To estimate seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in schoolchildren aged 4 to 14 years living in the city of São Paulo, according to clinical, demographic, epidemiological, and social variables, during the school closure period as a measure against covid-19 spread. A serological survey was made in September 2020 with a random sample stratified by school system  type. A venous blood sample was collected using the Wondfo SARS-CoV-2 Antibody Test  for detection of total SARS-CoV-2 virus antibodies. Semi-structured questionnaires were applied to collect clinical, demographic, social, and epidemiological data. Seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in schoolchildren was of 16.6% (95%CI 15.4–17.8). The study found higher seroprevalence in the municipal  and state  public school systems compared to the private school system , among black and brown students  and in the most vulnerable social stratum . Lower seroprevalence was identified in schoolchildren who reported following the recommended protective measures against covid-19. Seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies is found mainly in the most socially vulnerable schoolchildren. This study can contribute to support public policies that reinforce the importance of suspending face-to-face classes and developing strategies aimed at protective measures and monitoring of the serological status of those who have not yet been included in the vaccination schedule. The epidemiology, disease clinical characterization, care, and evolution of covid-19 cases are considered challenges to public health worldwide, therefore areas of study that are in great demand. The disease affected all age groups in different proportions and degrees of clinical manifestations2. Studies show that children have milder symptoms and a more favorable prognosis when compared to other age groups3.The World Health Organization (WHO) has declared covid-19 – a disease caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus – a pandemic in March 20204. In the first months of the pandemic, only 2.1% covid-19 cases were reported in children under 18 years of age, and no deaths were reported in children under 9 years of age. Among the notified cases, approximately 4.4% had the severe form of the disease5 and about 1.0% people were hospitalized or died. Studies have shown up to 14.6% seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in European countries’ children and 75.2% in the United States7. Differences in the distribution, maturation, and functionality of angiotensin-converting enzyme 2 (ACE2) receptors and high levels of lymphocytes in the children’s blood, especially natural killer cells, may be greater when compared to adults8.In this sense, age has been an important factor associated with the disease severity and mortality9. It caused a significant social and economic impact on society at regional, national, and global levels10. In Brazil, actions were implemented in March 2020 towards social distancing, and there was replacement of face-to-face classes with distance learning, voluntary quarantine, and interruption of non-essential services.The suspension of face-to-face classes, with the consequent school closure between 2020 and 2021, was a measure adopted in almost all parts of the world to prevent and contain covid-19 spread11.In May 2020, when there was a gradual school and teaching unit reopening in the city of São Paulo, knowing the seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in children and adolescents was extremely important to making safe decisions about reopening services and teaching units and mitigating the disease transmission12, and, maintaining the epidemiological surveillance actions, the serological survey was made in schoolchildren in September. This study used data from the schoolchildren survey and aimed to estimate the seroprevalence of total SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in schoolchildren aged 4 to 14 years old, residing in the city of São Paulo in 2020, according to clinical, demographic, epidemiological, and social variables.In June 2020, the Municipal Health Secretariat of São Paulo started making the serological survey for SARS-CoV-2 in adultsIt is a serological survey in schoolchildren between 4 and 14 years of age, living in the city of São Paulo.13.São Paulo is the most populous city in Brazil and 2019 had an estimated population of 11.8 million inhabitants, with 1.6 million aged between 4 and 14 years old. The city presents great economic and social disparity, reflecting heterogeneity in education, income, and housing conditions. The human development index (HDI) of the areas covered by the 472 basic health centers ranges from 0.62 (with 147 areas of centers in the HDI range of 0.62 to 0.73) to 0.95 (with 83 areas of centers in the HDI range of 0.83 to 0.95). The city, capital of the state of São Paulo, is divided into six health regions, which also have a wide variation in HDI. The areas of health centers with the lowest HDI values are concentrated in the South, East, and North regions, located at the city extremes, while the highest values are centralized in the Southeast, Center and West regions, areas closer to downtown. Therefore, social inequality in the city follows a concentric pattern, with the most vulnerable population tending towards the outskirts and the wealthiest population towards downtown, in the direction of the West regionSample participants were students registered on the database of public  and private school systems of the Municipal and State Education Secretariats of São Paulo, considering the following inclusion criteria: children aged 4 to 14 years old, living in the city of São Paulo.14 was drawn, stratified according to the school system, each system as a sampling domain .Random samplingFor municipal and state systems, the minimum sample size was planned to obtain 16% prevalence estimates, with a variation coefficient of less than 15%, at a 95% confidence level. For the private system, the sample was calculated to obtain a 9% prevalence estimate, also with a variation coefficient of less than 15% and a 95% confidence level. In this way, a minimum sample size of 900 students was established for each of the public systems, and 1,200 students for the private system. For the student selection, there was compensation for the expected 50% nonresponse rate.Data collection was carried out between September 1 and 16, 2020, at the selected child’s home, since there were no face-to-face classes when the study was conducted. The interview was carried out with the child and a guardian present at the time of the visit, using a semi-structured data collection form, which included questions about socioeconomic, demographic, epidemiological, and disease prevention measures information. The collected data were included in electronic form on the FormSUS/DATASUS platform, version 3.0, by the health center in charge.®   was used, which detects total SARS-CoV-2 antibodies (IgG/IgM) in human whole blood, serum and plasma, with 86.4% sensitivity and 99.6% specificity. In Brazil, the Ministry of Health made the same test available under the name One Step Covid-2019 Test®, through the manufacturer Celer Biotecnologia S/A’s legal representative15.To collect a sample of venous blood (serum), Wondfo SARS-CoV-2 Antibody TestSeroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies weighted by the total collections performed by stratum and the respective 95% confidence intervals (95%CI) was estimated according to the sampling design using statistical packages, namely, R and Stata version 13.Seroprevalence estimates and respective 95%CI were obtained for each sample stratum and according to health region; sex; race/color; guardians’ schooling; social stratification; number of residents in the housing unit; student age group; presence or absence of the following symptoms at the time of the interview: loss of smell, loss of taste, fever, weakness, cough, headache, runny nose, nausea, diarrhea, dyspnea, sore throat, and shortness of breath; measures taken during the pandemic; place where they stayed most of the time – at home or with a family member and/or neighbor; coexistence or non-coexistence with people over 60 years of age in the same housing unit; adoption or non-practice of social distancing; existence or non-existence of a resident in the housing unit who worked outside the home; contact or lack of contact with a suspected or confirmed covid-19 case; use of public transportation, and use of a face mask.Social stratum was classified according to the family income informed by the interviewee. Upper class was defined as that in which income was greater than R$ 8,640.00; middle class was that with income between R$ 2,005.00 and R$ 8,640.00; and lower class was the one in which the income was less than R$ 2,005.00.To compare the frequencies between the categories of each variable, Rao-Scott Chi-Square test was used, considering a 5% significance level.Quantum Geographic Information System (QGIS) software version 3.22 was used to analyze the spatial distribution of the seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2antibodies in schoolchildren in the city of São Paulo.The study was approved by the National Research Ethics Committee (CAAE 36032820.3.0000.0008). Those responsible for the students selected to participate in the study were duly informed about the objectives, risks, benefits, and the right to refuse. The collection of blood samples and the interview were only carried out after the informed consent form was signed by the guardian and the assent term by the student under 18 years of age.The study included 4,198 schoolchildren, aged between 4 and 14 years old, residing in the city of São Paulo, 1,469 from the municipal school system, 1,521 from the state school system, and 1,208 from the private school system.The seroprevalence of total SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was of 16.6% (95%CI 15.4–17.8), with 18.5% (95%CI 16.6–20.6) in the municipal system, 16.2% (95%CI 14.4–18.2) in the state system, and 11.7% (95%CI 10.0–13.7) in the private system. There was a statistical difference between seroprevalence in school systems (p<0.001).According to the city region, seroprevalence estimates were different only for the private system (p = 0.003), with lower seroprevalence in the Southeast region , and higher in the South region  .There was no difference in seroprevalence regarding sex, age group, and total number of residents in the housing unit. Nevertheless, in the private system, the estimates of seroprevalence in the black or brown race/color were significantly higher . In public state and private systems, seroprevalence was higher among students who lived with less educated residents , and among the most vulnerable students (lower class)  .About 30% analyzed students had contact with suspected or confirmed covid-19 cases. Seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was higher among those who reported contact with covid-19 cases, in the municipal public school system , and private school system  .Regarding the practice of social distancing by the students, more than 75% reported practicing it completely and more than 80% declared wearing a face mask regularly. In municipal and state public school systems, seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was higher among those who did not adopt social distancing . In the private school system, seroprevalence was higher among those who used public transportation  and lower among those who did not live with someone who worked outside the home  .During the study period, about 30% students interviewed coexisted with someone over 60 years of age in the same housing unit; in the private system, seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was lower among students who coexisted with older people  .Most students, around 90%, stayed at their own home during school closure. However, in the municipal public school system, seroprevalence was higher among those who stayed with family members or neighbors  .This study estimated seroprevalence of total SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in the city of São Paulo and its association with clinical, socioeconomic, and demographic characteristics, as well as measures against covid-19 in students from private and municipal and state public school systems during school closure. The results obtained showed higher seroprevalence among black and brown students, in the most vulnerable social class (lower class), in the most peripheral city regions, and among those who reported not practicing preventive measures against covid-19.16 seroprevalence in schoolchildren was of 28.0%, with sample collection carried out in November and early December 2020 using the Leccurate SARS-CoV-2 Antibody Rapid Test Kit  in a distal tip sample in the city of Fortaleza. In the household survey carried out in England and Wales, in which a cohort of children was observed weekly through online interviews, seroprevalence ranged from 9.8 % to 13.0% according to age group17. In the systematic review and meta-analysis carried out by Badal et al.3, prevalence of 21% (95%CI 16–25) was found in children aged 2 to 6 years; 25% (95%CI 18–32) from 6 to 10 years; 23% (95%CI 17–25) in children aged 11 to 14 years; and 15% (CI95 8–24) in those aged 8 years and over. In the health survey carried out in 2020 in the United States, seroprevalence in children and adolescents under 19 years of age was of 8.5% (95%CI 6.9–10.3), with the highest prevalence in white people  and in children younger than 5 years , using the Ortho Clinical test, which detects total antibodies18. A seroprevalence study carried out in Zurich, Switzerland, using the SenASTrIS test, with participation of 2,484 students from 55 educational institutions, found seroprevalence of 2.8% (95%CI 1.5–4.1)19. In China, one estimated seroprevalence of 6.2% in children under 14 years of age and 8.6% in people aged between 15 and 64 years. The increase in seroprevalence according to age group was similar to that found in surveys carried out in England, Italy, Japan, Singapore, Canada, the United States, and South Korea2.Seroprevalence found in this study was of 16.6% (95%CI 15.4–17.8), while in the study by Pinto Junior et al.Nonetheless, the comparison between the results of different studies should be done with caution, since seroprevalence depends both on the moment of the pandemic evolution in which the research was developed and on the laboratory test used.20. In Brazil, the serological survey in adults carried out by the same research team of this study in the city of São Paulo12 and the study by Barros et al.21 showed this disparity as well.The highest seroprevalence in the black or brown people and in the most vulnerable social class was similar to that found in several studies22and Martins-Filho et al.23, covid-19 was associated with issues of socioeconomic vulnerability rather than with population demographic characteristics. Disparities in health determinants, in the access to and quality of health services, and in sanitary and housing conditions increase the risk of diseases that can affect the population health.Supporting the studies by Rocha et al.16.Among those who tested positive for total SARS-CoV-2 antibodies and who had symptoms, the most reported clinical signs were runny nose, cough, sore throat, headache, and fever, which is in line with reports from other studies24 and China8. Contact tracing using serological tests to detect individuals infected by the virus and assessing the disease prevalence in the community are essential for understanding the disease epidemiological situation in all age groups25.Seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was also associated with contact with a suspected or confirmed covid-19 case, data consistent with studies carried out in Mexico26.Studies show that social distancing and adoption of protective measures against covid-19 reduce contact between people and the possibility of contracting the disease by shortening the virus transmission chain27. In this study, the proportion of students who coexisted with older people in the same housing unit represented almost 30% cases.With school closure, it was necessary for children to stay at home, often under the care of an adult, causing an increase in parental absenteeism at work, or stay with grandparents, which can increase the risk in this group28. This study maintained good accuracy in estimating seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in schoolchildren, with a sample error of around 3%. The sample size actually collected was greater than the minimum sample size calculated. Another limitation is that the Wondfo SARS-CoV-2 Antibody Test®  which detects total SARS-CoV-2 antibodies (IgG/IgM) used for venous blood sample collection does not allow determining whether the infection is current. In addition, serological tests can generate false negative results in recent infections29.The interpretation of study findings should consider some limitations. Difficulties in sample collection and interviews with students were expected and then tried to be compensated by a 50% increase in the sample size in order to obtain the fixed precision. The main reasons for nonresponse were: impossibility of identifying the address or household selected on the database; those responsible for the student refused to meet the research team or the student refused to participate in the study; difficulty for the research team to obtain permission to enter condominiums, and absence of the selected student or person responsible for the child in the household. Other studies of the same nature have pointed out that failures in the databases and in the use of location instruments, fear of meeting the team, and difficulty in collecting samples from children can be impediments to carrying out field research30.The study on seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in children should be monitored even in places of low transmission in order to recommend protective measures against the virus. The disease transmission depends on the moment in which the studies are carried out, and, therefore, festive dates, school holidays, and the reduction of restriction measures should be consideredConsidering the high virus transmission capacity and the importance of the school for the children’s educational, social, mental, and physical development and the reduction of social, economic, and cultural inequalities in the population, non-pharmacological prevention measures and monitoring of the serological students’ status are essential for a proper return to face-to-face classes, since there is a greater difficulty in following rules and hygiene in these age groups, especially regarding the population in greater social vulnerability and that have not yet been included in the vaccination schedule. 