12,000 cells/well) in black 384-well plates. HIV-1 infection in this second round was monitored by measuring β-galactosidase expression in infected target cells 24 h after infection.
*In vitro* cellular toxicity assay {#sec011}
----------------------------------
The potential cellular toxicities of drugs in MT-2 cells were determined by measuring cellular ATP levels in the presence of various concentrations of these compounds. MT-2 cells (13,500 cells/well) were cultured with each compound at 37°C and 5% CO~2~. After 72 h, CellTiter-Glo reagent (Promega Co., Madison, WI, USA) was added to each well, and chemiluminescence was measured. The maximum nontoxic concentration was defined as the concentration of inhibitor that had no effect on cellular ATP levels.
Analysis of dose-response curves {#sec012}
--------------------------------
Percent inhibition was calculated as \[1 − (virus production in the presence of drug / virus production in the absence of drug)\] × 100. The IC50 and slope of the inhibition curve of each inhibitor were determined by fitting the inhibition curves to the data using nonlinear regression analysis to generate a four parameter sigmoid dose-response equation (GraphPad Prism, version 6.02). This step was performed in triplicate for duplicate plates of each concentration of antiretroviral drug. The mean IC50 and slope were calculated using all of the replicates for each virus and were expressed as mean ± standard deviation. The slope parameter is analogous to the Hill coefficient, which determines the degree of cooperativeness of the ligand binding to the enzyme or receptor \[[@pone.0149467.ref021]\]. A coefficient of 1 indicates that the affinity of the enzyme for a ligand is independent on whether or not other ligands are already present on the same enzyme. When the coefficient applies to the binding of anti-HIV drugs to the relevant HIV-1 enzymes, a coefficient of 1 indicates that there is only a single drug target mediating a step in the life cycle \[[@pone.0149467.ref022]\].
IIP, which incorporates IC50, slope, and drug concentration, was used to better evaluate the antiviral activity of drugs \[[@pone.0149467.ref011]\]. IIP was calculated using the equation: *IIP = log \[1 + (D / IC50)* ^*m*^*\]* (1), where D is the drug concentration and m is the slope of the dose-response curve. The results were expressed as fold changes in IC50 and fractional changes in slope and IIP. The fold change in IC50 reflected the IC50 of a particular drug to a mutant virus relative to the IC50 of the same drug to a wild-type reference virus (HIV~NL4-3~). The fractional change in slope was computed as: *1 − (m*~*mutant*~ */ m*~*NL4-3*~*)* (2); and the fractional change in IIP was computed as: *1 − (IIP*~*mutant*~ */ IIP*~*NL4-3*~*)* (3).
Statistical analyses {#sec013}
--------------------
The mean and standard deviations for IC50, slope, and IIP were calculated using Microsoft Office Excel 2013 software. Pearson's correlation coefficient was used to determine correlations between parameters. All statistical analyses were performed using SPSS version 16.0 software, and *p*-values less than 0.05 were considered statistically significant.
Results {#sec014}
=======
Analysis of dose-response curves {#sec015}
--------------------------------
Drug susceptibility was assayed based on the MT-2/TZM-bl cells assay system. [Fig 1](#pone.0149467.g001){ref-type="fig"} shows the IC50 and slope of various approved drugs for wild-type HIV~NL4-3~. Depending on drug class, there were intrinsic differences in the dose-response curves, both in their location (IC50) and shape (slope). The degree of IC50 varied widely, and the slope values for NNRTIs and PIs, except for NFV, were above 1, although those for most NRTIs were less than 1.
{#pone.0149467.g001}
Effect of RT inhibitor associated mutations on IC50 and slope {#sec016}
-------------------------------------------------------------
Utilizing site-directed mutagenesis, we constructed viruses bearing common mutations that confer drug resistance. [Fig 2A and 2B](#pone.0149467.g002){ref-type="fig"} show fold changes in IC50 and fractional changes in slope, respectively, for mutants relative to the wild-type virus. All of these mutations resulted in large increases in the IC50s for NRTIs, without affecting the slope of the curves ([Fig 3A](#pone.0149467.g003){ref-type="fig"}). Furthermore, similar results were also observed in the curves of some NNRTIs. For example, the inhibition curve of the K103N\\H221Y\\T215Y mutation was shifted toward a higher drug concentration for EFV (12.09-fold), with no alterations in shape. However, the K103N\\H221Y\\Y181C\\T215Y mutation led to an intermediate shift in IC50 but a marked reduction in slope ([Fig 3B](#pone.0149467.g003){ref-type="fig"}). Although the virus harboring the K101Q\\H221Y mutation was found to be hyper-susceptible to EFV, the slope of the curve was significantly decreased. This effect of resistance would not be found in assays based solely on fold changes in IC50.
