Despite the global upsurge of youth-fueled mass mobilization, the critical question of why new generations may be eager to join established movements is under-explored theoretically and empirically. This study contributes to theories of feminist generational renewal in particular. We examine the longer-term movement context and more proximate strategies that have enabled young women to participate steadily in a cycle of protest, alongside more seasoned activists, due to a process of feminist learning and affective bonding that we call “productive mediation.” We focus on the Argentine Ni Una Menos (Not One Less) massive yearly march, which, since its onset in 2015, demonstrates that feminist activists have achieved the sought-after goal of fostering a highly diverse mass movement. These large-scale mobilizations against feminicide and gender-based violence gain much of their energy from a strong youth contingent, so much so that they have been called “the Daughters’ Revolution.” We show that these “daughters” have been welcomed by previous generations of feminist changemakers. Drawing on original qualitative research featuring 63 in-depth interviews with activists of different ages, backgrounds, and locations across Argentina, we find that long-standing movement spaces and brokers, as well as innovative frameworks of understanding, repertoires of action, and organizational approaches, help to explain why preexisting social movements may be attractive for young participants. On June 3rd, 2015, the Ni Una Menos (Not One Less - NUM) massive yearly march erupted across Argentina to protest the feminicide of young women. In the capital, Buenos Aires, more than 300,000 people gathered to march and chant before taking part in an enormous rally outside the Congressional Palace. There, feminist artists and journalists read a “Manifesto” demanding a robust state response to gender-based violence. It was the largest such march in Argentina’s history, and instantly spread from Mexico to Uruguay, eventually even reaching South Korea and Poland. It sparked a cycle of mass protest within and beyond Latin America, including the 2017 and 2018 Global Women’s Strikes on International Women’s Day. By 2018, NUM had been replicated in at least six hundred cities across the world With NUM, Argentine feminism achieved a central goal of many progressive social movements: a highly diverse, mass base anchored in a robust social network permeating all types of social groups in a range of locations. A NUM founder described the broad social penetration of NUM, whose flexible and amoeba-like shape pushed the boundaries of more traditional movement organization:My feeling is that one has rowed against the tide for a long time and suddenly we are being pushed by a sweeping wind, which sweeps us into good health. It surprises me, it pushes me to a greater radicalism in many things, where I was more prudent, and I see that young women and teenagers are … taking other risks because fear is lost. One of its most striking features was the unprecedented integration of thousands of young and very young women,As this testimonial indicates, fearless younger participants pushed older feminists, and feminism, forward.NUM co-founder and scholar-activist Maria Pia Lopez argues that, beyond Argentina, “feminism has become the largest source of youth activism” in Latin America López , 68. NUMLatin American feminist activism illustrates what initially may seem to be a generational shift, part of what has been designated as a “fourth wave” of global feminist activity, with younger activists taking the lead in contemporary feminist and democratic protests in the North and South Cochrane . But, asTo understand why NUM was able to break a history of intergenerational distrust and foster mass mobilization, we first situate our work within previous research on generational analysis and social movements, focusing on youth and  feminist activism. With this case study, we also add to the blossoming literature on Latin American feminist intergenerational cooperation by bringing it into dialogue with the insights drawn from more general scholarship on micromobilization, or movement recruitment.We then turn to empirical analysis of NUM, based on original interviews with 63 organizers and participants from different age cohorts, as well as data from contemporary primary sources. On the one hand, we find that in ways both deliberate and organic, previous generations of feminists established spaces and networks, and offered insights, through which younger participants developed movement identities and solidarities. On the other hand, NUM organizers appealed to a younger generation by replacing rationally bounded, adult-centered claims with emancipatory frames, and advancing fluid structures that made room for performative repertoires. The result was a new generation of activists seizing the opportunity to engage in digitally connected and face-to-face mass activism against gender violence.With the definitive protagonism of young, and sometimes very young, activists in the cycle of mass demonstrations beginning in 2011’s “Arab Spring” and reaching a peak in the 2019 Climate Strike, social movement analysts are paying more attention to the importance of age, and more specifically, generation, to mobilization and social protest. While some of these protests have been youth-driven, others manifest long histories and contemporary instances of intergenerational cooperation. Understanding why some social movements are attractive for youth, and young women in particular, requires us to consider generational transformation beyond simple demographic transition from older to younger participants. With this in mind, we seek to address if and how social movements can bridge generational distances given that younger cohorts always bring challenges in terms of protest styles, including frameworks of understanding, forms of organizing, and types of actions.Truly intergenerational movements face a considerable hurdle: how to incorporate distinct political generations with often very different styles of sense-making, organizing, and activism. As we consider the context in which Latin American feminism has developed, it does seem as if the 21st century upsurge of youth activism, and NUM specifically, reflects a new political style.zeitgeist of the time.But before turning to what this new style entails, we need to clarify what Karl Mannheim, the influential political generation theorist of the 20th century, defined as a “generational unit.” He argued that political generations, rather than being the result of lifecycle phenomena attached to biological age, are constructed through young people’s shared experiences of major historical events, particularly the “dynamic de-stabilization” of rapid sociocultural change Mannheim , 303. PeAccording to Mannheim, what attests to the existence of a new generational unit is “the formation of a new generational style” made up of elements such as “new conceptions,” undergirded by “psychological and intellectual impulses,” leading to “formative principles,” and resulting in “social and intellectual currents” Mannheim , 306–315In Latin America and elsewhere, in the face of an uncertain and destabilizing future – subject to climate crisis, economic inequality, precarity in education, employment and social protections, within a hybrid reality where social media are integrated into every aspect of economic, social, and political life – a progressive youth movement style has materialized. Drawing together insights from research on the last decade’s youth activism, we characterize this style in terms of its complex understandings of multiple inequalities, highly flexible organizations embedded in digital resources, and forward-looking prefigurative repertoires , rather than join, older cohorts. Analytically, the much-used “wave” metaphor can reduce the transformation and growth of women’s movements into a sequential order of distinct cohorts with irreconcilable generational styles. However adequate in capturing the most conflictive aspects of feminist movements, the metaphor has been widely critiqued due to its restriction of the scope and space, and thus actors and actions, that do not fit neatly into the chronological narrative Hewitt . Other aFrom another perspective, the seemingly intractable generational divide can be interpreted as an ongoing multigenerational movement with distinct cohorts coming to the fore at different times in different ways. This perspective accommodates some, albeit limited, forms of intergenerational cooperation. In Ecuador and Peru, for example, Anna-Britt Coe  found thThough richer in terms of the empirical phenomena it may help to explain, the concept of spin-off focuses on ideational and organizational inheritance, rather than cooperation. As a multigenerational effort, the women’s movement “allows for criticisms by the next generation to be viewed as an accomplishment in that … [an older] feminist generation has been successful in shaping the society and the discourse giving young women something to build upon and reject” Reger . With reAchieving intergenerational mass feminist mobilization is no easy feat; as the discussion above makes clear, incorporating a new generational style is challenging, and generational divisions seem, or are seen, to be more the rule than the exception. In order to “see” and understand the kind of intergenerational movements that may characterize the recent upsurge of feminist mobilization, we advance the concept of “productive mediation.” It is productive and well-networked feminist praxis based on both knowledge transmission and openness to, if not outright encouragement of, newer cohorts’ ideas, organizations, and repertoires. The wide diffusion of feminist ideas necessarily implies collective co-creation of understandings by means of intergenerational exchange and mutual learning.We derive the elements of this analytic lens by bringing together insights from the social movement literature on the micromobilization responsible for movement recruitment with the emerging work on contemporary feminist movements. As a complex social process, productive mediation requires enabling factors: compelling frameworks, channeled through social networks that lead to the development of movement identities, and actions based upon them, in collective settings.Eliciting new entrants’ interests and affinities through appealing frameworks of understanding is a fundamental step in movement recruitment. Such frameworks may appeal on a