1. Considerados desafios para a saúde pública no mundo, a epidemiologia, a caracterização clínica da doença, o cuidado e a evolução dos casos de covid-19 têm sido áreas de estudo bastante demandadas. A doença afetou todas as faixas etárias em diferentes proporções e graus de manifestações clínicas2. Estudos mostram que as crianças apresentam sintomas mais leves e prognóstico mais favorável quando comparadas às demais faixas etárias3.A Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS) declarou que a covid-19, doença causada pelo vírus SARS-CoV-2, assumiu caráter pandêmico em março de 20204. Nos primeiros meses da pandemia apenas 2,1% dos casos de covid-19 foram notificados em menores de 18 anos e não foram reportados óbitos em menores de 9 anos. Dentre os que foram notificados, cerca de 4,4% apresentaram a forma grave da doença5 e aproximadamente 1,0% foi hospitalizado ou a óbito. Estudos mostraram soroprevalência de anticorpos do SARS-CoV-2 em crianças de até 14,6% em países da Europa e 75,2% nos Estados Unidos7. Diferenças na distribuição, maturação e funcionalidade dos receptores da enzima conversora de angiotensina 2 (ECA2) e nível elevado de linfócitos no sangue das crianças, principalmente das células natural killer, podem estar presentes em nível superior quando comparados aos adultos8.A idade tem sido um importante fator associado à gravidade e à mortalidade da doença9. Ela causou significativo impacto social e econômico na sociedade em todos os seus níveis: regional, nacional e global10. No Brasil, em março de 2020, foram implementadas ações para o distanciamento social, com substituição de aulas presenciais por remotas, quarentena voluntária e fechamento de serviços não essenciais.A suspensão das aulas presenciais, com o consequente fechamento das escolas entre os anos de 2020 e 2021, foi uma medida adotada em quase todas as partes do mundo para prevenir e conter a disseminação da covid-1911.Em maio de 2020, quando houve a reabertura gradativa das escolas e unidades de ensino no município de São Paulo, o conhecimento da soroprevalência de anticorpos do vírus SARS-CoV-2 em crianças e adolescentes foi de extrema importância para a tomada de decisões seguras sobre a reabertura de serviços e unidades de ensino e mitigação da transmissão dessa doença12 e em continuidade às ações de vigilância epidemiológica, em setembro, foi realizado o inquérito sorológico em escolares. Este estudo utilizou dados do inquérito em escolares e teve como objetivo estimar a soroprevalência de anticorpos totais do vírus SARS-CoV-2 em escolares de quatro a 14 anos de idade, residentes no município de São Paulo, em 2020, segundo variáveis clínicas, demográficas, epidemiológicas e sociais.Em junho de 2020, a Secretaria Municipal da Saúde de São Paulo iniciou a realização do inquérito sorológico para SARS-CoV-2 em adultosTrata-se de um inquérito sorológico em escolares de quatro a 14 anos de idade, residentes no município de São Paulo.13.São Paulo é a cidade mais populosa do Brasil e tem uma população estimada, em 2019, de 11,8 milhões de habitantes, sendo 1,6 milhão com idade entre quatro e 14 anos. O município apresenta grande disparidade econômica e social, refletindo heterogeneidade nas condições de educação, renda e habitação. O índice de desenvolvimento humano (IDH) das áreas de abrangência das 472 unidades básicas de saúde varia de 0,62  a 0,95 . O município, capital do estado de São Paulo, está dividido em seis regiões de saúde, as quais também têm grande variação do IDH. As áreas de unidades de saúde com os menores valores de IDH se concentram nas regiões Sul, Leste e Norte, localizadas nos extremos do município, enquanto os maiores valores estão centralizados nas regiões Sudeste, Centro e Oeste, áreas mais próximas ao centro do município. Portanto, a desigualdade social na cidade segue um padrão concêntrico, com a população mais vulnerável tendendo às periferias e a população mais abastada ao centro, em direção à região OesteOs participantes que compuseram a amostra foram escolares cadastrados no banco de dados das redes públicas  e privada das Secretarias Municipal e Estadual de Educação de São Paulo, considerando os seguintes critérios de inclusão: crianças com quatro a 14 anos de idade residentes no município de São Paulo.14, estratificada segundo rede de ensino, sendo cada rede escolar um domínio amostral .Foi realizada uma amostragem aleatóriaPara as redes municipal e estadual, o tamanho mínimo da amostra foi planejado para se obter estimativas de prevalência de 16%, com coeficiente de variação inferior a 15%, ao nível de confiança de 95%. Para a rede privada, a amostra foi calculada para se obter estimativa de prevalência de 9%, também com coeficiente de variação inferior a 15% e ao nível de confiança de 95%. Dessa forma, chegou-se ao tamanho amostral mínimo de 900 escolares para cada uma das redes públicas e de 1.200 escolares para a rede privada. Para o sorteio dos escolares, houve uma compensação para a taxa de não resposta esperada de 50%.Realizou-se a coleta de dados entre os dias 1 e 16 de setembro de 2020 no domicílio da criança sorteada, uma vez que as aulas presenciais estavam suspensas no período de realização do estudo. A entrevista foi feita com a criança e um responsável presente no momento da visita, por meio de um formulário de coleta de dados semiestruturado, que compreendia questões sobre informações socioeconômicas, demográficas, epidemiológicas e de medidas de prevenção da doença. Os dados coletados foram incluídos em formulário eletrônico padronizado na plataforma FormSUS/DATASUS, versão 3.0, pela unidade de saúde responsável.®, da fabricante Guangzhou Wondfo Biotech Co., Ltd., com sensibilidade de 86,4% e especificidade de 99,6%. No Brasil, o Ministério da Saúde disponibilizou o mesmo teste com o nome One Step Covid-2019 Test®, por meio da empresa representante legal da fabricante Celer Biotecnologia S/A15.No estudo, para coleta de amostra de sangue venoso (soro), foi utilizado o teste de imunoensaio de fluxo lateral que detecta anticorpos totais (IgG/IgM) contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 no sangue total, soro e plasma humanos, SARS-CoV-2 Antibody testAs soroprevalências de anticorpos do vírus SARS-CoV-2 ponderadas pelo total de coletas realizadas por estrato e os respectivos intervalos de 95% de confiança (IC95%) foram estimados de acordo com o desenho amostral usando os pacotes estatísticos R e Stata versão 13.As estimativas de soroprevalência e respectivos IC95% foram obtidos para cada estrato amostral e segundo região de saúde, sexo, raça/cor, escolaridade dos responsáveis, estrato social, número de moradores no domicílio, faixa etária dos escolares, presença ou ausência dos seguintes sintomas no momento da entrevista: perda de olfato, perda de paladar, febre, fraqueza, tosse, cefaleia, coriza, náusea, diarreia, dispneia, dor de garganta, falta de ar; medidas tomadas durante a pandemia, local onde permaneceu a maior do tempo, se em casa ou na casa de familiar e/ou vizinho, se permaneceu na mesma residência com pessoas acima de 60 anos, se praticou distanciamento social, se na residência havia morador que trabalhava fora de casa, se teve contato com caso suspeito ou confirmado de covid-19, se usou transporte coletivo e máscara.O estrato social foi classificado de acordo com a renda familiar informada pelo entrevistado. Foi considerado estrato alto aquele em que a renda era maior que R$ 8.640,00; estrato médio aquele em que a renda era entre R$ 2.005,00 e R$ 8.640,00; e estrato baixo aquele em que a renda era menor que R$ 2.005,00.Para a comparação das frequências entre as categorias de cada variável, utilizou-se o teste qui-quadrado com correção de Rao Scott, considerando um nível de significância de 5%.Quantum Geographic Information System (QGIS) versão 3.22.Para a análise da distribuição espacial da soroprevalência de anticorpos do vírus SARS-CoV-2 em escolares no município de São Paulo, foi utilizado o software O estudo foi aprovado pela Comissão Nacional de Ética em Pesquisa (CAAE 36032820.3.0000.0008). Os responsáveis pelos escolares selecionados para pesquisa foram devidamente informados sobre os objetivos do estudo, os riscos, os benefícios e o direito à recusa. A coleta de amostra de sangue e a entrevista somente foram realizadas após assinatura do termo de consentimento livre e esclarecido pelo responsável e do termo de assentimento pelo escolar menor de 18 anos de idade.Participaram do estudo 4.198 escolares, com idade entre quatro