{#pone.0149467.g002}
{#pone.0149467.g003}
Effect of PI associated mutations on IC50 and slope {#sec017}
---------------------------------------------------
The effect of resistance mutations on IC50 and slope was more evident for PIs than for NRTIs and NNRTIs **(**[Table 1](#pone.0149467.t001){ref-type="table"}, [S1](#pone.0149467.s001){ref-type="supplementary-material"} and [S2](#pone.0149467.s002){ref-type="supplementary-material"} Tables). As shown in [Fig 3C](#pone.0149467.g003){ref-type="fig"}, the triple-mutant G48V\\I54V\\V82A affected both IC50 and slope for this agent, whereas M46I\\N88S reduced the IC50 but not the slope. G48V\\I54V\\V82A mutations increased the IC50 and reduced the slope for RTV, leading to a marked decrease in RTV susceptibility at concentrations above the IC50. The V82A mutation, however, had no effect on RTV antiviral activity, and the G48V\\I54V mutation reduced the slope but not the IC50. Interestingly, addition of V82A to G48V\\I54V increased IC50 68.1-fold, greater than the sum of the effects of each in the presence of NFV. These findings suggested that the interaction between V82A and G48V\\I54V was synergistic. Furthermore, [Fig 3D](#pone.0149467.g003){ref-type="fig"} showed that the G48V\\I54V mutation increased the IC50 without affecting slope of dose-response curve for SQV. While the mutation V82A had no effect on IC50, but reduced the slope of the dose-response curve for this agent.
10.1371/journal.pone.0149467.t001
###### Fold changes in IC50 and fractional changes in the slopes of the inhibition curves of various drugs for the selected protease inhibitors resistance mutations.
{#pone.0149467.t001g}
Mutations IDV NFV RTV SQV
-------------------------------------------- ----------- ------------ ------------ ------------ ------------ ----------- ------------ ------------
M46I 1.12±0.06 -0.37±0.08 2.15±0.37 -0.72±0.06 1.05±0.32 0.38±0.15 0.16±0.03 -0.13±0.04
I54V 0.95±0.01 -0.11±0.13 0.97±0.01 0.18±0.08 0.33±0.12 0.71±0.11 0.10±0.03 0.44±0.08
V82A 1.09±0.17 -0.27±0.10 1.59±0.33 0.06±0.12 2.58±1.30 0.04±0.01 0.48±0.23 0.59±0.05
M46I\\N88S 5.75±0.73 -0.22±0.05 16.54±9.03 0.29±0.02 2.11±0.26 0.11±0.02 0.37±0.04 0.34±0.18
G48V\\I54V 2.20±0.71 0.49±0.02 51.78±6.00 -0.36±0.10 1.66±0.05 0.59±0.11 10.87±0.67 0.37±0.01
M46I\\V82T\\I84V 0.70±0.06 0.63±0.15 5.42±2.11 0.13±0.06 7.56±2.44 0.53±0.15 0.25±0.01 0.56±0.05
G48V\\I54V\\V82A 4.12±1.90 0.62±0.07 68.14±1.45 0.28±0.14 12.72±1.86 0.56±0.01 8.07±2.54 0.40±0.07
WT [^\#^](#t001fn002){ref-type="table-fn"} 1.00 0.00 1.00 0.00 1.00 0.00 1.00 0.00
\* Values are expressed as means ± standard deviations of three independent experiments.
^\#^ WT indicates the wild-type HIV ~NL4-3~, as a control.
Parameters for assessing approved and novel drugs {#sec018}
-------------------------------------------------
IIP was calculated using equation (1), which included the IC50, slope and concentration of antiviral drugs. To simulate the real activity *in vivo*, peak plasma concentrations of the drugs were used for the calculations, with the results shown as IIP at C~max~. [Fig 4A and 4B](#pone.0149467.g004){ref-type="fig"} show the IIP~max~ values of the approved drugs against various viruses. The values for NNRTIs and PIs were greater than those for NRTIs. Due to the lack of clinical data, we could not calculate the IIP~max~ values for novel drugs. In our pre-clinical evaluation, the maximum nontoxic concentration of each drug was represented as D, and the values were shown as IIP~atoxic~. Both the toxicity and activity of an inhibitor were taken into consideration. [Fig 4C and 4D](#pone.0149467.g004){ref-type="fig"} show the IIP~atoxic~ values of the approved drugs and a novel, pre-clinical agent against various viruses. Similar to findings for IIP~max~, the IIP~atoxic~ values of NNRTIs and PIs exceeded those of NRTIs. Specially, the novel PI DG35 exhibited satisfactory activity against both wild-type and drug resistant viruses.