rational basis through processes of intellectual learning and argumentation, exemplified by the “rational/cognitive” approach  conveyed “women’s political ability to stand up for each other, to have each other’s back, and to work across differences towards a common vision” (5). In this collective framework construction, the affective dimension becomes most apparent: bonds of care, affection and complicity are the glue that ties together activists across ages, cohorts, and generations.Much of the micromobilization literature perceives movement recruits as having little movement experience - or even preexisting awareness or commitments. Such an assumption draws on the widely critiqued “deficit model” of youth participation 4I remember it as an ocean of people and I also remember seeing different people, they were not the usual activists; they were someone’s aunt and grandmother; multiple identities that questioned society as a whole. As a social protest, NUM was a tipping point. The mass mobilization inspired #NiUnaMenos to trend in Argentina and around the world Laudano . The larI think that Ni Una Menos opened doors, it was a before and after. That activists and non-activist women of different ages joined together was something historic. It is no coincidence that it keeps repeating itself, it even unites those of us who may not agree on all other issues … Ni Una Menos is like the hinge, it changed the girls of my generation, it marked us forever. After June 3, 2015, you are no longer the same, I celebrate not being the same. For many younger participants, NUM was their entry into feminist identity and action. As their comments reflect, the historically diverse and massive protest brought about a radical shift in their own lives in terms of their self-perception and place in society:It’s not that it marked me, but it was a turning point for massification, and people who were not in the feminist movement began to ask some questions, women began to identify violence and the typical issues of feminism. It seems to me that it was of tremendous social value putting into public discussion issues that were covered up, silenced. It allowed the power of the movement, of the youth, to show … Personally, for me, it was not a pivotal moment, but I do recognize the value to the history of Argentine feminism cannot be questioned. Young activists already involved with feminism at the time of NUM acknowledged the social relevance of the march as a key moment for the advancement of feminism. In their own terms, NUM was a “turning point,” it had “tremendous social value,” thus pointing to its macrosocial relevance in expanding feminist ideals and identities:Some very young women have said that feminism started with the Ni Una Menos march in 2015. I think what that reveals is that certain initiation experiences are something very powerful, when you became a feminist, when you saw what feminism was and even timidly, even without an adhesion, you noticed that there was something that could challenge and could represent you.In the same vein, an older generation, while aware of a longer history of feminist action, recognized that NUM was an emotionally charged foundational moment for feminist youth:las pibas (Argentine slang for girls) in interviews and press coverage, a term highlighting that the march was crowded with not only young women but also high-school girls. These more experienced observers called NUM “the daughter’s revolution” or even “the granddaughters’ revolution.” But the revolutionaries came from multiple generations. The “revolution” led by las pibas, as the following quotations illustrate, produced changes in ideas and worldviews that, in turn, stemmed from other movement struggles and traditions.[NUM] was a revolution of the minds, with the youth at the forefront. … It is true that there is dispute, but it is a revolution and when there is a revolution minds open, debates open, organizations appear … young women are the recipients of the revolution. Never has so much progress been achieved at the level of discussion, at social consensus; we have achieved a generational transmission and a massiveness that was built by hand and little by little. There I return to legacies, the legacy of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, of the Grandmothers. … I think the most important achievement is getting out, losing fear, being supportive among us, that question of ‘I believe you.’ Given the high salience of generational identity in Argentine protest politics, such as the well-known mothers and grandmothers human rights groups, the allusion to familial relations has an important contextual resonance. But it also intimates a sense of deep connection among the generations. Older activists and the media called these young women Because the march was truly intergenerational, interviewees extended the term revolution to all women, while placing young women in a privileged place. This rhetorical move wove together genealogy and legacy at the center of NUM, with a sense of feminist parenthood and sorority bonding the participants.This diverse and massive multigenerational presence was surprising: opening the feminist field to a younger generation was far from a given in Argentina. Manzano  elaboratWhy was NUM able to dramatically shift this context and foster intergenerational mobilization? In more conceptual terms, what were the enabling conditions behind intergenerational productive mediation? The remainder of this study addresses these questions.Our empirical findings show three major factors that enabled generational convergence through ties of empathy and sorority as well as feminist learning and exchange. Enthusiastic participants overcame previous generational and other socially relevant divisions to engage in compelling social action due to: (1) collective spaces for meeting and interaction; (2) active mentorship of “brokers,” an in-between feminist generation with a significant capacity for sustained network building; and (3) social protest in many ways structured to resonate with younger people’s mobilizational style. The first two factors can be conceptualized as more structural and long-term conditions that provided the basic scaffold for NUM massification. The catalytic NUM collective enabled more proximate conditions by providing frameworks, forms of organizing and protest that fit with a progressive youth style.One of the most significant foundations for intergenerational alliances were the Encuentro Nacional de Mujeres  that offered fertile ground in which NUM germinated. The ENM hosted successive generations of women: “I believe that the continuity, massiveness and support of the National Women’s Encounters is something unique in the world. This has been achieved by the consistency and massiveness and effort of the women’s movement” . The ENM has exerted a powerful socializing effect on various generations. Initiated by experienced feminists, these meetings have been an entry door to feminism for brokers and, more recently, young women and teenagers.A near-yearly meeting begun in 1986, the ENM is “an inspirational venue for learning, exchange, and support.” It moves around the country, with regional volunteer committees organizing a program where participants come together in a horizontal network, on a non-partisan basis, to take part in workshops and cultural activities, as well as an energetic public parade and demonstration Friedman , 133. Th5mantiendo la olla, literally “maintained the pot”] in the 2001 crisis. They came with accumulated experience … And all those women turned to the ENM and … it overflowed. I think that was the first moment of massiveness of the ENM. In the post Argentinazo, there was a massive eruption of women from the popular assemblies, from the neighborhood [soup kitchens], women who were neither academics nor faculty activists, but had fed their families and communities , just out of curiosity. …. It blew our minds; a lot of ideas began to dawn on us … I began to see the need to introduce the debate in my organization, which is the Socialist Left, and in different spaces, in that moment in the student center and after I graduated in the union, as well as in different social spaces, organizing the 8M [International Women’s Day demonstration] and mobilizing for other issues. If NUM catalyzed young activism, the ENM provided the spark for those who would become NUM’s brokers during the “second great depression” of the early 2000s. This deep political and economic crisis led to social upheaval known as the “Argentinazo,” that included the mobilization of the urban poor. This earlier generation took part in the society-wide protests against the deleterious effects of Argentina’s neoliberal transformation, and the political parties over being it. Organizing through the ENM resulted in demonstrations incorporating both low-income women in class-based social movements of unemployed workers , a truly intergenerational network, with seasoned feminists, middle-aged brokers, and young and very women, thus creating a flexible structure of territorial scope with abortion demands linked to freedom and self-determination Burton .bombo, the large traditional drum omnipresent in Argentine protests.More recently, younger women have also found the ENM a place to develop their feminist identities, clearly swelling its ranks. In the interviews, they described being invited by fellow youth activists, sometimes from leftwing parties, to an Encounter, “where everything started.” From this experience, they “fell in love” with feminism and had their first movement action, marching out with their friends at the end of the meeting, shouting at counterprotestors and beating the These processes of gathering, debating, and marching together enabled and strengthened ties of empathy and solidarity among women from different generational units, as well as social, political, and institutional sites. The impact of the ENM was so substantial in young women’s imaginary that, when asked about feminist leadership or “referents,” many could not provide specific names but invariably said something similar to: “We cannot think of the women’s movement without the Encuentros that have happened for 35 years and make us discuss, for at least one weekend in Argentina, what we women need” . The ENM serves as the Argentine feminist movement keystone.As a fruitful structural condition for productive mediation, the ENM had amplifying effects, as the emotional and intellectual experience of these intense meetings helped young women create and/or