e 14 anos, residentes no município de São Paulo, sendo 1.469 da rede municipal, 1.521 da rede estadual e 1.208 da rede privada.A soroprevalência de anticorpos totais contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 foi de 16,6% , sendo de 18,5%  na rede municipal, 16,2%  na rede estadual e 11,7%  na rede privada. Houve diferença estatística entre as soroprevalências nos estratos educacionais .Segundo a região do município, as estimativas de soroprevalências foram diferentes apenas para a rede privada , com menor soroprevalência na região Sudeste  e maior na região Sul  .A Não houve diferença entre as soroprevalências em relação a sexo, faixa etária e total de moradores no domicílio. No entanto, na rede privada, as estimativas de soroprevalências na raça/cor referida preta ou parda foram significativamente maiores . Nas redes pública estadual e privada, a soroprevalência foi maior entre os escolares que conviviam com moradores menos instruídos  e do estrato social mais vulnerável  .A Cerca de 30% dos escolares estudados tiveram contato com casos suspeitos ou confirmados de covid-19. A soroprevalência de anticorpos contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 foi maior entre aqueles que referiram contato com casos de covid-19, na rede pública municipal  e privada  .Sobre a prática de distanciamento social pelos escolares participantes do estudo, mais de 75% referiram praticar totalmente e mais de 80% adotaram o uso de máscara sempre. Nas redes municipal e estadual, a soroprevalência de anticorpos do vírus SARS-CoV-2 foi maior entre aqueles que não praticaram o distanciamento social . Na rede privada, a soroprevalência foi maior entre aqueles que utilizaram transporte público coletivo  e menor entre aqueles que não moravam com alguém que trabalhasse fora de casa  .Durante o período do estudo, cerca de 30% dos escolares entrevistados permaneceram com pessoa maior de 60 anos no mesmo domicílio, sendo que, na rede privada, a soroprevalência de anticorpos contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 foi menor entre os escolares que viviam com pessoas idosas  .A maioria dos escolares, cerca de 90%, permaneceu no próprio domicílio durante o período de fechamento das escolas. No entanto, na rede pública municipal, a soroprevalência foi mais elevada entre aqueles que ficaram na casa de familiares ou de vizinhos  .Este estudo estimou a soroprevalência de anticorpos totais contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 no município de São Paulo e sua associação com características clínicas, socioeconômicas, demográficas e medidas adotadas para a prevenção da covid-19 em escolares da rede privada e das redes públicas, municipal e estadual, durante o período de fechamento das escolas. Os resultados obtidos mostraram maiores soroprevalências na raça/cor preta e parda, no estrato social mais vulnerável, nas regiões mais periféricas do município e entre aqueles que referiram não praticar medidas de prevenção contra a covid-19.16 a soroprevalência em escolares foi de 28,0%, com coleta de amostras realizadas em novembro e início de dezembro de 2020 utilizando o teste de anticorpos imunocromatográfico Leccurate SARS-CoV-2 em amostra de ponta distal no município de Fortaleza. No inquérito domiciliar realizado na Inglaterra e no País de Gales, em que uma coorte de crianças foi observada semanalmente por meio de entrevistas on-line, a soroprevalência variou de 9,8 a 13,0% conforme a faixa etária17. Na revisão sistemática e metanálise realizada por Badal et al.3 foram encontradas prevalências de 21% (IC95% 16–25) em crianças de 2 a 6 anos; 25% (IC95% 18–32) de 6 a 10 anos; 23% (IC95% 17–25) em 11 a 14 anos; e 15% (IC95 8–24) com 8 anos ou mais. No inquérito de saúde realizado em 2020, nos Estados Unidos, a soroprevalência em crianças e adolescentes menores de 19 anos foi de 8,5% , sendo as maiores prevalências na raça/cor branca  e em menores de 5 anos , utilizando o teste Ortho Clinical, que detecta anticorpos totais18. No estudo de soroprevalência realizado em Zurich, na Suíça, utilizando o teste SenASTrIS, em que participaram 2.484 alunos de 55 instituições escolares, a soroprevalência encontrada foi de 2,8% 19. Na China, estimou-se soroprevalência de 6,2% em menores de 14 anos e 8,6% em pessoas com idade entre 15 e 64 anos. O aumento da soroprevalência conforme a faixa etária foi similar ao encontrado em inquéritos realizados na Inglaterra, na Itália, no Japão, em Singapura, no Canadá, nos Estados Unidos e na Coreia do Sul2.A soroprevalência encontrada neste estudo foi de 16,6% , ao passo que no estudo de Pinto Junior et al.No entanto, a comparação entre os resultados de diferentes estudos deve ser feita com cautela, uma vez que a soroprevalência depende do momento da evolução da pandemia em que as pesquisas foram desenvolvidas e do teste laboratorial utilizado.20. No Brasil, o inquérito sorológico em adultos realizado pela mesma equipe de pesquisa deste estudo no município de São Paulo12 e o estudo de Barros et al.21também evidenciaram essa disparidade.A maior soroprevalência na raça/cor preta ou parda e nos estratos sociais mais vulneráveis foi similar à encontrada em diversos estudos22 e Martins-Filho et al.23, a covid-19 foi associada a questões de vulnerabilidade socioeconômica em vez de características demográficas da população. Disparidades nos determinantes de saúde, no acesso e na qualidade dos serviços de saúde e nas condições sanitárias e de moradia aumentam o risco de doenças que podem afetar a saúde da população.Corroborando os estudos de Rocha et al.16.Entre aqueles que testaram positivo para a presença de anticorpos totais contra o SARS-CoV-2 e que apresentaram sintomas, os sinais clínicos mais relatados foram coriza, tosse, dor de garganta, cefaleia e febre, corroborando os relatos de outros estudos24 e na China8. O rastreamento de contatos com o uso de testes sorológicos para detecção de indivíduos infectados pelo vírus e a avaliação da prevalência da doença na comunidade são essenciais para o conhecimento da situação epidemiológica da doença em todas as faixas etárias25.A soroprevalência de anticorpos contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 foi associada também ao contato com caso suspeito ou confirmado de covid-19, dado consistente com os estudos realizados no México26.Estudos mostram que o distanciamento social e o uso de medidas de proteção contra a covid-19 reduzem o contato entre as pessoas e a possibilidade de contrair a doença ao diminuir a cadeia de transmissão do vírus27. Neste estudo, a proporção de escolares que permaneceram no mesmo domicílio com idosos representou quase 30,0% dos casos.Com o fechamento das escolas, foi necessária a permanência das crianças no domicílio, muitas vezes sob o cuidado de um adulto, causando aumento do absenteísmo dos pais no trabalho ou a permanência com os avós, o que pode causar aumento do risco nesse grupo28. Este estudo manteve boa precisão das estimativas de soroprevalência de anticorpos contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 em escolares, com erro amostral da ordem de 3%. O tamanho da amostra efetivamente coletada foi superior ao tamanho mínimo da amostra calculada. Outra limitação é que o teste laboratorial de imunoensaio de fluxo lateral que detecta anticorpos totais IgG e IgM contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 utilizado para coleta de amostra de sangue venoso no estudo não permite determinar se a infecção é atual. Além disso, testes sorológicos podem gerar resultados falsos negativos em infecções recentes29.A interpretação dos achados deste estudo deve considerar algumas limitações. Dificuldades na coleta das amostras e nas entrevistas com os escolares já eram esperadas e tentaram ser compensadas no desenho amostral, aumentando-se em 50% o tamanho da amostra para se obter a precisão fixada. Os principais motivos de não resposta foram: impossibilidade de identificação do endereço ou do domicílio sorteado na base de dados, recusa dos responsáveis pelo escolar em atender a equipe de pesquisa ou do próprio escolar em querer participar do estudo, dificuldade para a equipe de pesquisa conseguir a permissão de entrada em condomínios e ausência do escolar sorteado ou do responsável pela criança no domicílio amostrado. Outros estudos da mesma natureza apontaram que falhas nas bases de dados e no uso dos instrumentos de localização, receio no atendimento à equipe e dificuldade na coleta de amostras de crianças podem ser impedimentos para realização da pesquisa de campo30.O estudo da soroprevalência de anticorpos contra o vírus SARS-CoV-2 em crianças deve ser monitorado mesmo em locais de baixa transmissão para recomendação das medidas de proteção contra o vírus. A transmissão da doença depende do momento em que os estudos são realizados, portanto, devem ser consideradas as datas festivas, férias escolares e a diminuição das medidas de restriçãoConsiderando a alta capacidade de transmissão do vírus e a importância da escola para o desenvolvimento educacional, social, mental e físico das crianças e a diminuição das desigualdades sociais, econômicas e culturais da população, medidas de prevenção não farmacológicas e acompanhamento do status sorológico dos escolares são essenciais para o adequado retorno às aulas presenciais, uma vez que há maior dificuldade no seguimento de regras e higiene nessas faixas etárias, principalmente entre as populações socialmente mais vulneráveis que ainda não foram contempladas no calendário vacinal.


