To expose the current situation of the Brazilian Nuclear Medicine in relation to innovation, taking into account the Intellectual Property protection and the particularities of this field. The number and the origin of patents filings from Brazil, United States and European Patent Convention countries were retrospectively compared in a 20-year period. The number of accumulated patents filings of conventional pharmaceuticals was ten times higher compared to the radiopharmaceuticals in the three regions studied. The largest number of Brazilian patents filings corresponded to the international patent applications, which is related to the country development conditions, as well as to the difficulties in the process of patent filing. This context provides a situation of competitiveness among the companies and promotes a constant search for new inventions and innovations, demonstrating the dislocation from the act of making to the act of knowing. Within this scenario, the issue of Intellectual Property protection becomes important as a mechanism to guarantee the rights of the inventor and promote investments in research.4According to the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), the Intellectual Property refers to the creation of the mind, defined as the result of human intellect that can be expressed in two categories: industrial property, which includes, among others, the patents (inventions); and copyrights, which include representations, that is, the materialization of ideas.5Protection of industrial property in Brazil initiated with issuance of the license on April 28, 1809. Brazil is classified as the fifth country of the world to establish the protection of the rights of the inventor. This mark fostered the industrial development of the time, establishing the era of Capitalism. To demonstrate the concern of the country in guaranteeing the respect of industrial property and the copyright, successive laws were created as of 1830   .54The intention of Intellectual Property protection is to assure the invention to the inventor, encouraging the development of new creations, in addition to fostering innovation and economic growth of a country, attracting industries and giving opportunity of new jobs for the population.8One of the primary forms of Intellectual Property protection occurs by means of patent filing. The patent is an official temporary property title regarding an invention or model of use, granted by the State, by force of law, that confers to its titleholders or their successors the right to impede third parties from reproducing the object of the patent without their consent.9In this respect, the pharmaceutical industry is one of the fields that have a great interest in the issue of Intellectual Property protection. This form of protection is, for the most part, directed towards the filing of patents, with the purpose of guaranteeing financial return on investments made relative to research and development of the registration of the drug and of its introduction in the market.Comissão Nacional de Energia Nuclear (CNEN) [National Commission of Nuclear Energy] and by health regulations determined by the Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (ANVISA) [National Health Surveillance Agency].10 Issues of Intellectual Property protection also affect the radiopharmaceutical industry, although the development of new radiopharmaceuticals is less extensive, when compared to the conventional pharmaceutical industry. A new radiopharmaceutical, as is true with a new drug, should be registered in the country seeking to guarantee its quality, safety, and efficacy, as per the Resolução da Diretoria Colegiada (RDC) [Collegiate Resolution] number 64, of 2009, in public consultation at the moment.11Among the pharmaceutical sciences, Radiopharmacy has the particularity of developing, producing, and distributing or marketing drugs that contain a radioactive element , utilized in diagnostic and therapeutic procedures in Nuclear Medicine. In Brazil, this area is governed by rules of radioprotection elected by the 8When the objective is to patent an invention or model of use in radiopharmaceuticals, one should take into consideration Law 9,279/96, which presents as non-patentable, among others, the substances, materials, mixtures, elements, or products of any type, as well as the modification of the physical-chemical properties and the respective process of acquisition or modification, when resulting from transformation of the atomic nucleus. This includes as non-patentable the radioactive elements, also called radionuclides or radioisotopes, produced from the nuclear transformation of stable nuclei. Radioisotopes represent the primary raw material used in the production of radiopharmaceuticals.Instituto de Pesquisas Energéticas e Nucleares (IPEN) [Institute for Energy and Nuclear Research], Instituto de Engenharia Nuclear (IEN) [Nuclear Engineering Institute], Centro de Desenvolvimento da Tecnologia Nuclear (CDTN) [Nuclear Technology Development Center], and the Centro Regional de Ciências Nucleares do Nordeste (CRCN) [Regional Center of Nuclear Sciences of the Northeast Region] are references in radiopharmacy, since the production of radioisotopes is a monopoly of the Federal Government. With exception of production, marketing, and use of short half-life radioisotopes, for medical, agricultural, and industrial uses, the monopoly was partially broken up in 2006, with Constitutional Amendment 49.12In Brazil, the CNEN authorities, including the Instituto Nacional da Propriedade Industrial (INPI) National Institute of Industrial Property.13 Besides observing the requirements for patentability, with this law the Health Surveillance Agency (ANVISA) aims to verify if the granting of a certain patent can imply limitation of access of the patients to the medicine under consideration.9On the other hand, according to Law 10,196/01, the concession of a pharmaceutical patent in reference to products and processes, should, primarily, have the agreement of ANVISA, to then be directed to the To show the current situation of the Brazilian Nuclear Medicine as to innovation, specifically comparing the number and origin of patent filings in Brazil, in the United States, and in countries participating in the European Patent Convention related to Radiopharmacy.©. From here the data survey was directed towards the processes that involve the two families of patents, A61K51/00 (preparations containing radioactive substances for use in therapy or testing in vivo ) and A61K49/00 (preparations for testing in vivo ), added to the key words “radiopharma” OR “radioisotope” OR “radioimmun” OR “radioactive” OR “radiotherap” OR “radiolabel” OR “radionuclide”, as well as from the family A61K31/00 , with and without the addition of the keywords “radiographic contrast agent” OR “radiocontrast agents” OR “contrast imaging” OR “diagnostic imaging”. The purpose was to comparatively assess the number of patents filings in Brazil, in the United States, and in participating countries of the European Patent Convention (EPC), during the period of 20 retroactive years (1997 to 2017), and to identify the origin of the ten largest patent applicants.A literature review was done covering the theme of Intellectual Property and its forms of protection, based on the Brazilian laws, books, manuals, scientific articles, and public and private search engines, such as INPI, Espacenet Patent Search, Google Patents, Thomson Innovation, European Patent Office (EPO), and Questel Orbit© software enabled obtaining the results shown in The specific search utilizing the Questel OrbitTo evaluate the tendency of patents filings in the area of conventional pharmaceuticals, a search was made for the A61K31/00 family , presented in , the predominance of the United States in filing patents was noted, with marked growth over the last 10 years. Just as in United States, the number of patents filed in the EPC countries is higher than the patents filed in Brazil, but EPC presented with a drop in the pace of growth over the last 5 years, characterized by the tendency to plateau. The total number of patents accumulated by Brazil in this category during the studied period was 30,693, whereas in EPC countries and the United States it was 48,933 and 74,946, respectively. The number of accumulated patents registered in the United States in this category is approximately twice as high than that registered in Brazil.In family A61K51/00 in vivo . In this family, similarly to what was observed for the category represented in figure 2A, the decreased pace of growth over the last few years draws attention, with a tendency to plateau.As to the accumulated filings of patents in reference to the A61K49/00 family, there are more accumulated patents filed by EPC countries, followed by the United States and by Brazil. While the A61K51 family seems to better represent the patents related to radiopharmaceutical products, including the products that obtained registry with the regulatory health agencies, the A61K49 family is apparently associated, in general, to the experimental compounds, with a potential for application In the A61K31/00 family, which compiles the data on conventional (non-radioactive) pharmaceuticals, the number of accumulated patent filings was ten times greater than that of families related to the processes involving radiopharmaceuticals; this is also the case in Brazil, with approximately 310,095 filed patents. The number of patent filings accumulated by the United States  is close to that of EPC countries deposits at , in the observation period. Additionally, in this family investigated, the pace was increasing, without the characterization of a plateau.On the other hand, results of the A61K31/00 classification, which is restricted to pharmaceuticals like radiological contrast agents, used in imaging diagnoses, tend towards saturation in the United States, in Brazil, and in countries of the EPC.14 Such a reality is likely a reflection, in large part, of the general level of development of the country, when compared to the United States and to the countries of the EPC, since Brazil relies on limited investments on the part of government and of the private sector for the development of new drug, including radiopharmaceuticals. Also, there are factors directly related to the Brazilian patent process: lack of support for researchers in the preparation process of patents, and cultural issues related to the incentive to the protection of the Intellectual Property generated. These issues can contribute to discourage Brazilian researchers to file patents. Another factor to be considered refers to the difficulties found in the patent process and the appreciation of a patent by the INPI. This aspect was considered in Resolution/INPI/PR 217, of May 3rd, 2018, which altered Resolution 80/2013 with the objective of controlling the priorization of the examination of patent applications and patents of products and pharmaceutical processes, as well as of equipment and materials related to public health.16When comparing accumulated patent filings in Brazil and in other regions included in this study, the number of filings was lower in Brazil, in all the families.12 Additionally, the number of researchers dedicated to the radiopharmaceutical area in Brazil is considerably reduced. Despite such constrained characteristics, curiously, it is possible to confirm that the number of filings accumulated of Brazilian patents related to Radiopharmacy is ten times smaller than in the area of conventional pharmaceuticals – and this proportionality is similar to that noted in more developed countries.The small number of patent filings related to the radiopharmaceutical area in Brazil could be justified by the fact of the field being small in the country, when compared to that of pharmaceuticals in general; by the restricted powers of CNEN for the production and marketing of long half-life radiopharmaceuticals; and by the relatively recent opening for private enterprise, after the partial break up of the monopoly for production and marketing of short half-life radiopharmaceuticals (less than 2 hours).17 The development cycle of new radiopharmaceuticals is identical to that of pharmaceuticals in general. Despite the fact that the market for new radiopharmaceuticals is small when compared to that of conventional pharmaceuticals, costs are comparable. This