expand their own networks and groups. Wrapping the green scarf which is the now-regional symbol of the abortion rights movement around wrists and the straps of their shoulder bags, some returned to their left parties and student organizations and founded internal “women’s fronts” that in turn would become spaces for NUM organizing.In a telling statistic, just one year before NUM, in 2014, the ENM had risen to 37,500 participants, an 87% increase relative to 2013’s 20,000 attendees. This significant expansion reflects a growing interest in feminist movement politics. After the first NUM, the 2015 ENM grew again, by another 57% , union leaders (from teachers’ unions and public sector organizations among others), feminists from left-political parties and the progressive factions of Peronism, as well as those in positions of state decision making. These locations make sense contextually given that in Argentina, political parties and movements are actively rooted in micro-social spaces and daily life of even the poorest urban areas. Historically, they have played an important role in political socialization, and, in the last decade, they have attracted younger participants  .Some brokers focused on bringing together women, particularly those from popular sectors, with micro-organizing and awareness-raising activities that opened spaces for political action. They did not do this alone; they developed a dense network among themselves.piquetero movements distinguished themselves by recruiting through “women’s assemblies.” The first experiences date back to 2003 and 2004, just after the “Avellaneda massacre.”Brokers located in the Our research identified other brokers who were middle-class educated women, namely, professors and researchers who define themselves as “feminists who work and organize inside the university” . As Crossley  has founI think that starting university always marks a lot in people’s lives. At least in my case it was like that. … I am a social work student; I am lucky that all the courses at my school are given from a gender perspective. At the beginning, and I think it happens to all of us a little bit, it’s like ‘I’m in favor of this, but I’m not a feminist, only if I think that women should have the same rights as men, but I don’t I identify myself with the collective’ …. I feel that feminism in my life came from the hand of the university.Our research affirms that the institutional expansion of gender studies as well as interdisciplinary, public programming on women’s health and abortion, enabled professors to inspire young women’s feminism by teaching feminist theory and gender analysis. By the mid- 2000s, as Gogna et al. , 237 shoThanks to academic brokers, young women participated in “advanced discussions” on topics often considered taboo. For example, they were fundamental in fostering sex and sexuality education for the younger cohorts, as exemplified by the 2014 “Teachers for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion” network that advocated for proper implementation of the Comprehensive Sex Education Law The specific ambit of gender studies helped in developing an affective politics that those young women refer to as “sorority” with their fellow students and faculty, as they also share and reflect upon their own lived experiences of inequality. In the words of one, intellectual activity came along with a deep sense of belonging to a “community:”Minds and hearts were primed for feminist action in feminist classrooms. And as shown below, even high schools fostered solidaristic linkages leading even younger participants to NUM.The most important thing was the visits to the classrooms. We …knocked on the door and invited people to attend the march. … We broadcasted an open radio program inside the school; we went out looking for people, we hung posters, and conducted different activities that anyone who passed by noticed or caught their attention. But with this passing through the classrooms, we made our fellow students listen to us. Feminist professors prepared the terrain for mobilizations by centering an analysis of and response to gender violence, whether through inspiring teaching, helping to gather people together at the university, or advancing university protocols to eradicate violence against women on campus.In short, the intermediate generations of brokers fostered the organizational and personal ties that could bring young women together and connect them with more experienced activists.Thus, by the time of NUM, spaces for feminist learning and feminist brokers had contributed to a seachange in intergenerational tensions over feminism. Despite differences in organizational style, priorities, and identities, experiences in the unique feminist space of the ENM and multi-class emancipatory mentoring played key roles in what became visible with NUM: feminism as a mass movement. We now turn to analyzing how the specific ideas, organization, and actions of NUM contributed to attracting young women.In the case of NUM, how the journalists and artists of this wider and versatile group crafted and distributed mobilizational messages before, during and after the first mass rally, especially through digital formats, proved vital for youth recruitment. They also were active in constructing the “discourse of movement and logistics” Sutton , 10 attuMembers of the original NUM collective were particularly skillful at designing visible, appealing and urgent demands and disseminating them through intertwined on- and off-line strategies Gago . These oNi Una Menos is ‘you don’t get one more out of me.’ It seems … very subtle, but we live from that subtlety… ‘Ni Una Más’ is re-victimizing, it is counting the dead and we count the dead, we remember them, we carry them with us, we turn them into a banner; but more than being on the defensive, we are angry and wanting to produce our own meanings, because we are together. The interpretive work that the collective disseminated over social networks started with the slogan “Ni Una Menos” itself. They were inspired by the Mexican poet Susana Chávez’s famous phrase “Ni Una Muerte Más” (Not One More Death), written in response to the notorious feminicides in Ciudad Juárez . This sense of urgency resonated with youth because they feared for their own and their friends’ lives; they could not tolerate delay between actions and goals.The transformation of NUM’s framework of understanding over time, from initially centered on gender violence and feminicide to later advancing a broader critique of patriarchy and capitalism, kept youth interested and active. As a central example, by the first anniversary of the original protest, NUM’s intersectional social justice frame expanded to include abortion rights by focusing on the dangers of imprisonment, harm, and even death due to illegal procedures particularly for poor women (Daby and Moseley transfeministas).” They believe that all women, cis and trans, and trans men, and other gender “dissidents,” as they are known in Argentina, can be feminists, because, as one explained: “transfeminism understands that the patriarchal system not only oppresses based on gender but also controls and limits all bodies to, in one way or another, adapt them to the established social order” . They think the earlier women’s movement initially “had a huge impact…making a lot of violences visible and put issues and themes that weren’t talked about in society on the agenda, but that is not the extent of the violences that a trans person, people who aren’t cis men, suffer, to say it that way, more broadly. Thus, for me to claim this name calls attention and an invitation to the struggle to all of those compañeres …” . The expansion of NUM demands and frameworks dovetailed with younger participants’ capacious understanding of feminism, keeping them active in the protest cycle ahead.This thematic expansion was welcomed by younger feminists, many of whom start from intersectional perspectives and often label themselves “feminists and transfeminists . They shift activist sites and build more sporadic collectives that constantly give rise to new ones Young women’s reliance on flexible organizational boundaries clearly drew on their experiences in the active student movement of the time.As suggested by the work on micromobilization, school-based networks supported younger participants’ experiences and engagement.Compañeras abound in younger participants’ narratives, whether the high school friends who used their Instagram feeds full of handmade protest signs to urge each other to go to the huge first march; the college classmates sharing favorite feminist theory texts; or the protest banner painters in student assemblies. As one activist mused, “the reality is that the way I’ve been a feminist activist was [in] a space of activist construction with my compañeras.” Drawn together by their personal realization that they were at risk for their gender, whether from personal experiences or through the media coverage of the murder of teenage girls, they founded teen girl organizations, then went into larger student spaces or even testified before the Minister of Education, insisting on the protection of their rights at school. Ultimately, as one said, “feminism is…to construct ourselves through our friendships and our friends” . They and their friends extended their repertoire to participation in the NUM assemblies, which were open to their intersectional activism Digital media undergirded the network form, and served to create NUM nodes across the country, because the hashtag inspired many groups in different localities. In all likelihood, the scale of the protest would not have been possible without social networks. As one organizer explained, social media was not just a tool, but another space for mobilization. She attested to the intermingling of virtual and physical spaces which together enabled the mass scope:Well, I found out about the first NUM from my friends, because I remember that I was watching what was happening on social networks and I saw that everyone was posting … I saw that my friends were going, that they had posters and there I saw what was happening and, later, [I went with people from] my university. Digitally enhanced communication styles related to the cultural expressions of the youth, who were even more inclined to use these means in the micropolitics of interaction than more seasoned feminists. As the following young activist points out, posters and digital images helped to turn them out in the streets:For this generation, social