O artigo descreve associações e controvérsias entre usos indígenas e ocidentais da ayahuasca, de 1850 a 1950, na relação com o “renascimento psicodélico”. Destaque na ciência desde 2000, esse movimento faz referência a 1960-1970, quando políticas antidrogas suspenderam pesquisas sobre “potenciais terapêuticos” de substâncias psicoativas. Argumenta-se que estudos pioneiros com a ayahuasca datam do início do século XX e mencionam relatos de expedições à Amazônia desde 1850. Esses artigos e relatos são analisados pelo aspecto histórico da teoria do ator-rede e de estudos recentes. Infere-se que a história ilumina o debate político atual sobre os usos, classificações e significados indígenas; o interesse farmacêutico na ayahuasca; e a discussão sobre “drogas”. Estima-se que, atualmente, mais de cem nações indígenas façam seu uso ritual . A partir da segunda metade do século XX, ela vem sendo popularizada no Brasil e no exterior com o advento e a expansão das religiões ayahuasqueiras brasileiras e dos grupos neoayahuasqueiros, que se distinguem daquelas por ser “universalistas” ou por procurar se desvincular de preceitos religiosos  usavam “alucinógenos”/“alucinatórios” ou “venenos” de efeito “tóxico” como “remédios”, pelos quais também podiam sonhar e tinham práticas de telepatia e clarividência. Spruce, por exemplo, lembra do período em que esteve no Alto Rio Negro e faz menção ao ritual Dabucuri, realizado por diversas nações indígenas que viviam e ainda vivem à noroeste da Amazônia, às margens do rio Uaupés, mas não aprofunda suas análises .O Dabucuri, da língua geral ou nheengatu, é um ritual milenar de povos indígenas do Alto Rio Negro que agrega um conjunto de conhecimentos, como narrativas da criação da humanidade, ancestralidade e origens das roças. Nele também realizam ritos de passagem, alianças políticas e arranjos matrimoniais. Entre danças, cantos e sons de instrumentos como flautas, uma comunidade de um mesmo clã ou nação oferta, a depender da época do ano, uma grande quantidade de frutos, peixes ou objetos  e é recebida por outro grupo com a distribuição de caxiri, bebida feita a base de mandioca fermentada consumida à vontade no ritual, de caapi e de tabaco. Posteriormente, esperam a retribuição. Hoje, 23 grupos étnicos de quatro famílias linguísticas  o praticam pontualmente, cada qual a seu modo  e três indígenas. O explorador e naturalista britânico levou objetos ocidentais para trocar com os indígenas por animais, plantas e outros objetos e conta ter ficado regozijado ao encontrar os “legítimos representantes da floresta”, povos de “raças semicivilizadas”  e, em especial, celebram o advento da humanidade, que contam como surgiu por meio do mito de criação da divindade Gaapi. É do Gaapi que os indígenas descendem e é com ele que se ligam por intermédio da planta gaapi, metonímia para a divindade. Esses conhecimentos são transmitidos com zelo para as novas gerações, que dão continuidade à “gente-gaapi” .Waimahsã , consumido pelos kumuã  durante os Dabucuri de peixe, estes dois últimos gaapi não são cultivados pelos humanos, pois existem “espontaneamente” na floresta. Ele menciona também o gaapi dos especialistas, utilizados antes das grandes enchentes, portanto, não mais existentes, para “agenciar a vida” e para prever perigos e prevenir doenças. No entanto, não informa se cada gaapi é produzido a partir de uma única espécie morfofisiológica, somente diz que o gaapi é preparado com pat ou ipadu ( Erythroxylum novogranatense ), uma árvore da família das eritroxiláceas, cujas folhas são semelhantes às da coca: “Quando o gaapi não é misturado ele não produz o efeito esperado”  –, do modo como é preparada pelas religiões ayahuasqueiras, está restrita a grupos das montanhas peruanas e equatorianas   . DiversSe os atores de diferentes épocas estão em um mesmo plano da rede, o exercício para identificar “camadas” da história na qual interagem deve começar do presente em direção ao passado, conforme defende Banisteriopsis ssp. se estava falando. Como dito, esses estudiosos referenciavam-se nos relatos de exploradores e de viajantes da segunda metade do século XIX. Mesmo assim, os farmacêuticos e químicos brasileiros Oswaldo Costa e Luiz Faria (1936) já indicavam que era possível a existência de outras plantas fornecedoras do yagê.Assim, a partir de nossa referência atual, observamos os estudos do início do século XX, nos quais De todo modo, o que se sabe da descrição e da classificação realizadas pelos exploradores, viajantes e por botânicos leva a pensar que elas foram necessárias para identificar naquele momento que partes do cipó eram utilizadas pelos indígenas e nas suposições dos pesquisadores sobre quais propriedades químicas produziriam os efeitos nos humanos e dos quais podiam ser extraídos os princípios ativos com potenciais terapêuticos. Mostram, ainda, o cenário da chegada da ayahuasca aos grandes centros urbanos via centros de pesquisa nos quais os pesquisadores por um lado demonstravam interesse terapêutico e comercial e, por outro lado, criminalizavam os usos da beberagem por indígenas e mesmo por ocidentais.Revista da Flora Medicinal foi uma das publicações científicas que abriu espaço para pesquisadores descreverem as propriedades do yagê. Em uma monografia publicada em 1945, o farmacologista brasileiro Jayme Regallo A Banisteria caapi como espécie da família Malpighiaceae, comum em regiões tropicais e subtropicais, particularmente nas Américas. A classificação fora realizada no século XIX pelo botânico alemão August Grisebach, a partir de material coletado por Spruce na região do rio Uaupés .Geografia da República do Equador , em que fazia referências ao caapi. Mas foi o médico colombiano Fischer Cárdenas que isolou, em 1923, um alcaloide e o batizou de “telepatina”, em homenagem ao naturalista colombiano Rafael Zerda Bayon, que havia imaginado sua existência e o relacionado à telepatia. Trabalho semelhante ao que realizou o pesquisador e professor colombiano Antonio Maria Barriga Villalba, que, em 1925, isolou dois alcaloides da planta, dando-lhes outros nomes – yageína e yaginina. Somente dois anos mais tarde, na Europa, o farmacologista francês Louis Lewin também isolou um alcaloide, chamando-o banisterina , os cientistas investigavam a ação na DMT em distúrbios psicossociais graves, como a psicose, e pensavam que assim estariam mais próximos de um tratamento  foi sintetizada em laboratório pelo químico canadense Richard Helmut Fredrick Manske a partir de um arbusto norte-americano. Porque o pesquisador deixou o estudo de lado, entretanto, a ligação entre a DMT com as plantas psicoativas ou com o organismo humano só foi identificada nas décadas seguintes. Em 1955, os químicos estadunidenses Fish, Johnson e Horning publicaram o primeiro artigo em língua inglesa em que descreveram a presença da DMT em uma árvore, mas não sabiam que a substância tinha efeito psicoativo. Na mesma década, o químico e psiquiatra húngaro Stephan Szára estudou a respeito da DMT em rapés da Amazônia, sintetizou-a em laboratório e ingeriu algumas doses. No entanto, a DMT continuou como “curiosidade farmacológica” presente em plantas. Apenas em 1965, após já terem sido realizados estudos com camundongos e ratos, é que pesquisadores alemães relataram em artigo na tamento   .Psychotria viridis e a qual hoje se sabe ser responsável pelos efeitos na consciência, na percepção e nas emoções quando em composição com o cipó e com seus alcaloides , em análise da programação da Psychedelic Science 2017, conferência realizada, nos EUA, pela Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies (Maps) e pela Beckley Foundation. Da mesma maneira que, com frequência, pesquisadores de áreas como a psiquiatria e a neurociência estabelecem associações com instituições e pessoas que fazem uso religioso da ayahuasca na realização de seus estudos e em seus artigos citam usos indígenas e usos religiosos históricos e atuais.A coexistência dessas temporalidades também é observada nas pesquisas sobre as “aplicações” terapêuticas da ayahuasca no início do século XX, as quais estavam envoltas em controvérsias sobre a origem e os usos descritos pelos exploradores e viajantes do século anterior e o temor de que a planta chegasse à cidade. Em outras palavras, ao se interessar pelos conhecimentos dos indígenas da floresta Amazônica na preparação de “vegetais empregados em medicina” , aqueles pesquisadores também propagavam suas próprias visões de mundo, as quais começavam a constituir a opinião pública de outras esferas da sociedade ocidental daquela época e de hoje.O trecho citado por Há, de um modo geral, no relato dos efeitos provocados pelas plantas alucinatórias uma boa dose de imaginação e fantasia. Quer nos que se entregam aos vícios e às práticas alucinatórias, como nos observadores de tais práticas e até