fact explains the lower number of patent filings in the radiopharmaceutical area when compared to that of medications in general, both in Brazil and in other countries.18The investigation of new drugs requires high investments to finance all the phases of development, from the design of the molecule or active ingredient, passing through the pharmacotechnical process and the methodologies used in quality control of the finished product, to Phases I to IV of non-clinical and clinical studies.19 Such regulations have become necessary, especially when one considers the break up of the production monopoly of radiopharmaceuticals in 2006, and the entrance of private enterprise in the market of radiopharmaceuticals.12The health regulation for the production and registry of radiopharmaceuticals is relativly recent in Brazil, and was implemented in 2009, as of the publication of RDC 63, currently RDC 301/2019, and RDC 64/2009, in public consultation, for Good Manufacturing Practices and Registry of Radiopharmaceutical Products, respectively.22 The public consultation will enable to change the requirements for non-clinical and clinical studies.Nevertheless, RDC 64, which describes the need for conducting non-clinical and clinical studies for the registry of an innovative radiopharmaceutical, imposes rules similar to those adopted in the registry of conventional pharmaceuticals to this category of medicines, in order to guarantee the efficacy and safety of the product. Regulation requirements of this level are also observed in different countries and certainly collaborate to restrain the development and launching of new radiopharmaceuticals in the world stage, as the cost of this process increases a lot.24If, on the one hand, the development of new drugs, for the most part, counts on the investment of large pharmaceutical companies that use patents to protect the capital invested, in the case of radiopharmaceuticals, in most countries, development is usually carried out in university research centers or research institutes for local production and use, on a small scale and with difficulty in guaranteeing the protection of the patent of the new radiopharmaceutical. On the other hand, the transfer of technology to constituted production companies seems to be an ever increasing reality in the area of Radiopharmacy.25 Patent filings in Brazil do not reflect internal development, but the tendency of the market, that is, the commercial interest of the international company, especially of American origin, taking into consideration the cost-benefit for each given innovation.Finally, the ten foremost companies and organizations that deposited patents in the families investigated relative to the preparations of the radiopharmaceuticals had results that placed them as the ones responsible for the largest number of patent filings, despite the contribution of some universities - probably as an effect of the high costs involved in the investigation of new drugs.The growing tendency of the countries to generate technical and scientific knowledge, each of them at their own pace of development, leads to the need to guarantee their rights and foster investments in a certain area. Thus, it is possible to visualize the importance of an investigator being assertive in the choice and conduction of experimental studies, aiming at innovative processes.The greatest number of patent filings in Brazil related to the radiopharmaceutical area corresponds to the applications of international patents via the Patent Cooperation Treaty, in the same way as patent filings of conventional pharmaceuticals and/or contrast media for radiodiagnosis. This scenario is a reflection of the economic and scientific development conditions of the country, as well as how the difficulties presented in the patent filing process, showing that the investment in programs that facilitate the process and bring closer the research institutes and private universities, encouraging patent filing, in general, and innovation is indispensable. 3O mundo experimenta um momento de desenvolvimento econômico baseado na capacidade dos países gerarem e apropriarem-se do conhecimento técnico-científico para produzir recursos. Esse contexto proporciona um cenário de competitividade entre as empresas e promove a constante busca por novas invenções e inovações, evidenciando o deslocamento do ato de fazer para o ato de saber. Neste cenário, a questão da proteção à Propriedade Intelectual torna-se importante como mecanismo para garantir os direitos do inventor e promover os investimentos em pesquisa.World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), a Propriedade Intelectual refere-se à criação da mente, definindo-se como o resultado do intelecto humano, que pode ser expresso em duas categorias: propriedade industrial, que inclui, entre outros, as patentes (invenções); e os direitos autorais, que abrangem as representações, ou seja, a materialização de ideias.4Segundo a 5A proteção à propriedade industrial no Brasil iniciou-se com a emissão do alvará de 28 de abril de 1809, sendo classificado como o quinto país do mundo a estabelecer a proteção aos direitos do inventor. Esse marco estimulou o desenvolvimento industrial da época, instituindo a era do capitalismo. Para evidenciar a preocupação do país em garantir o respeito à propriedade industrial e ao direito autoral, uma sucessão de leis foram criadas a partir de 1830   .54O intuito da proteção à Propriedade Intelectual é o de assegurar a invenção ao inventor, incentivando o desenvolvimento de novas criações, além de promover a inovação e o crescimento econômico de um país, atraindo indústrias e promovendo a oportunidade de novos empregos à população.8Uma das principais formas de proteção à Propriedade Intelectual ocorre por meio do depósito de patente. A patente é um título de propriedade temporário oficial sobre uma invenção ou modelo de utilidade, concedido pelo Estado, por força de lei, que confere ao seu titular ou seus sucessores o direito de impedir que terceiros reproduzam o objeto da patente sem seu consentimento.9Nesse âmbito, a indústria farmacêutica é um dos ramos que possui grande interesse nas questões de proteção à Propriedade Intelectual. Essa forma de proteção, em sua maioria, é direcionada ao depósito de patentes, com vistas a garantir o retorno financeiro dos investimentos relacionados à pesquisa e ao desenvolvimento do registro do medicamento e de sua introdução no mercado.10 As questões de proteção à Propriedade Intelectual também permeiam a indústria radiofarmacêutica, apesar do desenvolvimento de novos radiofármacos ocorrer em menor escala quando comparado à indústria farmacêutica convencional. Um novo radiofármaco, assim como um fármaco, deve ser registrado no país visando garantir sua qualidade, segurança e eficácia, conforme a Resolução da Diretoria Colegiada, a qual, no momento, encontra-se aberta à consulta pública.11Dentre as vertentes da farmácia, encontra-se a Radiofarmácia, que é uma área das ciências farmacêuticas que apresenta a particularidade de desenvolver, produzir e distribuir ou comercializar fármacos que possuem em sua constituição um elemento radioativo (radiofármacos), utilizados em procedimentos diagnósticos e terapêuticos em medicina nuclear. No Brasil, essa área é regida por normas de radioproteção eleitas pela Comissão Nacional de Energia Nuclear (CNEN) e por normas sanitárias determinadas pela Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (ANVISA).8Quando se objetiva patentear uma invenção ou modelo de utilidade na área radiofarmacêutica, deve-se levar em consideração a lei 9.279/96, que apresenta como não patenteáveis, entre outros, as substâncias, matérias, misturas, elementos ou produtos de qualquer espécie, bem como a modificação de suas propriedades físico-químicas e os respectivos processos de obtenção ou modificação, quando resultantes de transformação do núcleo atômico. Isto inclui como não patenteáveis os elementos radioativos também denominados radionuclídeos ou radioisótopos, produzidos a partir da transformação nuclear de núcleos estáveis. Os radioisótopos representam a principal matéria-prima empregada na produção de radiofármacos.12No Brasil, as autarquias da CNEN, incluindo o Instituto de Pesquisas Energéticas e Nucleares (IPEN), o Instituto de Engenharia Nuclear (IEN), o Centro de Desenvolvimento da Tecnologia Nuclear (CDTN) e o Centro Regional de Ciências Nucleares do Nordeste (CRCN), são as referências em Radiofarmácia, uma vez que a produção de radioisótopos é monopólio da União. Com exceção da produção, da comercialização e da utilização de radioisótopos de meia-vida curta, para usos médicos, agrícolas e industriais, o monopólio que foi parcialmente quebrado, em 2006, com a Emenda Constitucional 49.13 Além de observar os requisitos de patenteabilidade, o órgão da ANVISA visa, com essa lei, verificar se a concessão de determinada patente pode implicar na limitação do acesso dos pacientes ao medicamento em questão.9Por outro lado, segundo a lei 10.196/01, a concessão de uma patente farmacêutica referente a produtos e processos, deve, primeiramente, ter a anuência da ANVISA para, depois, ser direcionada ao Instituto Nacional da Propriedade Industrial (INPI).Evidenciar a situação atual da área Medicina Nuclear brasileira em relação à inovação, comparando especificamente o número e a origem de depósitos de patentes nacionais e internacionais.Espacenet Patent Search , Google Patents , Thomson Innovation, European Patent Office (EPO) e Questel Orbit©. A partir disso, o levantamento de dados foi direcionado aos processos que envolvem as famílias de patentes A61K51/00 ( preparations containing radioactive substances for use in therapy or testing in vivo ) e A61K49/00 ( preparations for testing in vivo ), acrescidas das palavras-chaves “ radiopharma ” OR “ radioisotope ” OR “ radioimmun ” OR “ radioactive ” OR “ radiotherap ” OR “ radiolabel ” OR “ radionuclide ”, e da família A61K31/00 , com e sem o acréscimo das palavras-chaves “ radiographic contrast agent ” OR “ radiocontrast agents ” OR “ contrast imaging ” OR “ diagnostic imaging ”. O intuito foi avaliar comparativamente o número de patentes depositadas no Brasil, nos Estados Unidos e países participantes da Convenção Europeia de Patentes (CEP), no período de 20 anos retroativos (1997 a 2017), bem como identificar a origem dos dez maiores depositantes.Foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica abordando o tema da Propriedade Intelectual e suas formas de proteção, tendo como base a legislação brasileira, livros, manuais, artigos científicos e ferramentas de busca públicas e privadas, como INPI, ©proporcionou a obtenção dos resultados apresentados na radiopharma ” OR “ radioisotope ” OR “ radioimmun ” OR “ radioactive ” OR “ radiotherap ” OR “ radiolabel ” OR “ radionuclide ” .A busca específica utilizando o programa Questel Orbitmedicinal preparations containing organic active ingredients ), apresentada na radiographic contrast agent ” OR “ radiocontrast agents ” OR “ contrast imaging ” OR “ diagnostic imaging ” .Para avaliar a tendência de depósito de patentes na área de medicamentos em geral, realizou-se a busca para a família A61K31/00 , o número de depósitos acumulados de patentes foi dez vezes maior do que o das famílias relacionadas aos processos que envolvem radiofármacos, também no caso do Brasil, com aproximadamente 310.095 patentes depositadas. O número de depósitos de patentes acumuladas pelos Estados Unidos (738.891 depósitos) é próximo do de depósitos da CEP (693.594 depósitos), no período de observação. Além disso, nesta família pesquisada, o ritmo foi crescente e sem caracterização de platô.Por outro lado, os resultados da classificação A61K31/00, que se restringe aos medicamentos do tipo agentes de contraste radiológico usado em diagnóstico por imagem, tendem à saturação nos Estados Unidos, no Brasil e nos países da CEP.14 Tal realidade é, provavelmente, reflexo, em grande parte, do nível geral de desenvolvimento do país, quando comparado aos Estados Unidos e aos países da CEP, posto que o Brasil conta com investimentos limitados por parte do governo e da iniciativa privada para desenvolvimento de novos medicamentos, incluindo os radiofármacos. Ainda, há fatores diretamente relacionados ao processo de patenteamento brasileiro: falta de apoio aos pesquisadores no processo de elaboração de patentes e questões culturais relacionadas ao incentivo