media provides a communicational infrastructure through which they can not only grow in awareness but also become content protagonists.NUM’s expressive protest repertoire proved central to attracting young people. With the ideas of freedom and emancipation from patriarchal violence as the backdrop, the movement allowed for a new, or newly reconfigured, arsenal of prefigurative cultural practices and performances in the demonstrations. As a highly public movement, it deepened young women’s feminist commitments and identities through widespread embodied artistic expression.compañeras saw glitter, or a [bare-breasted] girl with the word ‘whore’ written on her forehead. Some compañeras said how we should name ourselves like that, that we are self-discriminating. That discussion helped us to think about why ‘whore’ is an insult, what the role it has in society... We met in the street with all our differences, considering what role do we want, what is the feminist agenda that we want and that it is intersectional. Even in that first march, some The NUM protest, itself, was an instance of sense making and identity formation through publicly sharing different forms of subjective expression. Performative actions spanned a range of expressions: the handmade posters that alluded to the hashtag or slogans, artistic groups performing live on the streets and sidewalks, half-naked women adorned with body paint, musicians playing their instruments and singing. Specifically, the body politics manifested in NUM ranged from expressions of sexual freedom and choice (kiss-ins), desexualization of women’s bodies (going bare breasted), and the artistic commemoration of murdered women (painting silhouettes of dead bodies), among others. At the rally, people came with their own handwritten posters, telling their personal stories. These stimulated self- and communal reflection, as expressed by a young participant who was a political party activist at the moment of NUM:These actions led to a moment of collective creativity where different cultural expressions converged, generating forms of bricolage, another key aspect of youth style.pibas’ energy sustained movement, particularly through street actions and other physical demonstrations, and festive body-focused activist practices to physically embody demands for love, freedom, and autonomy.A young woman who started her activism at the 2015 NUM described how preparing for these performative actions also became a shared ritual: “You saw that the marches now go with glitter, or we sing our own things or we invent ways to recognize each other, perhaps, within a march: we tie a ribbon around our arms, it’s like something more similar to a ritual” . As Sutton  identifiAs with other elements of movement organization, collective creativity was also supported through digital media, which became intrinsic to the cultural work of meaning construction. Digital interactions inspired off-line activities  that in turn shaped virtual messages and images. Digitally enhanced activism within an artistic venue generated empathy and spread anger about and intolerance of the murder of young women. In short, the rituals of NUM protest repertoires, enhanced by digital resources, helped young participants realize their feminist identities through collective experiences and engage in a mass movement.Ni Una Menos has its own distinct chapter in the history of Argentine and Latin American feminism. Innovating social movement repertoires, NUM disrupted the public space with new cultural messages and witnessed the rise of young feminism and transfeminism as a privileged political subject for the years to come. Although this movement was intimately linked to a particular context, our research sheds light on critical factors that account for movement intergenerational cooperation through dialogue and trust building.As a case of movement renewal through rejuvenation rather than demographic replacement, NUM calls for a more nuanced explanation of why feminists from distinct cohorts may converge in joint mobilization. Such processes can be obscured by analytic approaches that are based on assumptions of generational replacement within movements. Against the idea of separate “waves,” or even spin-offs, our research advances the concept of productive mediation, as we have uncovered conditions that allow women from different generational units to act towards common goals. Rather than disidentification, conflict, and competition, we identify social processes of learning and exchange, as well as affective bounds of sorority. To fully understand this, we emphasize the importance of networks and networkers, as well as how movement messages, organization, and repertoires appeal to young participants.To explain NUM’s success, we identified long-term conditions including ongoing spaces for encounter as well as the dedicated work of “brokers” from an in-between generation of social activists, union and political leaders, and gender studies professors identified with feminism. Argentina has a long tradition of fostering the social infrastructure of feminist encounters that, eventually, laid a solid foundation upon which several feminist generations met. Brokers created communities of learning and understanding that helped attract and mobilize young and very young women. Their persistent cultural and organizing work offered feminist structures of opportunities in unions, universities and high schools, social movements, and other settings, that brought young people into NUM. These profuse networks at the micro-social level also fostered peer interactions, as friends and student groups pulled in young people. Activists found pathways through a host of supportive spaces, from high school and university settings to other political organizations, to the excitement of the yearly National Women’s Encounter. The NUM collective catalyzed these conditions into mass intergenerational mobilization. Their life-centered framework demanding an end to feminicide expanded to include a radical critique of capitalism alongside patriarchy, and an intersectional approach which dovetailed with young people’s understanding of feminism and transfeminism. NUM’s lack of hierarchies and movement gatekeeping facilitated young people’s multiple connections, bound by fluid ties reinforced by digital connections as their preferred form of communicating and gathering. Finally, the expressive nature of the social protest itself was an instance of ritualized sense-making and identity formation through the kinds of bodily, performative actions particularly appealing to youth.With these findings, we argue for a meso-level approach to analyzing social movement development. Jo Reger  identifiAt the most general level, our work demonstrates that capturing the complexity of movement rejuvenation requires a conceptual shift to accommodate the fact that, at present, different generations of feminists are apparent in the same movement space. Mass social movements that take to the streets during sustained cycles of protests are communities of learning with solidarity ties that bind members together and, as such, are able to accommodate, if not combine, generational styles. The successful mass progressive movements of the future may well be predicated on not only building strong foundations for welcoming the next generations to the revolution, but also at some level catering to their strong preferences for decentralized, performative, diverse, digitally enhanced opportunities for meaning making and social impact.


Leadership is pragmatically linked to innovation adoption and implementation at a team level, as managers oversee the strategic decisions and policymaking, control resources, and moderate the scanning and searching of the environment. The paper attempts to provide new concepts and examines theoretical and practical implications to better understand how the leadership role is executed in an R&D environment to foster team creativity and innovation.A quantitative analysis was plausible over qualitative research mainly because the survey was conducted using a single technique, employing a questionnaire that was selected after checking the principal component analysis (PCA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA).The findings show that the production of ideas positively impacts leadership, leading to growth and competitive advantage for the organization. Also, the PMEG  framework will positively impact leadership as leaders focus on those factorsthat influence an individual’s attitudes, behaviors, and interactions between groups.The paper highlights the involvement of R&D organizations and groups in developing innovative products, services, technologies, and processes that further positively impact a team. This study is the first to highlight the role of the PMEG framework with the factors that influence an individual’s attitudes, behaviors, and interactions between groups. The study’s main contribution is to explore creativity as a potential mediator for leadership–organizational innovation. In a different study, via individual-level creativity.Research and development depend significantly on creative minds that will be able to fashion tomorrow’s innovations. Further, The componential theory of creativity emphasized by Although the concept of leadership is versatile, the person guiding the leadership role is named the “leader,” while the group guides are called the “followers,” although the same person can perform both functions simultaneously . LeadersThe PMEG framework  highlighPeople – Leadership is a supra-individual concept that requires a logical distinction  between leaders and followers, but without it, leadership is pointless. For instance, ethical leaders are likely to be people-oriented. Human rights, personality, capabilities, and learning, are likely to be promoted by ethical leaders who give their staff members a chance to learn the skills and information required for their jobs and put them in the appropriate positions. Additionally, they inspire followers to focus their skills in the appropriate direction for improved work performance. As a result, employees have the information, abilities, and motivation to act creatively and are then expected to do so in the workplace, fostering creativity .Means – The nature of leadership is that leaders lead and carry out certain activities to direct or influence followers. The review will show that these means can include very heterogeneous activities like coaching, empowering, or even servicing, and there is no leadership