mesmo nos escritores que através de suas publicações divulgam os conhecimentos adquiridos em torno ao problema, em todos, enfim, dificilmente se pode precisar até onde vai a realidade das manifestações psíquicas dos alucinados e onde começa a imaginação criadora dos que relatam os efeitos observados.Na introdução à sua teoria do ator-rede, Nesses termos, a ayahuasca pode ser considerada um “híbrido”   , 2012 ,Em 1924, em seu artigo “Le yagé: plante télépathique”, Rouhier conta, a partir de relatos, que Bayon dizia que os indígenas ao beber o yagê descreviam com minúcias casas, castelos e cidades que jamais tinham visto presencialmente . O Yagê é ingerido pelos curandeiros, pelos adivinhos quando chamados para decidir contendas, descobrir planos do inimigo, aproximação de estrangeiros, apontar quem enfeitiçou um homem doente e para denunciar cônjuges infiéis. Fiquem, porém, tranquilos, meus Senhores, pois o perigo tão cedo não chegará até aqui .Na década de 1940, Banisteriopsis spp., pudesse ser útil no tratamento de problemas de saúde pública, que talvez com algum esforço pudéssemos relacionar aos resultados promissores dos usos terapêuticos da ayahuasca no tratamento da ansiedade e da depressão como demonstra hoje uma série de estudos do renascimento psicodélico .Nessas pesquisas já ficavam evidentes os indícios de que a ayahuasca, naquela época o cipó odélico    os quaiA propósito das toxicomanias raras ou menos frequentes entre nós . Lopes chegou a estudar com Juliano Moreira, um psiquiatra brasileiro bastante conhecido e que tinha algumas ideias controversas ligadas ao eugenismo, e com Lewin, na Alemanha, o que evidencia a associação com pesquisadores europeus no desenvolvimento das primeiras pesquisas sobre a ayahuasca.Ainda sobre as pesquisas com a ayahuasca no início do século XX, chama a atenção o interesse de pesquisadores eugenistas, ligados a ideologias que prosperavam na Europa e no Brasil nas primeiras décadas do século XX e que hoje são condenadas   , em parArquivos Brasileiros de Higiene Mental , uma das publicações científicas brasileiras responsáveis por difundir os ideais eugenistas, pertencente à controversa Liga Brasileira de Higiene Mental . It is estimated that over one hundred indigenous nations currently use this herbal substance in their rituals . From the second half of the twentieth century it has become popular in Brazil and abroad with the advent and expansion of Brazilian religions involving ayahuasca and neo-ayahuasca groups, which differ from the religious groups by being “universalist” or attempting to disconnect themselves from religious precepts . To conduct their studies at that time, researchers looked for information in reports from explorers and travelers who participated in expeditions to the Amazon region during the second half of the nineteenth century.This mention of the 1960s and 1970s led us to question whether the first studies on the therapeutic potential of ayahuasca date back to this period or even earlier. This article demonstrates that even though the term “psychedelic” was coined by the English psychiatrist Humphry Osmond  during the 1950s and proliferated during the 1960s and 1970s in science and in the counterculture movement, showing the relevance of the topic at that time   , researcaapi , were mentioned in several reports, such as one by the British naturalist Alfred Russel Wallace, who like Charles Darwin also theorized that evolution took place through natural selection. This information served as a reference for research by botanists, pharmacists, and even eugenicist psychiatrists interested in its “applications.” Despite their controversial interests, these studies indicated that ayahuasca could be useful in treating public health problems such as anxiety and depression, as the current literature shows  and four scientific articles published in three Brazilian scientific journals during the first half of the nineteenth century which were provided by the Brazilian Center for Information on Psychotropic Drugs at the University of São Paulo; we also include contemporary literature for discussion.In this sense, our goal in this article is to describe the associations and controversies between indigenous and western uses of ayahuasca between 1850 and 1950 and how they relate to the psychedelic renaissance. To do so, we investigate reports by explorers and travelers in the second half of the nineteenth century, particularly a report first published by From these reports and articles we propose analyzing the historical aspect of Latour’s actor-network theory (2012), which is more widely used in the social sciences but  can also be applied in history and historiography. Our approach considers three topics of this theory for analysis. From the first topic, we consider that indigenous people, explorers, travelers, and researchers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were located within the same “network” (in Latourian terms) as modern indigenous people, researchers, and other actors, and established associations and controversies that show us the uses, classifications, and meanings of ayahuasca over the years.Banisteriopsis caapi . This differs from the ayahuasca described by religious groups, which combines this vine with the leaves of Psychotria viridis , a tree that is the object of most current studies on the chemical potential of ayahuasca. These events include reports by travelers and explorers on indigenous uses, as well as reports by modern indigenous anthropologists and studies from the early twentieth century and the modern era, and may indicate the need for new research on the therapeutic potential of this vine.The second topic allows us to observe the development of some “layers”   , eventsFinally, the third topic allows us to identify different temporalities to demonstrate that pre-modern and modern elements coexist in the past and in the present, since ayahuasca brings them together as an actor within the network itself, or as a “hybrid” according to For centuries, explorers, travelers, and researchers  in areas like botany, chemistry, pharmacology and ethnology were interested in how indigenous people in South America used certain plants, placing all these actors into a single network in which they established relatively stable links indicating the motives that joined them or contradictions that distanced them from each other   . In hisThere was little scientific interest in the properties of plants with psychoactive components, however; this began to change especially in the 1890s after the discovery of mescaline, the chemical compound in the peyote cactus found in the Americas. But scientific interest in mescaline was restricted, and few articles were published prior to the 1930s   .As for ayahuasca, the first missionary reports of indigenous use of this herbal brew in the Amazon region appeared in texts by two Jesuits in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The Spaniard José Chantre y Herrera spoke of a “diabolical beverage,” and the Swiss missionary Juan Magnin said he had learned of an indigenous medicine. Also in the eighteenth century, the Jesuit Pablo Maroni described an “intoxicating drink” and the Jesuit Franz Xaver Veigl described its use. Meanwhile the first traveler reports date back to the early nineteenth century, when the Swiss explorer and naturalist Johann Jakob von Tschudi encountered indigenous people in Peru who used ayahuasca   . Althoucaapi (in the early 1850s)3 and send it to European herbariums for study. His observations were only reported in 1873 and reached the public in 1908 with the publication of his two-volume book Notes of a botanist on the Amazon and Andes , edited by Wallace  used “hallucinogens” or “poisons” with “toxic” effects as “remedies,” which also allowed them to dream and practice telepathy and clairvoyance. Spruce, for instance, recalled his time in the Alto Rio Negro and mentioned the Dabucuri ritual performed by various indigenous nations that lived and still live in northwestern Amazonia along the banks of the Uaupés River, but did not offer profound analysis .tipiti ) and is received by another group with distribution of caxiri , caapi , and tobacco; afterward, the recipient group is expected to reciprocate. Today 23 ethnic groups from four language families  practice this ritual regularly, each in their own way  is a ritual stretching back thousands of years among the indigenous people of the Alto Rio Negro that combines knowledge such as narratives of human creation, ancestry, and the origins of the rural areas. It also involves rites of passage, political alliances, and marriage arrangements. Between dances, songs, and the sounds of musical instruments like flutes, a community from the same clan or nation offers a large quantity of seasonal fruit, fish, or objects  and three indigenous people. He brought western objects with him to trade with the indigenous people for plants, animals, and other objects, and described his delight in meeting “the true representatives of the forest,” people of “semi-civilized races” .Reports of this ceremony were incorporated by researchers, and were