à proteção da Propriedade Intelectual gerada. Essas questões podem contribuir com a desmotivação dos pesquisadores brasileiros a depositarem patentes. Outro fator a ser considerado refere-se às dificuldades encontradas no processo de depósito e ao exame de uma patente no INPI. Esse aspecto foi considerado na resolução/INPI/PR 217, de 3 de maio de 2018, que alterou a resolução 80/2013, com o objetivo de disciplinar a priorização do exame de pedidos de patentes, e patentes de produtos e processos farmacêuticos, bem como equipamentos e materiais relacionados à saúde pública.16Ao se compararem os depósitos acumulados de patentes no Brasil e nas demais regiões incluídas neste estudo, o número de depósitos foi menor no Brasil, em todas as famílias.12 Além disso, o número de pesquisadores dedicados à área radiofarmacêutica no Brasil é consideravelmente reduzido. Apesar de tais características restritivas, curiosamente, é possível constatar que o número de depósitos acumulados de patentes brasileiras relacionadas à Radiofarmácia é dez vezes menor do que na área de medicamentos em geral, esta proporcionalidade é semelhante à observada nos países mais desenvolvidos.O pequeno número de depósitos de patentes que permeia a área radiofarmacêutica no Brasil poderia ser justificado pelo fato da área ser pequena no país, quando comparada à dos medicamentos em geral; pele atuação restrita aos institutos da CNEN para produção e comercialização dos radiofármacos de meia-vida longa; e pela abertura relativamente recente para a iniciativa privada, após a quebra parcial do monopólio para produção e comercialização de radiofármacos de meia-vida curta (inferior a 2 horas).17 O ciclo de desenvolvimento de novos radiofármacos é idêntico ao dos medicamentos convencionais. Apesar do mercado para novos radiofármacos ser pequeno, quando comparado ao dos medicamentos convencionais, os custos são comparáveis. Este fato certamente explica o menor número de depósitos de patentes na área radiofarmacêutica, quando comparado à área de medicamentos em geral, tanto no Brasil como em outros países.18A pesquisa de novos medicamentos requer investimentos altos, de modo a custear todas as fases do desenvolvimento, desde a concepção da molécula ou princípio ativo, passando pelo processo farmacotécnico e das metodologias empregadas no controle de qualidade do produto acabado, estudos pré-clínicos e clínicos de Fase I a IV.19 Tais regulamentações se fizeram necessárias, principalmente quando se consideram a quebra do monopólio de produção de radiofármacos ocorrida em 2006 e a entrada da iniciativa privada no mercado de radiofármacos.12A regulamentação sanitária para produção e registro de radiofármacos é relativamente recente no Brasil, tendo sido implantada em 2009, a partir da publicação das RDC 63, atual RDC 301/2019 e RDC 64/2009, em consulta pública, para Boas Práticas de Fabricação e Registro de Radiofármacos, respectivamente.22 A consulta pública possibilitará alterar os critérios de realização dos estudos não clínicos e clínicos.Entretanto, a RDC 64, que descreve a necessidade da realização de estudos não clínicos e clínicos para o registro de um radiofármaco inovador, impõe a esta categoria de medicamentos regras semelhantes às adotadas ao registro de medicamentos convencionais, de modo a garantir a eficácia e a segurança do produto. Exigências regulamentares deste nível também são observadas nos diferentes países e, certamente, colaboraram para frear o desenvolvimento e o lançamento de novos radiofármacos no cenário mundial, a medida em que aumentam muito o custo desse processo.24Se, por um lado, o desenvolvimento de novos medicamentos conta, na maior parte, com o investimento de empresas de grande porte na área farmacêutica, que utilizam-se das patentes para proteger o capital investido, no caso dos radiofármacos, na maioria dos países, o desenvolvimento é normalmente realizado nos centros de pesquisa universitários ou institutos de pesquisa, para produção e uso local, em pequena escala e com dificuldades para garantir a proteção patentária do novo radiofármaco. Por outro lado, a perspectiva de transferência da tecnologia para empresas produtoras constituídas parece ser realidade cada vez mais presente na área de radiofarmácia.25 Os depósitos de patentes no Brasil não refletem o desenvolvimento interno, mas a tendência de mercado, ou seja, o interesse comercial da empresa internacional, especialmente de origem americana, levando-se em consideração o custo-benefício para dada inovação.Por fim, as dez principais empresas e instituições que depositaram patentes nas famílias pesquisadas relacionadas às preparações radiofarmacêuticas tiveram resultados que as colocam como as responsáveis pelo maior número de depósitos de patentes, apesar da contribuição de algumas universidades − provavelmente como efeito dos altos custos envolvidos na pesquisa de novos medicamentos.A crescente tendência dos países gerarem conhecimento técnico-científico, cada qual em seu ritmo de desenvolvimento, leva à necessidade de garantir seus direitos e estimular investimentos em determinada área. Assim, é possível visualizar a importância de um pesquisador ser assertivo na escolha e na condução de estudos experimentais, buscando processos inovadores.Patent Cooperation Treaty , da mesma forma como os depósitos de patentes de medicamentos convencionais e/ou contrastes para radiodiagnóstico. Esse cenário é reflexo das condições de desenvolvimento econômico e científico do país, bem como das dificuldades apresentadas no processo de depósito de uma patente, mostrando ser imprescindível investir em programas que facilitem o processo e aproximem os institutos de pesquisa e as universidades da iniciativa privada, estimulando o depósito de patentes, de forma geral, e a inovação.O maior número de depósitos de patentes no Brasil, relacionados à área radiofarmacêutica, corresponde aos pedidos de patentes internacionais via


To describe the experiences of older adults around forced displacement due to the Colombian armed conflict. Interpretive-comprehensive study, with a hermeneutical approach; several types of sampling were carried out. The participants were 12 people aged over 60 years, who reported having being displaced and who participated in the SABE Colombia Survey. The data were encoded using the Atlas.ti software. A process of condensation of central analytical, support and emerging categories was made. The displacement generated by the armed conflict has been decisive in the current life conditions of the participants. They know that they are survivors of someone else's violence; there is dislocation, loss of territory, de-anchoring, lack of protection and insecurity. To the stigma of old age, it is added being displaced and being strangers in a place where they don’t belong. They live the violent uprooting of their lands and the confusion of their identity; they found themselves in a foreign scene where they were the unusual and the strangers; from receiving threats, they passed to be labeled as ‘threatening’. This forced displacement stems from violence, but also from fear, and it marks the trajectory of life for older people who experience a prolonged struggle for survival in often hostile environments, living "permanently" displaced. When there is displacement, older people are not only shed of their land and their home, but also from their cosmos and their vital referents; in addition, it changes their life trajectory and their place in the world. Interventions should be designed based on specific particular and contextual analyses. It means a process of loss of territory, not only in geographical terms but also cultural, political and legal ones The annual report of the Agency of the United Nations Organization for Refugees ,,Altiplano (highlands) area, preferably the indigenous population; and in Colombia, it has an impact on the entire national territory, and generally affects the peasant population ,Forced displacement in Colombia presents differences in its causes. It brings together the causes of displacement observed in other countries; this multi-causality makes it deeper and more complex The elderly represent 8.5% of displaced population in Colombia ,Older people face differentiated, disproportionate and accentuated risks due to the armed conflict, both at the time of displacement and during their life trajectory ,The situation in which displaced older adults find themselves demonstrates a high degree of discrimination and vulnerability that aggravates their conditions of existence and demonstrates the failure of the State to grant the necessary guarantees for the restoration of their rights to life, dignity and equality Despite the increasing information on forced displacement, both in various regions of the world and in Colombia, information on older adults and their experiences is very scarce. Displacement generates a situation of experience, which implies that it does not mark the victims as a different or specific set of population; it is about people who have suffered a particular event that marked their lives.In this context, the objective of the present study was to describe the experiences of older adults in relation with forced displacement due to the effects of the Colombian armed conflict in the participants of the SABE Colombia study: old age and quality of life Interpretive-comprehensive study, with a hermeneutical approach and analysis from symbolic interactionism, which focused on interactions, the dynamics of social activities among people, the meanings they attribute to events, the natural environments in which they live, and the actions they perform There were taken all the older persons who reported having been displaced and who participated in the SABE Colombia Survey (2016) in their qualitative component: old age and quality of life of older people in Colombia The inclusion criteria were: to be aged 60 years or older and to accept participation by signing the informed consent, not being institutionalized, and without cognitive impairment; for the latter, it was applied the Abbreviated Mini-mental Test. The maximum score obtainable was 19; the cut-off point to be included in the study was 13. Finally, that they did not present any acute illness or communication disorders (in hearing or language). The selection did not respond to a saturation criterion with inferential claims for displaced population, but to an aspiration to exemplify the situation of displaced elderly people in Colombia.Displaced people indigenous people who participated in this study belong to the Piapoco, Sikuani and Puinave communities. The Piapoco are an indigenous people who live in the province of Guainía, their economy articulates agriculture with fishing and hunting, and the family organization is based on the authority of the father-in-law. The Sicuani are the most numerous indigenous people of the Colombian Orinoquia; they are traditionally semi-sedentary and inhabit jungle areas; artisanal fishing, horticulture, hunting and gathering of wild fruits constitute traditional sectors of the Sikuani economy. For their part, the Puinaves live in the jungle areas of the province of Guaviare, on the borders with Venezuela and Brazil. The Puinave family is nuclear and patrilineal; they basically dedicate themselves to agriculture, which complements fishing ,A semi-structured interview was used at the interviewee's home, with a previously established guide Data were encoded using the Atlas.ti version 8 software. A process of condensation of central analytical, support and emerging categories was made. The product was the registration of the information and its transformation into qualitative data required for the understanding and interpretation of the experiences around the displacement of the elderly participants, as well as the interweaving of discovery, coding (organization) and relativization scenarios (debugging and condensation), typical of this type of research. These are mobile scenarios, they are not prefixed or determined but neither are they spontaneous or random ( 25), and it allows rescuing the values of subjectivity ,The results are presented as a descriptive narrative, since it facilitates generating, organizing and analyzing the empirical evidence about the singular events, and it considers the context to give them meaning in a particular scenario in which the research team and the experiences narrated by