without such activities. For example, the importance of employee effort in achieving company goals is highlighted by leaders with high ethical and moral standards; it has been observed. Employees are motivated by cognitive mechanisms to pay more attention to the worth of their job, which encourages them to generate and use original ideas to discover new ways to achieve organizational goals .Effects – The outcome of leading is to cause a reaction in the followers, i.e., to make them follow. The analysis will show that the effects can include heterogeneous reactions, like increased enthusiasm or commitment, the rational optimization of rewards, implicit convictions, etc. Without any result, leadership efforts go nowhere. It is noted in Goals – Leadership is ultimately associated with specific goals. These goals can be broad visions of promising future states, but they can also be firm targets. In either case, leadership points towards a path. In the context of this paper and considering the above arguments, we claim our first hypothesis below, which is linked to RQ1:H1: The PMEG framework will have a positive impact on leadership as leaders focus on those factors that influence an individual’s attitudes, behaviors, and interactions between groups.Additionally, it builds followers’ performance, transforms personal values, and moves them toward high aspirations .One of the prominent roles leaders can play is to create an environment that will support the engagement of their subordinates and other people involved with tasks , examined by Interestingly, teams in the R&D environment are typically cross-functional, bringing together a combination of scientists, technicians, engineers, and specialists . Also, LOver the past 30 years, research has shown the crucial role leaders play not only in their subordinates’ motivation and efficacy but also in their creativity and innovation performances. For example, Early work from The concept of transactional leadership was first introduced and discussed with transformational leadership by Leadership can enhance a follower’s sustainability, facilitating an employee’s performance and creativity; for this, the leader-member exchange (LMX) theory was introduced . It focuResearch and development depend significantly on creative minds that will be able to fashion tomorrow’s innovations. Additionally, Correspondingly, Both creativity and innovation have now become critical positive factors of organizational performance . SeveralCreative thinking and development of innovations such as new methods of analysis are of utmost importance to develop the liability of the service research laboratory and thus build up the client base of the laboratory. Also, the development of new methods offers the potential for scientists to continue publishing in high-standard peer-reviewed journals and give them chances to progress in their career path. Although publishing in scientific journals might not be the most important motive of scientists working in service-based laboratories, this still provides a stable motivational ground. Recent work by The ability to innovate is hampered by external and internal organizational constraints, which are significant organizational factors in long-term competitive positions. An organization can achieve long-term success if and only if it consistently maintains new products and services to satisfy the needs of its clients. A company must acknowledge the importance of creativity and innovation, both of which are crucial elements of the same process, in order to be successful. Having ideas does not mean they have to be put into action; rather, an individual’s excitement for networking and doing so leads to execution. Individuals or groups can produce creativity, independent of their functional specialties or hierarchical levels within the organization .Creativity and innovation capacity are necessary/essential elements in a knowledge-based economy. Furthermore, it is a primary competitive advantage source as well as a key to high productivity . LikewisInnovative achievements can only happen when team members bring about ideas and efforts. Also, As organizations encounter rapid changes in technology and economic forces, employee creativity is regarded as the potential resource for an organization’s survival . Among these factors, leadership plays a vital role in employee creativity to facilitate an organization’s goals . OrganizAdditionally, leadership can influence innovative behavior; this is agreed upon by most researchers. However, giving a reward to the employees was related to innovativeness, but this does not correlate with innovativeness. Correspondingly, stimulating new ideas and solutions by enhancing ideas and goals for work are the two essential processes for leadership and innovation. The importance of leadership and integration for innovation is comprehensive and targeted, which attain team innovation to promote creativity . FurtherDespite no difference, creativity and innovation are studied separately with little or no amalgamation. There is a default as team innovation, and creative endeavors are essential for an organization to thrive. But despite the role of leaders, those energetic team innovation and creativity, no research simultaneously influences both outcomes. Now the motive is to foster both team innovation and employee creativity simultaneously. For this, the role of servant leadership on employee creativity is examined. Therefore, a holistic approach, i.e., servant leadership, encompasses a leader’s emotional, rational, and moral dimensions that further enhance followers’ growth and capabilities. Servant leadership shares some similarities with transformational leadership, but these behaviors are motivated more by organizational goals than followers’ performance and development, as a transformational leader does . It has The conceptual framework  below hiH2: Production of ideas will impact positively on leadership, leading to growth and competitive advantage of the organization.Thus, the outcome of the conceptual framework developed is improved sustainable growth and enhanced employee relationship within the organization, further leading to the organization’s competitive advantage.A quantitative analysis was plausible over qualitative research mainly because the survey was conducted using a single technique, employing a questionnaire . QuantitDemographics and professional data were assessed in terms of ratios of total participants and included analysis of participants based on gender, age, nationalities, and continent representation. Further, gender representation was assessed by participants based on educational level, professional experience, professional role, and professional entities. Data distribution was statistically evaluated using standard statistical parameters such as calculating data mean, standard deviation, minimum, median, and maximum values. The six-point Likert scale was grouped into three categories, “the negative feeling,” which included the “not at all” (represented by 1) and “to almost no extent” (represented by 2) responses, “the neutral feeling,” composed of the answers “to a slight extent” (represented by 3) and “to a moderate extent” (represented by 4) and “the positive feeling” category, that correlated to “a great extent” (represented by 5) and “to a very great extent” (represented by 6) responses. These three groups allowed for a direct comparison against qualitative data analysis . FinallyA representative subset of the participants is chosen to complete the cross-sectional survey. The subset includes a vast majority of the participants (86.2%) who worked in an academic environment, only 10.8% worked in the industry, and 3% were employed in independent entities. About 20% of participants were between 21 and 30 years old, of which 69% were females, 19% percent were aged between 41 and 50 years, and about 67% were males. Demographically, 24 nationalities were represented in the survey, with Zimbabwean (19.7%), German (12.1%), British (10.6%), and French (9.1%) nationalities being the most represented. Noteworthy, six continents, namely Africa, Australia, Asia, Europe, America, and North America, were represented, giving a global perspective and a global scale of the way people from different nationalities and different continents perceive leadership and its role in creativity and innovation.Regarding the education level, most participants (75%) obtained a Ph.D. as their highest qualification, and 20% had a Master’s degree. The remaining participants (about 5%) had an Undergraduate degree. Most participants had 1–5 years (37.5%) of professional experience, followed by 11–15 years (26.6%). Only 3% were juniors and had less than 1 year in professional environments. Further, when connecting the professional experience to the professional role, the results indicate that many participants were experienced staff (35.8%).Demographically, participants from the academic research environment were randomly recruited to participate in this study, which was designed to gather views on the role of leadership, including team leadership, to promote creativity and innovation in academic scientific environments. The survey was developed with a total of 64 participants affiliated with the scientific community completing the survey. The large proportion of females in the student category correlates with the observation that most women in the study reached 1–5 years of experience. The results presented here suggest that professionals in academia must obtain PhDs to enter middle-range or high-range managerial positions. This agrees with the current data where more males holding PhDs had senior administrative positions than females.via email. The invitation included an explanation of the study, and that confidentiality was guaranteed, the aim of the study as well as the link to the survey. Participation in the survey was completely voluntary and anonymous. Hence, it is not all invited participants responded to the survey. Only filled questionnaires were taken into consideration. Data from every question and every participant was converted to a table in Excel (Microsoft Office) using the “View Responses” tool on Google Forms and limited errors in data file transcription.The survey was powered using Google forms, an online application, for simple accessibility, ensuring confidentiality and anonymity, and obtaining a high enough response rate for quantitative data analysis. This survey formed the basis of the quantitative-based data analysis allowing inferring statements. The number of participants needed to be large enough to ensure the accuracy of conclusions and limit bias . This suIn the following section of the survey, participants were invited to give their sentiments about eight statements describing their perceptions at work . Here, pBesides, the six measures were grouped into three categories. The first category corresponds to negative feelings and comprises “not at all” (1) and “to almost no extent” (2) responses. The second group depicts neutral sentiments and contains the answers “to a slight extent” (3) and “to a moderate extent” (4). At the same time, the third section integrates positive feelings with “to a great extent” (5) and “to a very great extent” (6). Responses showed that most respondents were neutral or positive about their work. 58% of the participants were motivated to go to work (s8), and about 67% liked their working environment (s9). A large proportion found their job rewarding (s10), but the ratio of neutral feelings was greater (48.4%) than the positive responses (43.8%). 