{#pone.0149467.g004}
The relationship between fold changes in IC50 and fractional changes in IIP {#sec019}
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
A lack of correlation was observed between fold changes in IC50 and fractional changes in IIP~max~ for EFV and PIs (*p* \> 0.05 each). Using fractional change in IIP~max~ accounted for the effects of change in slope. Furthermore, fold changes in IC50 did not correlate with fractional changes in IIP~atoxic~ for any of the drugs tested (*p* \> 0.05 each), suggesting that IIP~atoxic~ can reflect the effects of change in slope. There were strong correlations (r \> 0.95 each) between fractional changes in IIP~max~ and those in IIP~atoxic~ (*p* \< 0.001 each) for all drugs tested.
Discussion {#sec020}
==========
A problem with using IC50 as an indicator of antiviral activity is that it obscures differences in antiviral activity at higher drug concentrations. The slope of the dose-response curve, however, provides a better indication of antiviral activity at high drug concentrations. Slopes can distinguish antiretroviral drugs from different classes with the same IC50 and are intrinsically drug class-specific \[[@pone.0149467.ref011]--[@pone.0149467.ref015]\]. Thus, slope is an important determinant of antiviral activity. This study showed that the IC50 values varied widely, and that the slopes of most NNRTIs and PIs were higher than those of most NRTIs, in agreement with previous studies \[[@pone.0149467.ref011]--[@pone.0149467.ref015]\]. This is likely to explain the satisfactory clinical utility of these two classes of antiretroviral drugs, with the most effective combination regimens including an NNRTI or a PI \[[@pone.0149467.ref023]\]. Currently, the PI monotherapy has been proposed and been undergoing evaluation \[[@pone.0149467.ref024]\]. The higher slope of PIs may be attributed to the cooperative binding of multiple ligands to a multivalent receptor \[[@pone.0149467.ref022]\].
Many studies have reported that longer cumulative exposure to HAART correlates with higher rates of HIV resistance in China \[[@pone.0149467.ref025]--[@pone.0149467.ref027]\]. The wide coverage of HAART has led to complex mutation patterns becoming a serious problem. Currently, HIV-1 mutation complexes have been the most frequent patterns in treating HIV-infected individuals. To illustrate the effect of anti-HIV-1 drug resistance mutations on IC50 and slope, we assessed the activity of 10 widely used drugs against 22 common HIV-1 resistance mutation complexes in China. All of the RT mutations we tested increased the IC50 for NRTIs but had relatively little effect on slope. By contrast, three of the seven PR mutations tested reduced the slope but increased the IC50 of PIs. Specially, our study also showed that there were mutations that affected the slope alone. For example, the findings indicated that the mutation V82A was not a primary mutation for SQV based on the parameter IC50. However, V82A reduced the slope of the dose-response curve, such that SQV activity was markedly reduced at concentrations above the IC50, an effect due to its molecular mechanism \[[@pone.0149467.ref028]--[@pone.0149467.ref030]\]. Under these conditions, the traditional single-parameter (IC50) may underestimate the degree of resistance, leading to unsatisfactory outcomes in patients.
Taken together, our results revealed that resistance cannot be accurately assessed by IC50 alone, and that the effect of slope can be applied to more complex patterns of resistance. Furthermore, depending on drug class, there were intrinsic differences in the method by which resistance mutations affect drug parameters. The effects of mutants on slope were the most apparent when assessing the effects of mutants on PIs. The differences in the effects of the mutations on the parameters may be a consequence of the different mechanisms of drug inhibition. Mutations may lower enzyme efficiency, which affects the number of PR molecules needed to complete maturation. The exact mechanisms underlying the intrinsic differences in drug resistance are not yet fully understood and need further investigation.