the participants interact Twelve people reported being displaced by armed conflict, three indigenous and nine peasants; two of them were displaced more than once. The age range was between 61 and 85 years. Nine of the participants came from rural areas of the country; the majority were small farmers, three of them displaced from the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and surrounding areas, who currently live in a settlement for displaced people in the municipality of Fundacion, on land donated by the City Hall, in wooden houses without public services. Two of the respondents live in Cali and were displaced from Magüí Payan, a municipality in the center of the province of Nariño. They moved to the Municipality of Tumaco; from that place, they were displaced again. Three of the participants currently live in Bucaramanga; two of them, farmers, come from the Catatumbo region; the third one, a woman housewife, was displaced as a result of the kidnapping of her husband; she comes from the province of Santander. The latter was the owner of a cattle farm in the eastern plains; he currently lives in a shelter in the municipality of Villavicencio.The displacement generated by the armed conflict has been decisive in the current living conditions of the participants. Everyone has in common that they were born and raised outside the urban world they now inhabit. All were displaced between 2001 and 2011, and all by the presence of the armed conflict in their territories. Four words are repeated in these voices: fear, save, abandon and survive. Because of fear, they left their territory. To save their own lives, and the ones of their families, they left. Leaving behind their houses, lands, jobs and animals was the only option. Survival is the only (thing) remaining for them. These stories sharpen the look around the vulnerability, exclusion, marginalization and inequalities of older adults who have in their history the experience of forced displacement. To the stigma of old age, the burden of destroying its territorial reference and the experience of a strange and hostile habitat are added to their survival. They changed the logic of daily life, they feel poverty, hunger, uprooting. The reason for their violent departure was the defense of their family, their children, so that they would not be taken away or made disappear; but in the city, they have other fears and other threats: insecurity, drugs, prostitution, and loss of authority. Health changes its meaning in the city; in the countryside, institutional resources are restricted, but nature compensated for the shortcomings; and for older indigenous people, their daily practices are entangled and confused in the logic of the market, private appropriation and rationality of other groups. They live loneliness with indifferent strangers; violence and displacement took away the certainties of their community ties, and put them before an individualism that isolates them even more. However, they feel they have to survive, from the resignation they bear in their own memories.It was hard for me, because I did not move out from only one part, I moved out from one part first; and then, I don't even know how many times” (M66). An abrupt dynamic that quickly changed their world and their lives as a result of interventions by various agents of the armed conflict: state (army and police), para-state (paramilitary forces), anti-State (guerrillas), in addition to common criminals. The death and disappearance of a close relative, the use of direct or veiled threats, even the fear of a latent proximity put them in the option of saving (themselves) or dying: “(…) we had to leave when these people arrived… in order to survive ... so that (our) children would not be taken” (M61). “I had to leave because that conflict began, that the armed groups attacked the law ; then, one in the middle of the fight, so what we had to do was to leave the farm, because of the fear that they would take us, in order to kill us (H77-1).They lived the violent uprooting of their lands, the confusion of their identity as a guarantee of survival; they found themselves in a foreign scene where they were the unusual and the strangers; from receiving threats, they passed to be labeled as ‘threatening’. “In my community, in my village, we didn't feel poor ... we had freedom and independence ... here, there is a lot of insecurity ... people look at us in a weird way ... we have other fears ... yes ...” (..); a scenario in which time to live "... no longer guaranteed the strength to lift (to plow) the earth" (H68). Also, once (they are) displaced, they are (displaced) again: “For the indigenous people, it implies a double cultural shock; on the one hand, changing their daily practices, habits and routines by “(…) going to the civilization of the white people” (M66), with customs as strange as the use of money to buy things, facing the sense of the private (property), not eating what nature offers but what was (available) in the grocery stores. On the other hand, a displacement of the ancestral memory that legitimized their symbolic place as older people in the community; their wisdom is useless in the new culture.In the city, we do know (about) enduring hunger" (M66); “Here (in the city), there is no work for us, we are a burden for our children, who welcomed us; although they already have their lives done” (M66). “I used to live in a ranchito , I was able to (catch) fish; the countryside is more bearable; in towns instead, the people are screwed, they need to have (lots of) money, in order to live well” (H73). But this outcome was also lived by the elderly peasants. It is that the land catches you, it links directly with nature, and their long history in the countryside gave them assurances and made possible to some extent the satisfaction of basic needs: "Very sad, every little thing that one has gotten in life (by) working; and we had to leave it (everything), because of the violence" (M61). And in the face of a shortening future, there is resistance to displacement; they have longing, but not the expectation of returning; they are resigned " They say that there will be a return, we have gone to see, to do something out there, but there are no more forces (we don't have remaining strengths) ..." (H77-1). However, they are not expressive in the face of this past, they avoid talking about the facts "When it comes to me ... those displacements sometimes my tears get out (I cry), I would not finally like to tell (about it) ... but then, because it is (about) this talk, I will tell you my case” (H63). The guilty (persons) are not point out, (only) silence speaks. They name the "kids" (guerrilla people), the "commanders" (of paramilitary and military forces), but indiscriminately; and justify the violent departure in order to protect themselves, their children and their family. “We had to leave that (everything) abandoned and come here with what we were wearing, nothing else, in order to save (our) lives” (H77). "My father was kidnapped by the guerrillas, and they began to chase my children" (H67). The abrupt flight was not easy for the elderly "(...) I cry a river (a lot) ..." (H63). Anchoring weighs on them "(wild vegetation), then we had to come here, waiting for nothing." (H77). They only know that they are survivors of a violence external to them, that they did not provoke or were part of it, but that made them to bear the stigma of being displaced and strangers in a place where they have no place, “I am from the jungle… one always miss (the place) where we belong ... where we left from” (M66).” For this reason, forced displacement confuses the elderly, they know why they are leaving, but this does not prevent them from recognizing the perspective of the time they have, they feel the proximity of finitude, the dispossession of their roots, the fracture of their history, and they do not have time or energy to start over, "We were going to sell the ranchito, in order to leave and see if we could revive something, but there were only weeds, mere mountain Displacement in human beings, rather than uprooting, rather than forced mobility, is dislocation,  de-protection, insecurity; especially for the elderly, who have traveled through life around a house and a home.But the hard part was moving out from Tumaco towards here, so my house is over there.” (H74). The image that they have built of themselves, and that has allowed them to differentiate themselves from others, and at the same time be recognized by others, has become unstructured and reconstructed in light of the new realities and social positions that they are obliged to assume.When there is displacement, older people are not only shed their land, their home, but their cosmos, their vital referents. “(…) ... it’s bad, one remains as trambuleco (confused), feeling bad, having to abandon what one had ..."; especially when the displacement is prolonged: "... we have been here for over 10 years, that for a season (we thought it was going to be for a short period of time) and see, it’s been 10 years and nothing ... (we are) bad, but we have to, because what else we are going to do, see how low the house is, the heat is tremendous, and see the little wood is already rotten, we have it tied with nylon, because winter comes in and all this becomes flooded.” (H77). However, this situation of loss and displacement also gives way to solidarity “There are many displaced people who had land (but now) are scrubbed here. I invaded here;  I met a guy who had 7 relatives (but) had no place to live; he was enduring hunger. I told him: take that invasion; there, I leave it to you; I’ll take some leaves and make my cambuche (hovel)” (H68). Thus, the counter-face of trust, security and tranquility is constituted by forced displacement. The elderly have accumulated a large number of experiences, many of which become a mental mapping of the space that constitutes their personal heritage, an effective means of survival. These mind maps are elaborated through the repetition of routes; the space is learned, and it is actively learned from space; and it is well known that the ability to construct spatial images in the short term constitutes a real problem with aging; therefore, changes of address and the uncertainties about the house produce confusion, loss of important elements of spatial reference, often related to emotional memory, derived from the process of buying a house or building it. This aspect becomes vitally important in a situation of displacement, "…I lived there with my children; then, when that happened that day, we flew away, with what each one could grab, (then) each one left towards there, here ... because I did not understand anything, I had not met them; when they caught me, I did not know their name or anything, when they asked me "so... you do not have an identity card, their children", ... "No, I have nothing", is that I missed myself " (M85).The house is the reference site; when the elderly are stripped of their home, they are morally misplaced; every human being needs a center of existence, a place of reference, from where to leave, where to arrive, a zero point that nourishes their sense of life. The exit, the displacement, marks a breaking point in social relations, in the way of life, particularly affected by the loss of housing, and with it, the basic conditions of family unity, autonomy, privacy and protection. The impact of this loss of reference elements goes beyond the security of the house, until limits that touch the identity itself “I had to leave because that conflict began, that the armed groups attacked the law; then, one in the middle of the fight, so what we had to do was to leave the farm, because of the fear that they would take us, in order to kill us” (H77); “… Here in Santa Rosa there I lived, my children had them there, the house was not very big but we always lived and that I left behind because they killed a little there, they were taken in a car full of blood, they took healthy people who they were not bad, so I flew away, since I had no man, they had killed me in that town” (M85).When the house and the existence get opposed, life prevails by nature: “I ran away from them and… the, the welcome they gave me was that the same night that I got there, to Cali, they robbed me; there in ..., (just) inside the city’s bus station, they stole my suitcase, the money that I had, the cell