56.3% of the participants found their work challenging (s11) and received relative support from their colleagues . Interestingly, 71.9% responded positively about the necessity for creativity in their current positions (s12), and 78.1% feel they have the characteristics for creativity and innovation (s15). None of the respondents felt pessimistic about their capacity for creativity and innovation. Of all participants, 68.8% thought they had the necessary tools to perform well at work.The analysis of the participants’ work perception revealed that although they felt they had the personal capacity and motivation for creativity and innovation and the tools to succeed, there was generally low support from colleagues. This can be caused by high competitiveness within the academic sector and a limited drive for collaboration . This asOn assessing the manager’s leadership style, 15 statements were asked for an assessment, similar to the above section. Data analysis revealed that the minimum mean was given to the statement about “opportunities for rewards,” with a mean value of 2.78. On the other hand, participants rated the statement on “communication and interaction” the highest, with a mean value of 4.63 .Statements in this section were derived from the Managerial Practices Survey (MPS) and the categories defined by On the other hand, Interestingly, the category “Consultation” was detected as one of the positive forms of behavior. The discrepancies between the study of The observation of the categories of “Informing,” “Planning and organizing,” “Supporting,” and “Clarifying roles and objectives” as the four most positive managerial practices suggest that managers in R&D environments can organize and communicate to their subordinates effectively in addition to providing leadership support and planning. These categories show that the leaders provide resources and take action to secure them using planning, organizing, and supporting subordinates . As the However, the most negative categories, “Consultation” and “Delegation,” suggest a risk of reduced team involvement in important tasks as subordinates are given low opportunities to evolve and limited empowering prospects. This may impact motivation in the long run, and thus overtime workers will become less actively involved and motivated in their work, although The last set of nine statements relates to creativity and innovation. In this set, responses ranged from “not at all” (1) to “a very great extent” 6; . Table 1For this section, all statements except those relating to “team adaptation to change and idea integration” and “nurturing of openness and opportunities” recorded between 50 and 67% of positive feelings. The maximum negative emotion was recorded for a question relating to “nurturing of openness and opportunities” with 20.3%, which is in correlation with the relatively low positive feeling expressed for “Developing and mentoring”  and “Networking” . Taken together, this suggests that managers might hinder the possibility of their collaborators learning more and possibly evolving to new horizons. Besides, it has been shown that leadership actions directed towards coaching, developing, and mentoring the team promote team progressivity and effectiveness , positivTo gain insights into the effects of the behavioral traits of leaders display on team creativity and innovation within the R&D environment, we need a better understanding of the team’s views on leadership styles and motivational support to enable creativity and innovation in the academic environment. In the R&D environment, particularly the academic, cross-functional teams are observed more regularly and, when properly managed, can positively affect team creativity and innovation. By providing empirical evidence on the views on leadership styles and functions of team members of academic-based teams in the R&D environment, this research provides a richer insight into how teams and their subordinates can be engaged and motivated to nurture and thus possibly promote creative thinking and hence innovativeness. Therefore, a questionnaire was used to explore these relationships and target the R&D environment, particularly the academic environment, to gain insights into how leadership influences motivation, creativity, and innovation.A total of 86% of the participants in this study were employed in the academic sector, setting a good ground for the study, as the aim of the study was to look at the R&D environment and preferably academia. The study observes that a Ph.D. level is necessary for academia to reach higher positions, such as middle and higher-range manager positions. However, gender inequality was noticed as fewer females were in senior professional positions. This is in agreement with previous studies , which sThe present study reveals that the participants were motivated by their work and liked their working environment. Over 70% of the participants were positive about the necessity for creativity and having the characteristics of innovation and creativity. Most importantly, none of the participants rated negatively about this later statement. It is intriguing to note that the participants have the necessary tools to perform their respective work but felt there was limited support among colleagues, depicting limited teamwork. The lack of teamwork was further emphasized in the correlation analysis that revealed that managers in academia tend to focus on individual performance and contribution. This can translate to high competitiveness in the academic environment that hinders the drive for collaboration, effective teamwork , cognitiOf the Managerial Practices Categories, “Informing,” “Planning and Organizing,” “Supporting,” and “Clarifying roles and objectives” showed a positive relationship with leadership in the R&D environment. This observation suggests that leaders in R&D environments provide subordinates with a clear plan and organization and that they can communicate effectively and efficiently. The root of success in a team is fostered through leadership that provides adequate support and planning and is likely to be beneficial and facilitate the completion of tasks in addition to creative and innovative thinking. Appreciation of the working environment is also expected to trigger motivation and inspiration. It is, therefore, essential for managers to work on improving the work environment as a way to foster extrinsic motivation of their subordinates, notably when this fosters the feeling of autonomy and competence in their subordinates, as described in the cognitive evaluation theory .Results showed that managers in academic environment offer autonomy to their subordinates, which can provide intrinsic motivation and drive performance, notably creativity and innovation . This poLeadership functions involving consulting, delegation, and rewarding had negative feedback in this study. These three negatively rated practices suggest a limitation in celebrating success in R&D compared to other industrial environments, as previously reported . AdditioThe present research intended to answer two research questions with the aim of determining if the leader’s behaviors influence subordinate creativity and innovation in academic R&D environments. On the contrary, the relationship between the production of ideas and the leadership role in fostering team innovation and creativity is examined. The first research question that the study disclosed was to what extent the “PMEG framework” impacts leadership in an R&D environment. In this regard, the positive effect is that group interactions lead to fostering team creativity and innovation. It thus appears that “people” influence logical variance between followers and leaders, “means” carry activities to influence followers, “effects” include certain heterogeneous reactions to followers, and finally, “goals” are essential for directing innovation. Thus, these four dimensions allow a systematic framework for making leadership easier and positively impact leadership (explained in the above sections) that influences an individual’s attitudes and behaviors and interaction between groups.The second research question that the study intended to answer was to understand the production of ideas in an organization as well as the relationship between the creation of ideas and leadership roles. Therefore, the results show that the relationship between them can be positive, as reflected in the literature that managers of the academic R&D environment can improve to foster their subordinates’ motivation to trigger creative thinking and innovation. Thus, every organization should nurture innovation appropriately and particularly to stay competitive. Finally, it reveals that innovation does not take place without change. We have put the above hypotheses for testing, and the results are discussed in our study. The survey’s findings revealed that managers display behaviors that influence creativity and innovation, some in a positive way, which can enhance creativity and innovation, but also some that can negatively impact creativity and innovation. The positive behaviors included providing adequate support, planning, organization, and communicating effectively and efficiently. The survey also revealed that managers in the academic R&D environment focus on reducing the influence of group conflicts. On the other hand, the survey’s data also showed that managers tend to focus on individual performance and contribution.The findings also had applications