also a way of expressing ethnocentrism. Although the reports by Spruce  are relevant, Wallace’s are also interesting; in his 1889 book caxiri and caapi . Wallace described approximately three hundred people  who participated, painting and adorning their bodies with feathers and preparing for the ritual. The women made the caxiri with water they collected from the river and the liquid from cassava harvested in the planted areas around the huts, and collected dry branches from the forest to light the fires. Meanwhile, the men wove crowns from vegetation and made other objects.At Wallace’s request, a native named Calixto, the leader of one of the groups he met, determined that the ritual would be held and that the indigenous people would drink caxiri in the central longhouse. At this point what Wallace called the “snake dance” began, part of an initiation ritual for the young men in which each carried two enormous snakes made of imbaúba wood. They danced at the door of the longhouse with the snakes on their shoulders, imitating the animal’s movements, until finally entering. Once inside the longhouse the snakes fought each other, while other people distributed the caxiri to those who were present. Next, the young men set aside the snakes and began to distribute the caxiri .During the ceremony, which began at sundown, young men and women danced to the sound of drums and flutes and drank caapi was introduced, distributed by an older indigenous man in the middle of the longhouse, from a large clay vessel using two small gourds. Young men with bows, arrows, and spears came in pairs to receive the “excessively bitter” brew. Despite making it clear that he drank and liked the caxiri , Wallace did not confirm whether he drank the caapi. Furthermore, although he expressed interest in many of the plants he encountered during his narrative, Wallace did not make any effort to understand the relationships these peoples established with each one, nor did he describe the species of plants utilized or the preparation or meaning of the uses of caapi .Later the The network, however, is not restricted to the researchers and indigenous people of the past, and encounters a generation of modern indigenous researchers, important actors in the modern field of study on ayahuasca    who congaapi , a metonym for the divinity. This knowledge is carefully transmitted to the new generations, which continue the “ gaapi -people” .In this way, the Desana people  explain that the Dabucuri is a ritual that involves the entire community, where indigenous visitors are received to celebrate the land, the rivers, the trees, the animals, and other beings at certain times of the year, along with their interconnections with their relatives and/or in-laws, their ancestors, with other peoples , and especially to celebrate the advent of humanity, which they explain as having emerged through the creation myth involving the divinity Gaapi. The indigenous people descend from Gaapi, and are connected to him through the plant gaapi : the child-of-the-day gaapi used in rites of passage for young people of both sexes, the fruit gaapi consumed during the Dabucuri rituals, and the Waimahsã gaapi consumed by the kumuã  during the fish Dabucuri; the latter two types of gaapi are not cultivated by humans, but rather exist “spontaneously” in the forest. He also mentions the extinct gaapi that before the large floods were used by specialists to “take action for life” and to foresee dangers and prevent disease. But he does not say whether each gaapi is produced from a unique morphophysiological species, just that gaapi is prepared with patʉ or ipadu ( Erythroxylum novogranatense ), a tree in family Erythroxylaceae with leaves similar to coca: “When gaapi is not mixed it does not produce the desired effect”  for the journal  after”   , p.163.Banisteriopsis caapi , for example, a species identified by Spruce along the Uaupés River , hoasca , and vegetal  , caapi (Baniwa), kamarampi (Ashaninka), kamalãp i (Manchineri), nixi pae (Kaxinawa), and uni (Yawanawa), and prepare it in various ways . As a result, the term that became popular among the modern scientific community and is used generically in this text does not represent the diversity of plant species, uses, classifications, and meanings that indigenous people have attached to this beverage over time.Use of ayahuasca   among indigenous people in the form it is prepared by ayahuasca religions is limited to groups in the Peruvian and Ecuadorian mountains   . But vaIf actors from different eras are located within the same network, our work to identify “layers” of history in which they interact should begin in the present and look backward, according to Banisteriopsis spp. are being referred to. As mentioned, these scholars were referring to the reports by explorers and travelers from the latter half of the nineteenth century. Still, the Brazilian pharmacists and chemists Oswaldo Costa and Luiz Faria (1936) had already indicated the potential existence of other plants that produced yagê .So from our current reference, we observe the studies from the early twentieth century in which In any case, what is known about the descriptions and classifications by travelers, explorers, and botanists leads us to consider whether they were necessary at that time to identify which parts of the vine were used by the indigenous people and in the researchers’ assumptions on which chemical properties produced its effects on humans and contained active ingredients with therapeutic potential that could be extracted. They also showed the scenario in which ayahuasca reached the large cities via research centers, in which the researchers simultaneously demonstrated therapeutic and commercial interest while also criminalizing its use by indigenous people and even by westerners.Revista da Flora Medicinal was one of the scientific publications in which researchers described the properties of yagê. In a 1945 monograph, the Brazilian pharmacologist Jayme Regallo The yagê , including images of its branches, inflorescences, flowers, and fruit, and also touch on historical and social aspects. The text is a transcript of a speech given at the headquarters of the Brazilian Pharmaceutical Association in Rio de Janeiro, in which they reported on what at that time was called Banisteria caapi as a species in family Malpighiaceae, common in tropical and subtropical regions, particularly in the Americas. This classification was made in the nineteenth century by the German botanist August Grisebach using material collected by Spruce in the region of the Uaupés River .In the same journal, Geografia da República do Equador (The geography of the Republic of Ecuador) which mentioned caapi . But it was the Colombian physician Fischer Cárdenas who isolated an alkaloid in 1923 and dubbed it “telepatina” in an homage to the Colombian naturalist Rafael Zerda Bayon, who had imagined its existence and linked it to telepathy. Similar work was done by the Colombian research and professor Antonio Maria Barriga Villalba, who isolated two alkaloids from the plant in 1925, and gave them other names: yageina and yaginina. Only two years later in Europe, the French pharmacologist Louis Lewin also isolated an alkaloid and called it banisterina , scientists investigated the action of DMT in severe psychosocial disorders such as psychosis, and believed they were close to finding a treatment ( We should note that in 1931 dimethyltryptamine (DMT) was synthesized in the laboratory from a North American shrub by the Canadian chemist Richard Helmut Fredrick Manske. But because this researcher did not continue with his study, the link between DMT and psychoactive plants or human beings was only identified in the following decades. In 1955, the American chemists Fish, Johnson and Horning published the first book in English describing the presence of DMT in a tree, but they did not know that this substance had psychoactive effects. In that same decade, the Hungarian chemist and psychiatrist Stephan Szára studied DMT in snuff from Amazonia, synthesized it in the laboratory, and took several doses. However, DMT remained a “pharmacological curiosity” present in plants. Only in 1965, after mouse and rat studies, German researchers reported isolating DMT in human blood in an article in eatment   .Psychotria viridis, which today we know is responsible for its effects on consciousness, perception, and emotions in compounds with ayahuasca root and its alkaloids  in an analysis of the program of events for Psychedelic Science 2017, an event held in the United States by the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies (MAPS) and the Beckley Foundation. This is similar to how researchers in areas like psychiatry and neuroscience often establish associations with institutions and people who use ayahuasca for religious purposes to conduct their studies, and cite indigenous uses and past and present religious uses in their articles.The coexistence of these temporalities can also be seen in studies on the therapeutic “applications” of ayahuasca at the start of the twentieth century, which were surrounded by