phone, the hat, a pair of cachiri leather boots, the poncho, they left me walking in stockings, one remains like that, see; I also had to go to sleep over there in a shelter for beggars ... (H67). "... that you feel ... if you do not move, you’re going to die ... that is difficult" (H74).Between the house and the life, between the location and the dislocation, between the security of the home and the insecurity of displacement, life prevails, “At the moment when I left displaced because I was hoping to find a job over there; that there, in Cali, I could get a job in some farm or something, even though I did not realize that I was deceiving myself; but there I was, I felt that hope until the moment I left that place” (H74). Returning is always less likely, the way back has lost the mark of the elderly who left them because of the rush of flight; displacement opens one path to leave, but not another to come back. Displacement ends with the hope of returning.The house is the zero point that houses the elderly; faced with displacement, this point fades, and the return becomes an increasingly dark hope: “We were here for a while, and then over there." (H63). The arrival sites become transit sites, any point is nothing, the world has no borders for displaced older people, “Right now, I am in a shelter intended for the homeless; before [living in the shelter], I had to sleep in the street (…) I have been displaced during four years” (H67). Displacement opens the road, which used to have a limit and a point of arrival, towards an infinite horizon, without limits. Displaced older people travel the land without a place to reach. Any place of arrival becomes a place of departure: "the other, the strange thing, the foreigners. This implies a loss of the habitual, a de-familiarization, a deterioration of the neighborhood; leaving the own home, leaving the land that houses and protects them implies accessing another space, full of other people, of strangers. The others are not the same, they are other faces, without familiarity, without friends, which makes them uneasy, and (which) alters one's security, especially for a doubly vulnerable person: elderly and displaced adult. Being a neighbor again, making friends again, rebuilding a routine for older people is often more difficult than for young people. Displacement leads older people to a strange world, a world that must be rebuilt, adjusted again, conquering strangers as partners, as neighbors again. Displacement implies to build the world again, to rebuild the home: "... I no longer have to walk around as I was before, thank God I am collected (living) here, inside these three sheets of zinc" (H77). In the scenario of the open space that generates the displacement of the elderly, there appears The imposition and obligation to change horizons at this stage of life” (M66). The violent uprooting of everyday space, the abrupt ruptures of their usual scenarios, the disappearance of their social and family supports, the strangeness of traveling through a territory that in principle receives them with hostility, having to face the imposition of starting over.Therefore, forced displacement marks the trajectory of life for the elderly by subjecting them to a scenario of complex violations, which translates into “In the city we do know (about) enduring hunger" (M66); “Here (in the city), there is no work for us, we are a burden (…)” (M66). “I was able to (catch) fish; the countryside is more bearable; people, instead, are screwed, they need to have (lots of) money, in order to live well” (H73).They went to the city to survive and restart. But displaced people, indigenous and peasants, given their conditions, can only enter the neighborhoods that are part of the so-called slum belts, they (have to) move from rural areas to urban overcrowding; from neighborhood relationships known for years to relationships with strangers and anonymous people. Coming from traditional communities, they face a modern city, more heterogeneous and complex than a village or small town, places that bring together a large variety of people from different regions, climates and customs, whose common denominator is poverty. They evoke the river, the mountain, the animals, which had become part of their way of life, not only because they had been a source of subsistence, but also the work base that had allowed them to be recognized as independent people and who respond for their families, which had provided them with social and individual identity. In the city, they endure hunger, conflicts, shocks, difficulties, destruction, unknown demands, and reconstructions both individually and collectively. "The awareness of existence in old age is to see how the past is widening, and how the future is shortening. If this is true, it is also true that in the trajectory of older people there is more that has been lived than what remains to be lived; this, seen with the eyes of displacement implies a change of ends, interests, hopes; in other words a change of the meaning of life, when not a complete annihilation. In the scenario of displaced older people, unlike people in other stages of life, feelings and passions emerge with a much stronger intensity, since the time to rebuild the world and its meaning is running out. And while for displaced older people the path opens to infinity, narrowness is more frequent. While the future is reduced, the physical world expands.What I miss is the way of living there. Tumaco was more peaceful at the beginning, as those groups were gradually taking the cities; because, mainly because ... over there, the people who you saw, you knew them; here, in the settlement, the same native people are becoming evil ... the same persons you know, the ones from the same land, they spend their time doing evil” (H74). If any phenomenon can be revealed in displaced older people, it is instability; rather than as a spatial or temporal category, it is a mood phenomenon, which does not find regularity in any scenario since the scenario simply does not exist anymore: “…see, do you know what? It's 2 pm; at 12 am (midnight), we hope not to see any (member) of their family; and the order, boys, is that after 12 am, destroy whatever you find of this family; so we now know it. What do I want to tell you with that? Leave the province of Arauca, you are not a pleasant person for us” (H64). Forced displacement of the elderly is revealed between living or dying, security and insecurity, loneliness and company, the friend and the stranger, closeness and remoteness, the infinite horizon or the road and the impossibility of returning, the conservation of the past and the indecipherability of the future, the inside and the outside, narrowness and width, the intimate and the public, the nameable and the unmentionable, the darkness and the light. Each of these pairs of phenomena are present, as feelings of displaced, as an arsenal of events that configure experiences “A lot of death, that; then, they almost killed us. At a point in time, when the boy was a baby, they came shooting people and the ranchitos there; from then on, we got very scared” (M66).Older people have been displaced by force, but also by fear; fear as the cause of displacement itself and fear of a dark, threatening future. Fear as a consequence of the threat. The certainty of a danger in the near future, leaves no alternative, escaping is the safest, the most reasonable in the absurdity of violence: “At three in the morning, came a gentleman in a truck; we took the bags, the kids, got into the truck and left, towards Pore, Casanare" (H67). " It became very ugly, and one did not even sleep, thinking; then, all the people left, that was left alone ... Then, one also get scared and goes out, because, what (else) can we do?" (H73). Fear as a cause and as an alternative to an uncertain future predominates in the elderly displaced by the armed conflict, and it permanently accompanies them, as it is evident in the voices provided by the narratives.On the other hand, fear emerges as a consequence of the displacement itself, because of the uncertainty of the future, because of what one must face that is still unknown, because of the expectations of what is unfamiliar. Facing a new world opens the door of intimidation, which is a form of fear " I would not like to live in the countryside because of those details; if there were no violence, it would be very nice, because everything would return to normality: for the food, the animals, chickens, pigs, everything. But now, if you have a chicken, they take it away, they steal it. Yes, there is no way to live in the countryside” (H66).The road opens the space of the unknown; returning is no longer possible, “The logic of the armed conflict and forced displacement puts older people facing another suffering of social origin: the swampy terrain of uncertainty and the loss of their identity anchors et al. Displaced people face unfamiliar environments, they must assume new attitudes and activities under difficult emotional conditions, marked by losses and uncertainties. However, this situation is not exclusive to the elderly; Bello Although farmers and indigenous people are displaced from rural to urban areas, the impact of this phenomenon is not the same. In Colombia, the definition of rurality has been, typically, the residue or complement of the official definition of urbanization or municipal head One of the groups that has been particularly affected by forced displacement and expropriation of their ancestral territories are the indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians, some of them being on the verge of extinction ,-On the other hand, in Latin America there are more than 800 indigenous peoples that have enormous territorial, demographic and sociocultural diversity, but also have a common denominator: exclusion and material poverty, which affects them more intensely than the rest of the population When the indigenous elders enter the dynamics of the city, the sense of “old age” that has been configured from the cultural substrates of each town and the biographical experience must begin to re-accommodate symbolically with the social structure of the majority society; it is at that point where, for the majority of indigenous peoples, there is a breakdown and main dislocation about the sense of old age and its role within society ,,While displacement is primarily a strategy of protection and livelihoods, being displaced is not a guarantee of being safe or achieving a sustainable livelihood ,,It is evident that the places to which displaced people arrive are inhabited by the most heterogeneous communities, which also include multiethnic and multiregional elements, whose common reference is poverty; historically experienced in the city by people and communities, but unknown to the newcomers, mostly from rural areas, where their basic needs were met daily. The various food sources provided by the countryside and the wide geographical spaces contrast with the urban environments of current coexistence, places where overcrowding and difficulties to ensure daily food are frequent -Not all displaced people can achieve good levels of economic integration, and even for those who manage to do it, economic integration does not necessarily equate to economic well-being Regarding fear, in almost all places where the Historical Memory Group Although all the participants in this study spoke of the place of origin with sadness and longing, and they want the return, they do not see it as a real option. Arias et al, in a study on the desire to return of displaced people in Colombia, found that land tenure at the place of origin provides an incentive for returning; vulnerable households, particularly those headed by women and those of ethnic minorities, seek to establish themselves at the reception site, and show less desire for returning; those displaced as a result of a direct attack are less willing to return; economic opportunities at the place of origin encourage returning, while economic opportunities at the reception site decrease the willingness to return; and social networks, as exemplified by membership in peasant organizations and collective ownership of land, increase the desire to return The sudden expulsion of older adults from their own territory, as it has been shown in this investigation, provides evidence regarding the situation experienced by rural and