For licensed drugs, the activity mainly depends on the intrinsic pharmacodynamic properties (IC50 and slope) and the pharmacokinetic properties of each drug *in vivo* (the value of D over time) \[[@pone.0149467.ref013]\]. IIP~max~, a parameter that takes into account the pharmacodynamic and pharmacokinetic properties of an individual drug, may be superior to traditional measures. D values *in vivo*, however, have not yet been determined for some candidate drugs, making their IIP~max~ unknown. The United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) had recommended conducting systematic resistance studies for promising inhibitors before entering clinical trials. In the present study, we proposed a concept of IIP~atoxic~, with D defined as the maximum nontoxic concentration of a drug based on its chemical structure. Thus, it is reasonable to calculate IIP~atoxic~ on the basis of IC50, slope and the maximum limiting concentrations of promising pre-clinical inhibitors. Like fractional changes in IIP~max~ having no relation with fold changes in IC50, we also observed a poor correlation between fractional changes in IIP~atoxic~ and fold changes in IC50, suggesting that IIP~atoxic~ can account for the effects of changes in slope. Furthermore, strong correlations between fractional changes in IIP~max~ and those in IIP~atoxic~ for all drugs tested were observed (r \> 0.95, *p* \< 0.001 each). Similar to their IIP~max~ values, the IIP~atoxic~ values of approved NNRTIs and PIs exceeded those of approved NRTIs. Using IIP~atoxic~ values, we found that the novel PI (DG35) showed satisfactory performance against both wild-type and mutant viruses. The ability to calculate IIP~atoxic~ in the absence of plasma concentration suggests its potential use in screening for high-activity inhibitors from a large pool of potential candidates.
Conclusions {#sec021}
===========
This study confirmed that resistance mutations cannot be accurately assessed by IC50 alone, because it tends to underestimate the degree of resistance. The slope parameter is of very importance in the measurement of drug resistance and the effect can be applied to more complex patterns of resistance. This was the most apparent when testing the effects of mutants on PI activity. We also added a new parameter, IIP~atoxic~, to IIP indices for novel, pre-clinical drugs. The new parameter incorporates both the IC50 and the slope, thereby enabling predict the efficacy of pre-clinical drugs for which human pharmacokinetic is not available.
Supporting Information {#sec022}
======================
###### Fold changes in IC50 of various drugs for the protease inhibitors resistance mutations.
(XLSX)
######
Click here for additional data file.
###### Fractional changes in the slopes of the inhibition curves of various drugs for the protease inhibitors resistance mutations.
(XLSX)
######
Click here for additional data file.
We thank Dr. Lu for providing the cells and virus, and we thank Xi'an Hesi Scientific and Technology Ltd for providing the DG35.
[^1]: **Competing Interests:**The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
[^2]: Conceived and designed the experiments: SC HS JL WZ. Performed the experiments: SC DZ WG LL. Analyzed the data: SC JL. Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: SL HL YL ZB JH. Wrote the paper: SC JL HS.
| tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Central |
The reduction corporoplasty: the answer to the improbable urologic question "can you make my penis smaller?".
Aneurysmal dilatation of the corpora cavernosa can occur because of recurrent priapism in the setting of sickle cell disease. We present the first case of a successful implementation of the reduction corporoplasty technique for treatment of a phallus that was "too large for intercourse." We describe the presentation of a 17-year-old male with a history of sickle cell disease with a phallus "too large for intercourse." Patient reported normal erectile function and response with masturbation but also reported inability to penetrate his partner due to the enlarged and disfigured morphology. He had three priapismic episodes since the age of 10 that progressively led to an aneurysmal morphologic deformity of his phallus. Evaluation included a magnetic resonance imaging, which revealed true aneurysmal dilatation of bilateral corpora cavernosa in the middle and distal portions, and diffusely hyperplastic tunica. The main outcome measure is the successful management of phallic disfiguration. Reduction corporoplasty was performed, and the patient reported intact erectile function without aneurysmal recurrence. Patients with significant corporal aneurysmal defects secondary to recurrent priapism can be successfully managed with reduction corporoplasty. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Abstracts |
Inhibitory effect of the anthelmintic drug pyrvinium pamoate on T315I BCR‑ABL‑positive CML cells.
Chronic myeloid leukemia (CML) is a clonal myeloproliferative disorder characterized by a chromosome translocation that generates the BCR‑ABL oncogene, which encodes a constitutively activated tyrosine kinase. Despite progress in controlling CML at the chronic phase by first and second generations of BCR‑ABL tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs), effective drugs with good safety are not available for CML patients harboring T315I BCR‑ABL and those in advanced stages of CML. Therefore, there is an urgent requirement for the development of effective therapies against T315I BCR‑ABL. In the present study, it was demonstrated that pyrvinium pamoate, an anthelmintic drug approved by the Food and Drug Administration had potent inhibitory effects on growth and survival in CML cells with T315I BCR‑ABL. In addition, this agent was equally effective in inhibiting the Wnt/β‑catenin signaling in wild‑type and T315I BCR‑ABL CML cells. Thus, the clinical efficacy of pyrvinium pamoate in treating patients with CML bearing T315I BCR‑ABL should be further investigated. | tomekkorbak/pile-curse-small | PubMed Abstracts |