for managers hoping to foster creativity among their employees. First, managers should utilize transformational leadership primarily to develop a person’s creative instinct. Additionally, managers have the potential to be transformative leaders. High-caliber managers should have the appropriate training to serve as role models for their staff. Second, management should hire leaders who provide each employee the specific attention they need, in addition to training technocrats. Such an event encourages staff creativity and increases employee motivation. Thirdly, managers or supervisors need to accurately translate their ideals into concrete objectives so that staff members can work to achieve the targets. Additionally, transformational leaders should provide their team members the freedom to experiment with new concepts, look for intellectually stimulating challenges, and foster their creativity.Along with making a significant contribution, the study has limitations that must be taken into account while explaining its results. By conducting a cross-regional and cross-cultural study, researchers could better understand how ethical leadership impacts employee and corporate outcomes. Further investigation is needed on the moral conduct of managers in service-related industries, such as hospitals, where nurses and doctors may influence their staff members’ behavior to foster creativity or innovation. This study also demonstrates that for innovation to be implemented in firms, executives must be inspired to welcome employee ideas.Although the present study offers theoretical knowledge and insights about the processes that can trigger and impair creativity and innovation in academic R&D environments. Notably, it would be insightful to conduct a survey focusing on subordinates only to differentiate data gathered between subordinates and managers. In the present study, the entire data set was analyzed rather than separated according to the position held among participants. A follow-up analysis based on semi-structured interviews would also allow for deepening the knowledge and help understand better the meaning of answers gathered in the survey. For example, interviews could bring a better understanding of the feelings behind the development of autonomy, role clarity, and the work environment in academic environments and help to understand the intricate roles of these towards creativity and innovation. The data collected from interviews would, however, need to be analyzed using a qualitative method. However, On the other hand, The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by University of Roehampton Online. The ethics committee waived the requirement of written informed consent for participation.SS contributed to conception and design of the study. SA organized the database. LT and ZH performed the statistical analysis. ZH, SS, LT, and SA contributed to writing the first draft of the manuscript. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.


The causes and effects of what is often referred to as “honor”-based violence/abuse(HBV/A) and forced marriages on men and boys is an under-researched field of patriarchalviolence. This lack of research has resulted in an imperfect understanding of how and whymen become victims of HBV/A and an absence of an effective theoretical framework in whichto analyze their experiences. Through an examination of 29 Case Files obtained through agender-neutral domestic abuse refuge charity in the East Midlands, the United Kingdom,this original research will explore the ways that men, particularly younger males andthose who do not conform to cultural norms of masculinity, are harmed by patriarchalstructures. In doing so, this article brings to light new data and adds to the patriarchalframework for understanding HBV/A and why it is committed against men. The results of thisstudy reveal that the ways in which HBV/A and forced marriages were presented in the CaseFiles present both analogies to and distinctions with the infliction of Violence AgainstWomen and Girls (VAWG) in similar circumstances. This discovery is important for severalreasons: (a) it demonstrates that men and boys are harmed by patriarchy and thatpatriarchal theories of violence must therefore evolve to better recognize groups of malevictims; (b) it provides a typological framework to identify the different types of malevictims, the types of abuse and the perpetrators involved, including the involvement ofmothers as primary and secondary perpetrators; and (c) that male victims requireappropriate intervention and must be taken seriously by state agencies if men are to comeforward and disclose abuse. Research in the field of honor-based violence/abuse (hereafter “HBV/A”) and forcedmarriages has significantly increased over the last two decades, part of a worldwidemovement researching Violence Against Women and Girls  body of work. Activists and academics alike have therefore focusedtheir attention almost exclusively on female victims. However, as an accepted field ofstudy, it is essential that all victims are studied so that appropriate measures andservices can be put into place. The lack of studies on male victimization limitsscientific knowledge, capturing only the paradigmatic examples (and therefore creatingstereotypes), while simultaneously limiting scientific knowledge and understanding ofother (minority) groups . As the The (UK government’s) Forced Marriage Unit  on June 25,2020, detailed that of the 1,355 cases that it dealt with in 2019, 80% concerned women and19% concerned men  the author formerly served on the managementboard as a trustee for two years and so was able to gain access to Case Files, (b) The ElmFoundation handles a substantial volume of cases and a variety of calls each year. BetweenSeptember 2019 and September 2020 ,The Elm addressed 2,310 cases from both female and male victims; 230 of those cases  involved all types of male victims across all services, includingrefuge and outreach; 9 of those cases involved male victims of HBV/A and forced marriagewho then went into The Elm’s refuge ; andthey received 17 referrals of cases from all types of victims by government agencies,including the police, councils and other domestic abuse charities in the country, and (c)The Elm Foundation provides services to victims, as well as to other specialistorganizations, including counseling, therapy, refuge space, training, and legal services.This places The Elm in a rare position within the sector itself because they are only oneof nine refuges dedicated solely to male victims alone in the United Kingdom . This reThe 29 Case Files relate to intervention and support directly from The Elm Foundation andits male refuge between 2010 and 2019. The 29 Case Files are not the total number of malevictims accessing or supported by The Elm Foundation—other types of male victims,including male victims of general domestic abuse, sexual assault, or modern-day slaverywith no HBV/A or forced marriage) were excluded from the study. Of the 29 male victims, 8were British-born Pakistanis; 2 were Pakistani nationals with “no recourse to publicfunds” (hereafter NRPF); 3 were British-born Bangladeshis; 3 were British-born Syrians; 2were British-born Somalians; 1 was a British-born Iraqi; and 1 was a British-born Iranian.There were also five White-British male victims of HBV/A; two Romanian nationals, oneLithuanian national, and one male victim from the Gypsy/Traveling community. The youngestmale victim was 16 years old, while the oldest victim was aged 54 years old. Overall, thenumber of victims below 20 years of age totaled 14; the number of victims between 20 and29 totaled 13; while the remaining two male victims were 43 and 54 years old. None of themale victims were 30–39 years old. The average age of the male victims was 21 years ofage.All male participants provided the requisite consent to use their data for the purposesof this project. The author read, analyzed, and interpreted Case Files throughthematic/content analysis in order to acquire a better understanding of experiences, asrecorded by refuge staff, who then inputted data on the OASIS Case Management System, p. 145.The thematic/contextual nature and interpretation of files were enhanced with the help ofthe CEO of The Elm, who had intimate knowledge of each of the male victims, and who hadbeen directly involved in the support of some of the cases, and who understood thechallenges associated with their intervention. Furthermore, the broad coverage and longtime span of the database meant that refuge staff was able to record many events withinmany different social settings, providing a rich account of experiences and the genderpower relations that existed in each of the male victims’ accounts . HBV/A aOf the 29 Case Files, 16 cases concerned HBV/A and 13 cases concerned forced marriage ofmale victims (including attempts). Given the interrelationship between the HBV/A andforced marriage, forced marriage will almost inevitably involve elements of “honor,” whilenot every HBV/A case will necessarily involve a forced marriage . However, the abuse that the menexperienced varied and included physical violence; coercive control; threats of violencebecause of the discovery of (homo)sexuality; psychological abuse; emotional blackmail;financial control; withholding of food; false imprisonment; being drugged; and beingsilenced. An archetypal case of HBV/A against men can be found within Case File 16, wherea 16-year-old British-Pakistani male was provided with support by an Independent DomesticViolence Advisor (IDVA) service following a referral to this high-risk service, due toviolence he experienced from his parents. The victim had been in trouble with the policeand the family felt he had brought “shame” upon the family . His family, in particular hismother and the wider community, requested that he be sent back to Pakistan in order toteach him his “cultural values” and to put him on “straight and narrow.” Community leaderswere so concerned that he was a “bad influence” to other young people that they wanted himout of the country. In Case File 21, the 19-year-old British-Pakistani male victim soughtrefuge with The Elm. The victim’s family felt that he had brought “shame” upon the familybecause of a relationship he was having with a White-British woman whilst attendinguniversity. While the family wanted him to end his relationship, the victim wanted hisrelationship to continue. Subsequently, his White-British girlfriend was kidnapped byrelatives/community members, dragged into a car, and told to