indigenous people, as members and participants of society; as victims of a loss of power and control over their lives in the whirlwind of armed violence.According to Lechner Displaced older adults, wrapped in their historical-cultural memories, carry their nostalgia for what was taken from them, the only heritage they have to deal with the condition of physical, economic and emotional fragility; they carry with them a series of knowledge and strategies that were key to them in their previous life, which definitely marked the way of being, inhabiting and building a space and a place in the world. The neighborhoods where they arrive become a socio-relational space where there converge duels, fear, anguish, hopes, life projects and diverse regional identities; their voices must continue to be heard.Memory, according to them, should be done in the middle of the war, in order to stop it, to denounce it, to claim, to transform and build peace. Older adults are those who, in general, resent the forced exit with greater intensity, suffer the experience as a deep uprooting, because they have few physical or cognitive resources that allow adaptation. The deterioration of the quality of life, the changes in climate, food and habits increase the feeling of vulnerability and instability. Without certain and known coordinates, people drift away. Neither the landscapes, nor the customs, nor the sounds, nor the colors, nor the smells are familiar to them. Everything deepens the feeling of estrangement. The dilemma between memory and forgetfulness in a traumatic political situation has specific connotations. Remembering the traumatic may be impossible. But forgetting it can also be it, and the memories can come back violently and relentlessly, breaking over and over again. These specificities point to the need that the programming of interventions be designed based on an analysis of particular conditions, rather than tools, and with a significant contribution from displaced persons themselves. Context analysis in any given environment should provide information to emphasize lasting solutions.… If you do not speak, if you do not write and do not tell, you will forget; and gradually, you will get covered by the fear…” This study has several strengths; it gives an account of the careful and critical look with which it is necessary to approach the complexity of forced displacement in Colombia, and the vulnerability of a forgotten minority: elderly peasants and indigenous people. It is a carefully designed and executed qualitative study, which narrates the experiences of forced displacement in a population that is almost never taken into account, despite their triple vulnerability: elderly, displacement and (being) poor. Although the study has been only an approach, it would be important to recognize and reconstruct with new groups of older adults their experience and their process, in order to have an open panorama that allows making public policy decisions and generating pertinent recommendations. As one inhabitant of Trujillo  mentioned to the historical memory group: “When there is displacement, older people are not only shed of their land and their home, but also from their cosmos and their vital referents; in addition, it changes their life trajectory and their place in the world. Interventions should be designed based on specific particular and contextual analyses. -,Desplazado es todo sujeto que se ha movilizado dentro del territorio nacional a causa de situaciones de conflicto armado interno, disturbios o tensiones interiores, violencia generalizada, violaciones masivas a los Derechos Humanos y al Derecho Internacional Humanitario ,,,,El desplazamiento forzado se configura como un proceso de éxodo que implica muchos cambios, transformaciones e impactos. Significa un proceso de desterritorialización, no solo en términos geográficos sino también culturales, políticos y jurídicos El informe anual de la Agencia de la Organización de Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados ,,,El desplazamiento forzado en Colombia, presenta diferencias en sus causas, en él confluyen las causas generadoras del desplazamiento observadas en otros países, esta multicausalidad lo hace más profundo y complejo Las personas mayores representan el 8.5% de la población desplazada en Colombia ,Las personas mayores enfrentan riesgos diferenciados, desproporcionados y acentuados por causa del conflicto armado, tanto en el momento del desplazamiento como en su trayectoria de vida ,La situación en la que se encuentran los adultos mayores desplazados, evidencia un alto grado de discriminación y vulnerabilidad que agrava sus condiciones de existencia y demuestran el incumplimiento por parte del Estado del otorgamiento de las garantías necesarias para el restablecimiento de sus derechos a la vida, a la dignidad y a la igualdad A pesar de la creciente información sobre el desplazamiento forzado, tanto en diversas regiones del mundo como en Colombia, la información sobre los adultos mayores y sus experiencias es muy escasa. El fenómeno de desplazamiento genera una situación de vivencia, lo que implica que el fenómeno no marca a las víctimas como un conjunto diferente o específico de población, se trata de personas que han sufrido un hecho determinado que marcó sus vidas.En este contexto, el objetivo del presente estudio fue describir las vivencias y experiencias de los adultos mayores en torno al desplazamiento forzado por efectos del conflicto armado en los participantes en el estudio SABE Colombia: vejez y calidad de vida estudio interpretativo-comprensivo, con enfoque hermenéutico y analisis desde el interaccionismo simbólico, el cual se enfocó en las interacciones, la dinámica de las actividades sociales entre las personas, los significados que ellas atribuyen a los eventos, los ambientes naturales en que viven y las acciones que desempeñan Se tomaron todas las personas mayores que reportaron haber sido desplazadas y que participaron en de la Encuesta SABE Colombia (2016) en su componente cualitativo: vejez y calidad de vida de las personas mayores en Colombia Los criterios de inclusión fueron: tener 60 años o más y aceptar la participación mediante la firma del consentimiento informado, no estar institucionalizado y sin deterioro cognoscitivo, para esto se aplicó el Minimental Test Abreviado, el puntaje máximo obtenible fue 19 y el punto de corte fue 13 para ser incluido en el estudio. Finalmente, que no tuviera una enfermedad aguda, ni trastornos de la comunicación (audición y lenguaje). La selección no responde a un criterio de saturación con pretensiones inferenciales para la población desplazada, sino a una aspiración de ejemplificar la situación del adulto mayor desplazado en Colombia. Los indígenas desplazados participantes en este estudio pertenecen a las comunidades Piapoco, Sikuani y Puinave. Los Piapoco son un pueblo indígena que habita en el departamento del Guainía, su economía articula la agricultura con la pesca y la caza, y la organización familiar se funda en la autoridad del suegro. Los Sicuani son el pueblo indígena más numeroso de la Orinoquia colombiana, tradicionalmente son semi-sedentarios y habitan zonas selváticas, la pesca artesanal, la horticultura, la caza y la recolección de frutos silvestres constituyen sectores tradicionales de la economía de los Sikuani. Por su parte los Puinave habitan en el zonas selváticas del departamento del Guaviare, en las fronteras con Venezuela y Brasil; la familia Puinave es nuclear y patrilineal y de dedican basicamente a la agricultura que complementan con la pesca ,Se utilizó la entrevista semiestructurada en el domicilio del entrevistado, con una guía previamente establecida Los datos se codificaron utilizando el software Atlas.ti versión 8. Se hizo un proceso de condensación de categorías analíticas centrales, de soporte y emergentes. El registro de la información y su transformación en dato cualitativo requerido para la comprensión e interpretación de las experiencias en torno al desplazamiento de las personas mayores participantes, fue el producto y el entrelazamiento de escenarios de descubrimiento, codificación (organización) y relativización (depuración y condensación), propios de este tipo de investigación. Estos escenarios son móviles, no están prefijados ni determinados pero tampoco son espontáneos ni al azar ,Los resultados se presentan como una narrativa descriptiva puesto que facilita generar, organizar y analizar la evidencia empírica sobre los eventos singulares y considera el contexto para darles sentido en un escenario particular en la cual interactúan el equipo de investigación y las experiencias narradas por los participantes Doce personas reportaron haber sido desplazadas por conflicto armado, tres indigenas y nueve campesinos, dos de ellos fueron desplazados más de una vez. El rango de edad estuvo entre 61 y 85 años. Nueve de los participantes provienen de áreas rurales del país, la mayoría eran pequeños agricultores, tres de ellos desplazados de la Sierra nevada de Santa Marta y zonas aledañas y actualmente habitan en un asentamiento para desplazados en el Municipio de Fundación, en un terreno donado por la Alcaldía, en casas de madera sin servicios públicos. Dos de los entrevistados viven en Cali y son desplazados de Magüí Payan, municipio del centro del departamento de Nariño, se trasladaron a Tumaco y de allí fueron desplazados nuevamente. Tres de los participantes actualmente viven en Bucaramanga, dos de ellos, agricultores, provienen de la región del Catatumbo y la tercera, una mujer ama de casa, fue desplazada a consecuencia del secuestro de su esposo y proviene del departamento de Santander. El último era propietario de un finca ganadera en los llanos orientales y actualmente vive en un refugio en Villavicencio. miedo, salvar, abandonar y sobrevivir. Por miedo abandonaron su territorio. Para salvar su vida y la de su familia se fueron. Abandonar la casa, la tierra, el trabajo, los animales fue la única opción. Sobrevivir es lo que les queda. El desplazamiento generado por el conflicto armado ha sido decisivo en las actuales condiciones de vida de los participantes. Todos tienen en común que nacieron y crecieron por fuera del mundo urbano que ahora habitan. Todos se desplazaron entre 2001 y 2011 y todos por la presencia del conflicto armado en sus territorios. Cuatro palabras se repiten en estas voces: Las narraciones agudizan la mirada en torno a la vulnerabilidad, la exclusión, la marginación y las desigualdades de las personas adultas mayores que tienen en su historia la experiencia del desplazamiento forzado. Al estigma de la vejez, se le suma la carga de la destrucción de su referente territorial y la vivencia de un hábitat extraño y hostil a su supervivencia. Les cambió la lógica de la vida diaria, sienten la pobreza, el hambre, el desarraigo. La razón de su salida violenta fue la defensa de su familia, de sus hijos, para que no se los llevaran o los desaparecieran, pero en la ciudad tienen otros miedos y otras amenazas: la inseguridad, las drogas, la prostitución, la pérdida de autoridad. La salud cambia de sentido en la ciudad; en el campo los recursos institucionales son restringidos pero la naturaleza compensaba las carencias; y para las personas mayores indígenas, sus prácticas cotidianas se enredan y confunden en las lógicas del mercado, la apropiación privada y la racionalidad de otros grupos. Viven una soledad con extraños indiferentes, la violencia y el desplazamiento les arrebataron las certezas de sus vínculos comunitarios y los puso ante un individualismo que los aísla aún mucho más. Sin embargo, sienten que tienen que sobrevivir, desde la resignación que soportan en sus propios recuerdos. En mi comunidad, en mi vereda, no nos sentíamos pobres… teníamos libertad e independencia… …aquí hay mucha inseguridad….la gente nos mira raro…tenemos otros miedos…si…” (..); escenario en el cual el tiempo por vivir “… ya no les garantizaba la fuerza para levantar la tierra” (H68). Además, un vez desplazados, vuelven a serlo: “A mí se me hizo duro porque yo no me desplacé de solamente de una parte, yo me desplacé de una parte primero, y después ya ni se en cuantas veces”(M66). Una dinámica abrupta que les cambió rápidamente su mundo y su vida a consecuencia de intervenciones de diversos agentes del conflicto armado: estatales (ejército y policía), para estatales (paramilitares), contra estatales (guerrillas), además