controversy about the origin and the uses described by the explorers and travelers from the previous century and fears that the plant would reach the cities. In other words, by taking interest in the knowledge of indigenous people from the Amazon Forest in preparing the “plants used in medicine” , these researchers also propagated their own worldviews, which began to shape public opinion in other spheres of western society, then as well as today.yagê from the early decades of the twentieth century:The passage cited by In general, there is a large portion of imagination and fantasy in reports of the effects produced by hallucinatory plants. Whether in those that give themselves over to vices and hallucinatory practices, in us as the observers of such practices and even we writers who publish the knowledge acquired about the problem in our publications, ultimately in all cases it is difficult to specify how far the reality of the psychic manifestations of the hallucinators extends, and where the creative imagination of those who report these observed effects begins.In the introduction to his actor-network theory, In these terms, ayahuasca can be considered a “hybrid”   , 2012 ,yagê described houses, castles, and cities they had never seen in person in minute detail . yagê would not reach urban centers anytime soon, which was not the case, with the advent of ayahuasca religions in the following decades and even recreational use in the counterculture ( In a 1924 article entitled “Le yagé: plante télépathique” (Yagê: telepathic plant), Rouhier cited reports by Bayon stating that indigenous people who drank culture   .Yagê is ingested by the healers, by the seers when they are called to resolve disputes, discover the plans of the enemy, the arrival of outsiders, to indicate who bewitched a sick man, and to report unfaithful spouses. But stay calm, Gentlemen, since the danger will not arrive here anytime soon .In the 1940s, Banisteriopsis spp.) could be useful in treating public health problems, which perhaps with some effort could be linked to the promising therapeutic results of ayahuasca in treating anxiety and depression, as a series of studies in the current psychedelic renaissance have shown .In 1934,  League   . Lopes’yagê to the German Spagyric Medicine and Homeopathy Society, wrote a letter to the Brazilian homeopathic physician Alcides Nogueira da Silva, recommending he investigate the use of ayahuasca to treat epilepsy and “nervous diseases” .Despite its potential for treating public health problems, therapeutic use by eugenicists raised a warning about the risks involved in scientific use of ayahuasca as a way of controlling bodies and minds. At that time, certain hospitals and insane asylums in Europe like the Prussian National Asylum and the Epileptics’ Hospital  were already conducting research with this substance on patients considered by eugenicists to be mentally inferior, as described by The fact that ayahuasca was considered by eugenicist psychiatrists as a new treatment option for individuals thought to be less mentally fit also leads us to question, alongside the Brazilian historian Vanderlei Sebastião de As mentioned earlier, even considering its potential for clinical applications, these researchers believed that ayahuasca required special caution because of its indigenous origin and even the scientific uses of this substance. Another narcotic! Is this revelation cause for joy or sadness? We believe we are not wrong in stating that given the current subversive situation in the world, our feelings are mixed. We are happy to know that chemistry will present medicine with yet another powerful therapeutic agent, and sad to foresee the possibility that its true use may be perverted.Yagê is one of these marvels so extraordinary that they could become harmful.” He also warned that its scientific and therapeutic uses and presence in cities could expand. He mentioned its indigenous uses for soothsaying, citing a passage in Lewin’s 1924 text Phantastica stating that the vine was thought to be associated with “personal happiness,” but related it to the “savages” and immorality from a Christian viewpoint, in our view defining the cosmovision prevalent when this substance was first scientifically utilized.Cannabis spp.; the Brazilian historian Thamires Cannabis indica in the book of observations from the Hospital Nacional dos Alienados in Rio de Janeiro in the early twentieth century. But the use of this plant was moralized, since it was associated with Afro-Brazilian populations who used it for medicinal and religious purposes and to resist western moral and legal impositions. For this reason, authorities and researchers mobilized to include it in the Penal Code, which established penalties for charlatanism. This does not differ greatly from the current situation, even in discussions on the medicinal uses and chemical properties of the plant.This is similar to the discussion on In the case of ayahuasca, we note that therapeutic usage requires reflection on specifically how this can take place: for example, via micro-dosing, since people are already selling such projects illegally in groups on the internet   , whetheBut for this to occur, pharmaceutical manufacturers will need to enter the fray about the historical criminalization of ayahuasca and other psychoactive substances as “drugs.” The Brazilian anthropologist Júlio Assis While the religious and scientific uses of ayahuasca have been regulated in Brazil since 2010, it is not excused from this debate. Just a few months after this legislation was passed, the well-known Brazilian cartoonist Glauco and his son Raoni were murdered at an ayahuasca church in São Paulo by a member of the congregation who was later diagnosed with schizophrenia. Public outcry followed, leading the press, politicians, religious authorities, and part of the scientific community to question the uses of ayahuasca, which was presented as a drug   .In this debate, plants like coca also have been historically criminalized. The Brazilian psychologist and anthropologist Ivan Farias Reports from explorers and travelers in the latter half of the nineteenth century and studies during the early decades of the twentieth century show that self-proclaimed “civilized” people were interested in the therapeutic properties of ayahuasca to treat “nervous diseases,” for example, and also as a “magical” plant that caused insightful dreams and revelatory visions. Notably, eugenicists were interested in this substance and utilized it in experiments on people considered risks to society, and the pharmaceutical industry also took interest. But the researchers themselves moralized the debate and encouraged criminalizing ayahuasca use by indigenous people as well as in the city, since the plant could “addict” westerners and even act as the “revenge” of exploited peoples.This historical aspect casts light on the current political debate on ayahuasca with regard to various issues mentioned herein, such as the presence of an epistemological scenario that moralizes and criminalizes indigenous uses and colonizes classifications, reducing the species of plants and their chemical properties and meanings to western parameters; questioning the psychedelic renaissance, particularly the therapeutic potential of psychoactive substances as potential treatments for public health problems, while being careful to control bodies and minds; interest in ayahuasca by pharmaceutical manufacturers and the need to regulate these uses; and a debate on drugs that discusses prohibitionism itself and its effects on society, including researchers who have conducted studies in this area for years and assessments of public policies in the dialog.Furthermore, ethnographic studies with different indigenous groupings could provide more information about the varietal diversity of plants used to prepare ayahuasca, and alongside western chemistry, the makeup of these plants according to the indigenous cosmovision. All of these points could guide a research agenda on ayahuasca and other psychoactive substances, particularly those used by traditional populations.In this sense, a reading of the historical aspects of actor-network theory seems useful in planning by offering theoretical and methodological elements to consider the network and the actors, associations, controversies, layers, and temporalities that comprise them, including researchers in the history of science and indigenous history in this network. In this way, we were able to determine that the contradictions around ayahuasca are not recent, and we identified elements to construct a new history (linked to past experiences) that is not intended just for the western science that expresses interest in the therapeutic potential of this substance, but also for the indigenous people who have used it for millennia. Finally, even though ayahuasca has currently gained legitimacy in the public debate, learning about its past shows that even though psychoactive substances may be seen as potentially revolutionary in areas like psychiatry, long-standing misunderstandings in the political sphere must be confronted.