de la delincuencia común. La muerte y la desaparición de algún familiar cercano, el uso de la amenaza directa o velada hasta el miedo por una proximidad latente los puso en la alternativa de salvarse o morir: “(…) nos tocó salir cuando llegó esa gente...para sobrevivir...para que no se llevaran los hijos” (M61). “Me tocó salirme porque empezaron el conflicto ese, de que se encontraron los grupos armados con la ley, entonces uno al medio del pleito, lo que le tocaba hacer es venirse y abandonar la finca porque que miedo que lo cojan a uno a matarlo (H77-1).Vivieron el desarraigo violento de sus tierras, la confusión de su identidad como garantía de sobrevivencia, se encontraron en un escenario ajeno donde ellos eran los raros y los extraños, de recibir amenazas pasaron al señalamiento de ser amenazantes “(…) ir a la civilización de los blancos” (M66), con costumbres tan raras como el uso del dinero para comprar las cosas, enfrentarse al sentido de lo privado, no comer lo que la naturaleza ofrece sino lo que se encontraba en el mercado, y por otra, un desplazamiento de la memoria ancestral que legitimaba su lugar simbólico como personas mayores en la comunidad, su sabiduría es inútil en la nueva cultura.Para los indígenas implica un doble choque cultural, por una parte, cambiar sus prácticas, hábitos y rutinas diarias al “En la ciudad si sabemos que es aguantar hambre” (M66); “Aquí (en la ciudad) No hay trabajo para nosotros, somos una carga para los hijos que nos acogieron, aunque ellos ya tienen su vida hecha” (M66). “Yo vivía en un ranchito, pescaba; el campo es más llevadero, en cambio el pueblo es jodido, tiene que tener uno plata para vivir bien” (H73).Pero este desenclave también lo vivieron las personas mayores campesinas. Es que la tierra amarra, vincula directamente con la naturaleza y su larga historia en el campo les daba seguridades y posibilitaba en alguna medida la satisfacción de necesidades básicas: “(…) yo me lloro todito…”(H63). Les pesa el anclaje “Muy triste, toda cosita que uno ha conseguido en la vida trabajando y uno deja tirado en las violencias” (M61) y ante un futuro que se acorta hay resistencia al desplazamiento, tienen añoranza pero no la expectativa de volver, estan resignados “Dicen que va haber un retorno, hemos ido a ver, hacer por ahí algo, pero ya no hay fuerzas...”(H77-1). Sin embargo, no son expresivos frente a este pasado, evaden hablar de los hechos “Cuando me toca… de esos desplazamientos a veces se me salen las lágrimas, quisiera pues a lo último no contar… pero pues ya porque se trata de esta charla yo le contaré mi caso” (H63), no señalan culpables, el silencio habla. Nombran a los “muchachos” (guerrilleros), a los “comandantes” (paramilitares y militares) pero de manera indiscriminada y justifican la salida violenta para protegerse, a sus hijos y a su familia. “Tocó dejar eso abandonado y venirnos para acá con lo que teníamos puesto, no más para salvar la vida” (H77). “A mi papá lo secuestró la guerrilla y ellos comenzaron a andar detrás de mis hijos” (H67). La huida abrupta no fue fácil para las personas mayores “Ya con el tiempo íbamos a vender el ranchito para irnos, a ver si podíamos revivir algo, pero era puro rastrojo, mera montaña, entonces nos tocó venirnos para aquí, esperando nada”. (H77). Solamente saben que son sobrevivientes de una violencia ajena a ellos, que no provocaron ni participaron, pero que los puso a cargar el estigma de ser desplazados y extraños en un lugar donde no tienen lugar, “Yo soy de la selva… siempre a uno le falta donde uno es... donde uno salió” (M66)”.Por esto, a las personas mayores el desplazamiento forzado los confunde, saben porque se van pero esto no les impide reconocer la perspectiva del tiempo que tienen, sienten la proximidad de la finitud, el despojo de sus raíces, la fractura de su historia y no tienen tiempo ni energía para volver a comenzar, “El desplazamiento en los seres humanos, más que desarraigo, más que movilidad obligada, es desubicación,  desprotección, inseguridad, especialmente para las personas mayores que han transitado por la vida alrededor de una casa y un hogar. (…) pero lo duro fue el desplazamiento de Tumaco hacia aquí, entonces mi casa está allá.” (H74). La imagen que han construido de sí mismas y que les ha permitido diferenciarse de otras y al mismo tiempo ser reconocidas por otros, es desestructurada y reconstruida a la luz de las nuevas realidades y posiciones sociales que están obligadas a asumir. Cuando hay desplazamiento, las personas mayores no solo se despojan de su tierra, de su casa, sino de su cosmos, de sus referentes vitales. “mal, queda uno como trambuleco, como mal, tener que abandonar lo que tenía uno…” más cuando el desplazamiento se prolonga “…estamos 10 años y más de estar aquí, que por una temporada y vea, van 10 años y nada… (estamos) mal, pero toca porque qué más vamos a hacer, vea esa casa tan bajitica hace un calor tremendo y vea la maderita ya está podrida, la tenemos amarrada con nailon, porque se entra el invierno y se inunda todo esto.” (H77). Sin embargo, esta situación de pérdida y desplazamiento también da paso a la solidaridad “Hay muchos desplazados que tuvieron tierra y están fregados por acá, yo hice una invasión aquí, me encontré con un tipo que tenía 7 familiares y no tenía donde vivir, estaba aguantando hambre, le dije: coja esa invasión, ahí se la dejo, yo paro un poco de hojas y hago mi cambuche” (H68).Asi, la contra-cara de la confianza, la seguridad y la tranquilidad, la constituye el desplazamiento forzado. Los personas mayores han acumulado un gran número de experiencias, muchas de las cuales devienen en una cartografía mental del espacio que se constituye en su patrimonio personal, medio efectivo para la supervivencia. Estos mapas mentales se elaboran a través de la reiteración de recorridos, se aprende el espacio y del espacio de manera activa, y es bien conocido que la capacidad de construir imágenes espaciales a corto plazo constituye un verdadero problema con el envejecimiento; por ello los cambios de domicilio, las incertidumbres acerca de la casa, producen desconcierto, pérdida de elementos importantes de referencia espacial, muchas veces relacionados con la memoria afectiva, derivada del proceso de comprar la casa o construirla. Este aspecto cobra vital importancia ante la situación de desplazamiento, “…yo vivía ahí con mis hijos, después ya cuando pasó eso, ese día nos volamos nosotros, cada quien con lo que pudo cogió para allá, para acá… porque yo no entendía nada, yo no los conocía, cuando me llevaron no sabía ni el nombre de ellos ni nada, cuando me preguntaban “aja y tú no tienes cedula, de tus hijos”, …“no, yo no tengo nada”, es que yo me perdí yo” (M85). La casa es el sitio de referencia, cuando se despoja a las personas mayores de su casa se desubican moralmente, todo ser humano necesita un centro de existencia, necesita un lugar de referencia, de donde salir, a dónde llegar, un punto cero que nutra su sentido de vida. La salida, el desplazamiento, marca un punto de quiebre en las relaciones sociales, en el modo de vida, afectado muy especialmente por la pérdida de la vivienda y con ésta las condiciones básicas de unidad familiar, autonomía, privacidad, protección. El impacto de esta pérdida de elementos de referencia, va más allá de la seguridad de la casa hasta límites que tocan la identidad misma “… Me tocó salirme por que empezaron el conflicto ese, de que se encontraron los grupos armados con la ley, entonces uno al medio del pleito, lo que le tocaba hacer es venirse y abandonar la finca porque qué miedo que lo cojan a uno a matarlo”(H77); “…aquí en Santa Rosa ahí viví yo, mis hijos los tuve ahí, la casita no era muy grande pero siempre vivíamos y eso lo dejé yo abandonado porque mataron un poco ahí, los llevaban en un carro lleno de sangre, cogían gente sana que no eran malas, entonces yo me vine volando, como no tenía ya hombre, me lo habían matado en ese pueblo” (M85). Cuando se contraponen la casa y la existencia, por naturaleza prevalece la vida: “Salí corriendo de huida de ellos y … Ja, la bienvenida que me dieron fue que la misma noche que llegué allá a Cali, me atracaron ahí en el…, adentro en el puro terminal, me robaron la maleta, me quitaron la plata que llevaba, el celular, el sombrero, unas botas de cuero cachiri, el poncho, me dejaron andando en medias, queda uno así, vea; también me tocó ir a dormir por allá en un albergue de puros indigentes… (H67). “…que usted sienta… si no se desplaza se va a morir... eso es difícil” (H74).Entre la casa y la vida, entre la ubicación y la desubicación, entre la seguridad del hogar y la inseguridad del desplazamiento, prevalece la vida, “En el momento cuando yo salí desplazado pues yo abrigaba la esperanza de que, de por ahí en un trabajo llegaba, por allá en Cali podía tener trabajo en alguna hacienda o alguna vaina, aunque yo mismo pues no me daba cuenta que me estaba engañando pero ahí estaba, yo sentía esa esperanza hasta el momento que salí de allá” (H74). Volver siempre es menos probable, el camino de regreso perdió la huella de las personas mayores que las dejaron por la premura de la huida; el desplazamiento abre un camino de ida y no de regreso. El desplazamiento acaba con la esperanza del volver. La casa es el punto cero que alberga a las personas mayores, ante el desplazamiento este punto se desvanece, y el retorno se convierte en una esperanza cada vez más oscura: “Estábamos un tiempo aquí, y luego allá.” (H63). Los sitios de llegada se convierten en sitios de paso, cualquier punto es una nada, el mundo no tiene fronteras para las personas mayores desplazados, “En este momento estoy en un albergue que es para habitantes de calle, antes [de vivir en el albergue] me tocaba dormir en la calle (…) Hace cuatro años estoy desplazao” (H67).El desplazamiento abre el camino, que antes tenía un límite y un punto de llegada, hacia un horizonte infinito y sin límites. Las personas mayores desplazadas transitan la tierra sin un lugar a dónde llegar. Cualquier lugar de llegada se convierte en lugar de partida: “lo otro, lo extraño, los extranjeros. Esto implica una des-habitualidad, una des-familiarización, un deterioro de la vecindad, salir de la morada de la casa, salir de la tierra que los alberga y los protege implica acceder a otro espacio, lleno de otra gente, de extraños. Los otros no son los mismos, son otros rostros, sin familiaridad, sin amigos, lo que intranquiliza y altera la propia seguridad y más para una persona doblemente vulnerable: adulta mayor y desplazada. Volver a ser vecino, volver a hacer amistades, volver a construir una rutina para las personas mayores suele ser mas difícil que para los jóvenes. El desplazamiento conduce a las personas mayores a un mundo extraño, un mundo que hay que volver a construir, volver a ajustar, volver a conquistar a los extraños como compañeros, como vecinos. El desplazamiento implica volver a hacer el mundo, volver a construir la morada “… ya no tengo que andar por ahí como andaba antes, gracias a Dios estoy recogido aquí, en estas tres hojas de zinc”(H77).En el escenario del espacio abierto que genera el desplazamiento de los personas mayores, aparece La imposición y obligación de cambiar de horizontes a estas alturas de la vida” (M66). Al desarraigo violento del espacio cotidiano, las rupturas abruptas de sus escenarios habituales, la desaparición de sus soportes sociales y familiares, al extrañamiento de transitar por un territorio que en principio los recibe con hostilidad tienen que enfrentarse a la imposición de volver a comenzar de cero.Por lo anterior, el desplazamiento forzado marca la trayectoria de vida a las personas mayores al someterlos a un escenario de complejas vulneraciones, que se traduce en “En la ciudad si sabemos que es aguantar hambre” (M66); “Aquí (en la ciudad) No hay trabajo para nosotros, somos una carga (…)” (M66). “Yo vivía en un ranchito, pescaba; el campo es más llevadero, en cambio el pueblo es jodido, tiene que tener uno plata para vivir bien” (H73).Se fueron a la ciudad para sobrevivir y recomenzar. Pero los desplazados, indígenas y campesinos, dadas su condiciones, solo pueden ingresar a los barrios que hacen parte de los llamados cinturones de misera, pasan de zonas rurales a hacinamiento urbanos, de relaciones de vecinos conocidos por años a relaciones con habitantes extraños y anónimos. Provenientes de comunidades tradicionales, se enfrentan a una ciudad moderna, más heterogénea y compleja que la vereda o pueblo, lugares que reúnen en un pequeño terreno a una gran variedad de personas de distintas regiones, climas, costumbres, cuyo común denominador es la pobreza. Evocan el río, la montaña, los animales, los cuales han hecho parte de su forma de vida, no solo por haber sido fuente de subsistencia, sino la base de trabajo que les ha permitido ser reconocidas como personas independientes y que responden por su familia, les ha proporcionado identidad social e individual. En la ciudad enfrentan hambre, conflictos, choques, dificultades, destrucciones, exigencias desconocidas y reconstrucciones tanto en el plano individual como colectivo “La conciencia de la existencia en la vejez, es ver cómo se va ensanchando el pasado y cómo se va acortando el futuro. Si esto es cierto, también lo es que en la trayectoria de las personas mayores es más lo que se ha vivido que lo que falta por vivir, esto visto con ojos de desplazamiento implica un cambio de fines, de intereses, de esperanzas; en otras palabras un cambio de sentido de la vida, cuando no la aniquilación completa. En el escenario de las personas mayores desplazadas, a diferencia de las personas en otras etapas de la vida, emergen sentimientos y pasiones con una intensidad mucho más fuerte ya que el tiempo para volver a construir el mundo y su sentido se agota. Y si bien para las personas mayores desplazadas el camino se abre al infinito, la estrechez, la angostura es más frecuente. Mientras el futuro se reduce, el mundo físico se amplía.Lo que extraño es la forma de vivir allá. Tumaco había más tranquilidad al principio, como esos grupos fueron tomando poco a poco las ciudades, porque principalmente pues… allá la gente que uno ve los conocía y aquí en el asentamiento la misma gente nativa gente se está volviendo mala... el mismo que lo conoce a uno de la misma tierra, se la pasa por ahí haciendo maldad” (H74). Si algún fenómeno se puede revelar en las personas mayores desplazados es la inestabilidad, más que como una categoría espacial o temporal es un fenómeno anímico, que no encuentra regularidad en ningún escenario ya que sencillamente el escenario ya no existe: “… vea ¿sabe qué? son las 2 de tarde, a las 12 de la noche esperamos no ver a ninguno de su familia y la orden muchachos es que después de las 12 de la noche de hoy, lo que encuentren de esta familia, arrástrenlo, así que ya sabemos, ¿qué le quiero decir con eso? desocupe el departamento de Arauca, usted no es persona grata para nosotros” (H64). El desplazamiento forzado de las personas mayores se revela entre vivir o morir, la seguridad y la inseguridad, la soledad y la compañía, el amigo y el extraño, la cercanía y la lejanía, el horizonte infinito o el camino y la imposibilidad de la vuelta atrás, la conservación del pasado y la indescifrabilidad del futuro, el adentro y el afuera, estrechez y anchura, lo íntimo y lo público, lo nombrable y lo innombrable, la oscuridad y la luz. Cada una de estas duplas de fenómenos se hacen presentes, como sentimientos de desplazado, como arsenal de eventos que configuran vivencias y experiencias “Mucha muerte eso, entonces, casi nos matan una vez cuando la época que tenía el muchacho bebé, vienen tirotiando la gente allí y los ranchitos, nosotros de ahí para allá cogimos fue miedo” (M66). Las personas mayores han sido desplazadas por la fuerza, pero también por el miedo; el miedo como provocador del desplazamiento mismo y el miedo ante un futuro oscuro, amenazante. El miedo como consecuencia de la amenaza. La certeza de un peligro en el futuro cercano, no deja alternativa, la huida es lo más seguro, lo más razonable en lo absurdo de la violencia: “A las tres de la mañana llegó el señor del campero, montamos las maletas, los pelaos, me monté yo y vamos para Pore, Casanare” (H67). “Se puso muy feo y uno ni dormía pensando, entonces toda la gente se fue, eso quedó solo… Entonces a uno le da miedo y sale uno también, porque uno qué hace” (H73). El miedo como causante y como alternativa ante un futuro incierto predomina en las personas mayores desplazadas por el conflicto armado y los acompaña permanentemente, como se se hace evidente en las voces que brindan las narraciones. Por otra parte, el miedo emerge como consecuencia del desplazamiento mismo, por la incertidumbre del futuro, por aquello a lo que debe enfrentarse que aún le es desconocido, por las expectativas de aquello que no le es familiar. El enfrentarse a un nuevo mundo abre la puerta de la intimidación, que es una forma del miedo ““No anhelaría vivir en el campo por esos detalles, si no hubiera violencia sería muy lindo, porque volvería todo a la normalidad: por la comida, los animalitos, las gallinas, los cerdos, todo. Pero ahora si una gallina tiene, se la quitan, se la roban. Sí, no hay forma de vivir en el campo” (H66). El camino abre el espacio de lo desconocido, volver ya no es posible, La lógica del conflicto armado y el desplazamiento forzado pone a las personas mayores ante otro sufrimiento de origen social: el terreno pantanoso de la incertidumbre y la pérdida de sus anclajes identitarios et al. Las personas desplazadas se enfrentan a ambientes desconocidos, deben asumir nuevas actitudes y actividades en condiciones emocionales difíciles marcadas por perdidas e incertidumbres. Sin embargo, esta situación no es exclusiva de los adultos mayores, Bello Aunque campesinos e indígenas son desplazados de áreas rurales a urbanas, el impacto de este fenómeno no es el mismo. En Colombia, la definición de ruralidad ha sido, de manera típica, el residuo o complemento de la definición oficial de urbanización o cabecera Uno de los grupos que ha sido afectado especialmente por el desplazamiento forzado y la expropiación de sus territorios ancestrales son los pueblos indígenas y afro descendientes, situándose algunos de ellos al borde de la extinción ,-De otro lado, en América Latina existen más de 800 pueblos indígenas que tienen una enorme diversidad territorial, demográfica y sociocultural, pero también tienen un denominador común: la exclusión y la pobreza material que los afecta con mayor intensidad que al resto de la población Cuando los mayores indígenas entran en las dinámicas de la ciudad, el sentido de “vejez” que se ha venido configurando desde los sustratos culturales de cada pueblo y la experiencia biográfica, debe empezar a re-acomodarse simbólicamente con la estructura social de la sociedad mayoritaria, es en ese punto, donde para la mayoría de pueblos indígenas se produce la ruptura y dislocación principal sobre el sentido de la vejez y el rol de ésta dentro de la sociedad ,,Si bien el desplazamiento es principalmente una estrategia de protección y medios de vida, ser desplazado no es garantía de estar seguro o de lograr un medio de vida sostenible ,,Es evidente que los lugares a los que llegan los desplazados se encuentran habitados por las más heterogéneas comunidades, que incluyen además elementos pluriétnicos y multirregionales, cuyo referente común es la pobreza, históricamente experimentada en la urbe por personas y comunidades, pero desconocida para los recién llegados, procedentes en su mayoría del ámbito rural, donde cotidianamente encontraban satisfechas sus necesidades básicas. Las diversas fuentes de alimento que proporcionaba el campo y los amplios espacios geográficos, contrastan con los entornos urbanos de convivencia actual, lugares donde son frecuentes el hacinamiento y las dificultades para asegurar la alimentación cotidiana ,,No todas las personas desplazadas pueden lograr buenos niveles de integración económica, e incluso para quienes lo son, la integración económica no necesariamente equivale al bienestar económico En lo que respecta al miedo, en casi todos los lugares donde el Grupo de Memoria Histórica Aunque todos los participantes en este estudio hablan del lugar de origen con tristeza y añoranza y desean el retorno, no lo ven como una opción real. Arias et al, en un estudio sobre el deseo de retorno de personas desplazadas en Colombia, encontró que la tenencia de la tierra en el lugar de origen proporciona un incentivo para el retorno; los hogares vulnerables, en particular los encabezados por mujeres y los de minorías étnicas, buscan establecerse en el lugar de recepción y muestran un menor deseo de regresar; los desplazados como consecuencia de un ataque directo están menos dispuestos a regresar; las oportunidades económicas en el lugar de origen fomentan el retorno, mientras que las oportunidades económicas en el sitio de recepción disminuyen la disposición a regresar; y las redes sociales, como lo ejemplifica la membresía en organizaciones campesinas y la propiedad colectiva de la tierra, aumentan el deseo de regresar La expulsión repentina los adultos mayores del propio territorio, como se ha mostrado en esta investigación, provee evidencias respecto a la situación que han vivido y resistido los pobladores rurales y los indígenas, como participantes, miembros y actores de la sociedad; como víctimas de una pérdida de poder y control sobre sus vidas en el torbellino de la violencia armada. Según Lechner El adulto mayor desplazado envuelto en sus recuerdos histórico-culturales carga con su nostalgia por lo que le fue arrancado, único patrimonio con que cuenta para hacer frente a la condición de fragilidad física, económica y emocional; lleva consigo una serie de saberes y estrategias que le resultaban claves en su vida previa, que marcaban definitivamente la manera de ser, habitar y construir un espacio y un lugar en el mundo. Los barrios a donde llegan se convierten en espacio socio relacional donde convergen duelos, miedo, angustias, esperanzas, proyectos de vida, identidades regionales diversas; sus voces se deben seguir oyendo. La memoria, según ellos, debía hacerse en medio de la guerra, para detenerla, denunciarla, reclamar, transformar y construir la paz. Los adultos mayores son quienes, por lo general, resienten con mayor intensidad la salida forzada, sufren la experiencia como un profundo desarraigo, pues cuentan con pocos recursos físicos o cognitivos que posibiliten la adaptación. El deterioro de la calidad de vida, los cambios de clima, de alimentación y de hábitos acrecientan la sensación de vulnerabilidad e inestabilidad. Sin coordenadas ciertas y conocidas, las personas quedan a la deriva. Ni los paisajes, ni las costumbres, ni los sonidos, ni los colores, ni los olores, les resultan familiares. Todo ahonda la sensación de extrañamiento. El dilema entre la memoria y el olvido en una situación política traumática tiene connotaciones específicas. Recordar lo traumático puede ser imposible. Pero olvidarlo también puede serlo y el recuerdo puede volver violentamente a la memoria irrumpiendo sin tregua una y otra vez. Estas especificidades apuntan a la necesidad de que la programación de las intervenciones se diseñe con base en un análisis de las condiciones particulares, en lugar de herramientas, y con una contribución significativa de las propias personas desplazadas. El análisis del contexto en cualquier entorno dado debe proporcionar información para enfatizar soluciones duraderas.Este estudio tienen varias fortalezas, da cuenta de la mirada cuidadosa y crítica con la que es necesario acercarse a la complejidad del desplazamiento forzado en Colombia y la vulnerabilidad de una minoría olvidada: adultos mayores campesinos e indígenas. Es un estudio cualitativo cuidadosamente diseñado y ejecutado que narra las vivencias y experiencias del desplazamiento forzado en una población que casi nunca se tiene en cuenta, a pesar de su triple vulnerabilidad: adulto mayor, desplazado y pobre. Aunque el estudio ha sido solo un acercamiento y sería importante reconocer y reconstruir con nuevos grupos de adulto mayores, su experiencia y su proceso, para de este modo tener un panorama abierto que permita tomar decisiones de política pública y generar recomendaciones pertinentes. Como lo menciona un habitante de Trujillo, Valle del Cauca, al grupo de memoria histórica: “… Si no se habla, si no se escribe y no se cuenta, se olvida y poco a poco se va tapando bajo el miedo …” Cuando hay desplazamiento, las personas mayores no solo se despojan de su tierra, de su casa, sino de su cosmos, de sus referentes vitales y se modifica su trayectoria de vida y su lugar en el mundo. Las intervenciones deben ser diseñadas basadas en análisis particulares y contextuales específicos.