leave him alone. She wasreleased shortly after without harm. However, the male victim loved his girlfriend andcontinued with his relationship, entering the refuge to escape further abuse andthreats.This account is interesting because it also involves “indirect” violence, exposing athird party  to intimidation in order to apply pressure on the sonto conform.In relation to forced marriage, in Case File 8, the 17-year-old British-Bangladeshi maleexperienced an attempted forced marriage as a result of his criminal and perceivedpromiscuous behavior. He was due to board a flight to Bangladesh from Heathrow airport. Onthe morning of the flight, his parents laced his breakfast with drugs and he was comatosethroughout the journey to the airport. On arrival, the effect of the drugs wore off andthe victim said he wanted to go the toilet, upon where he made his escape out of theairport. He later contacted an outside agency with the support of friends, who thenreferred him to The Elm. Similarly, Case File 2 revealed a 17-year-old British-Pakistanimale who experienced an attempted forced marriage after his parents suspected he wasgay—he experienced physical and psychological abuse in an attempt to marry him off. Sixattempts were made by the police before removing him into The Elm’s male refuge. Thevictim suffered severe depression and attempted suicide several times whilst in refuge. Intotal, nine of the male victims  experienced HBV/A and/or forced marriage specifically because of thediscovery of their (homo)sexual orientation.However, not all of the forced marriage cases involved criminal or promiscuous behavior,or the discovery of homosexuality on the part of the male victim. Some male victimsexhibited “conformist” behavior but were still subjected to forced marriage. In 11 of theCase Files , heterosexual men were also attempted/forced into marriage to fulfill plannedpromises to marry relatives in the United Kingdom or abroad, with perpetrators wishingtheir heterosexual sons to marry relatives of the perpetrators’ choosing. In Case File 6,the forced marriage was actually undertaken, with the male taken on a “family holiday”with no discussion or warning that a marriage was going to take place until he had arrivedin Pakistan. In Case File 27, IDVAs supported a 22-year-old British-Bangladeshi malevictim attempting to resist a forced marriage. The victim rang the FMU helpline explainingthat he was frightened that he was going to be taken abroad. IDVAs met him at the doctors(it was a planned meeting with the doctor’s knowledge) and they planned to help him leavehome. Elements of trickery were also employed by his family—they had “promised” to returnto the United Kingdom if he entered the marriage. Through The Elm’s intervention, the malevictim was rehoused and supported by the FMU.Three of the male victims  withphysical and learning disabilities were also targets of HBV/A and/or attempted forcedmarriage because families believed that to be the best way to support them in the longterm, confirming research by Clawson, Fyson, and others that these vulnerable men areequally at risk of abuse as women .There were a variety of perpetrators involved in both the HBV/A and forced marriage ofmale victims, but most of the main perpetrators were fathers and senior male figureheadsin the family. This was followed by mothers, families in general, extended families,in-laws; wives; and intimate partners (including some perpetrators in same-sexrelationships). The data revealed the nature of power and control that existed between themale victims and their male perpetrators. Male victimization occurred in these casesbecause patriarchal figureheads  sought to exercise power and control over their younger malechildren. For example, in Case File 17, the IDVA service supported a 23-year-oldBritish-Pakistani male following a dispute with his family over an “arranged” marriage.The male victim had wanted to go to university, but his father rejected this. The malevictim resisted all attempts at the “arranged” marriage and his situation quicklyescalated to a “forced” marriage. In the Case File, the male victim stated that he couldhear his father plotting about him and making plans for him to get married. The fatheralso made numerous claims and promises, but the male victim did not believe him andthought his father was trying to trick him in order to trap him. With the support of TheElm and IDVA service, the male victim was supported to live outside the area where hisfamily resided, with friends that he had made at university.Fourteen Case Files  reveals what appears to be the perpetration of abuse by mothers as secondaryagents, supporting the abuse committed by fathers and patriarchal figureheads. However,Case Files 1, 7, 14, 15, 16, and 27 (20.68% of the Case Files) involved abuse by mothersand wives who were very clearly described as “controllers.” In Case Files 15, 16, and 27(10.34% of the Case Files), mothers were the direct instigators of the attempted forcedmarriage of their sons (and not fathers) and were labeled as the main and directperpetrators of the abuse of their sons.Case Files 1, 7, and 14 (10.34% of the Case Files) revealed the “complex,”“multi-faceted,” and multi-dimensional features some domestic abuse cases present, whereit is perfectly possible for a case that starts out as domestic abuse to then transforminto HBV/A. In Case Files 1 and 7, the Pakistani-born male victims were seriously abusedby their wives . They were abused onthe basis of their immigration status, perceived as lower class, and were treated likemodern-day slaves, demonstrating the multiple positions that men occupy. There was a clearpower order within the relationships and in Case File 1, the wife and her brother werecategorized as direct perpetrators and the main instigators of abuse. Although it is notalways clear that abuse in these types of cases is always HBV/A, when the two male victimsin Case Files 1 and 7 contacted their families back home in Pakistan asking forintervention, they were emotionally blackmailed to remain within their marriages for thesake of familial “honor.” This, then, transformed their experiences from one of domesticabuse into HBV/A—the male victims were silenced to protect the “honor” of their natalfamily as well as their in-laws. When the in-laws were made aware that the male victimshad contacted their families back home for support, they were then subjected to furtheracts of abuse, control, and imprisonment to silence them from speaking out. This issimilar to the Pakistani-born women in Idriss’s PhD thesis, who sought intervention fromtheir families back home against their husband’s and mothers-in-laws’ domestic abuse, onlyto be told that they could and would not help b.In Case File 1, the male did not even recognize that he was a “victim”—he was over 6 feettall, while his wife was considerably shorter; he had never even heard of a male refuge.In Case File 7, the wife was so incensed by her husband’s eventual departure that shecalled the police alleging that he was a terrorist planning a major attack in London inorder to facilitate his deportation back to Pakistan. She, and her family, were so“dishonored” by his departure that they tried to shift the blame on the marriage ending on allegations of terrorism, rather than their own abusive and controlling behavior.An interesting finding not discussed within the existing literature is HBV/A within Whitemajority/British communities and same-sex HBV/A. Case Files 4, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 19, 25,and 29 (31% of the Case Files) specifically demonstrate that HBV/A can occur in WhiteChristian, European communities . It confirms that HBV/A is not specific to oneculture or group, but affects victims from a wide range of ethnic backgrounds . In CaseIn Case File 13, the victim was a White-British 17-year-old from the gay community. Hewas forced out of his home in his underwear and subjected to violence by both his fatherand brother. The brother had outed the victim to his parents as he had seen something onsocial media that gave an indication that the victim was gay. The family felt this was asource of “shame” as the father was an active member of English Defence League (EDL), aknown far-right group that opposes Islam, Muslims, and homosexuals. The victim was thentaken into social care in a children’s home and provided specialist support in a care homewith The Elm’s intervention. Similar facts occurred in Case File 29, where the father of a21-year-old White-British male discovered his homosexuality. His father was also very“right-wing” and became very violent and ashamed by the fact that his son was gay.In Case File 14, the White-British 54-year-old male came out as gay following the end ofhis heterosexual marriage. His wife’s family then became very violent towards him becausethey were concerned that the family would be ridiculed if knowledge of his sexualitybecame public . Although not proven, itwas alleged that the wife’s family committed arson as his property was set on fire. Thevictim experienced HBV/A and financial abuse from his wife, when money went missing andjoint bank accounts were closed without his knowledge. Similarly, in Case File 12, themale victim entered The Elm’s male refuge because of abuse by his parents. HisWhite-British mother and father were devout Catholics. The male victim was gay and thefather had discovered that the victim had liked to dress in women’s clothing. The parentswere so ashamed by this discovery that they took him to Church to be lectured by thePriest so that he could “cure his gayness” and of his preference to wear women’s clothing.Later, his parents changed the locks of the home and disowned him; they also stopped hisincome stream as the male victim was financially dependent on the father. The victim soonafter entered The Elm’s male refuge.This article aims to identify how and why men are harmed in HBV/A and forced marriagecases, exploring both the similarities and differences in the ways that men, in comparisonto women, are harmed by patriarchy. Male victimization occurred in these cases becausefathers had sought to exercise power and control over their sons. This is interestingbecause in other research, other male figureheads such as uncles have been responsible forabuse . PatriarBut while the victim groups in HBV/A and forced marriage cases consist mostly of women,they also consist of the “wrong sort” of man. In this study, fathers were the main abuserswho carried out abuse upon their sons who did not conform to gender-role expectations onmasculinity, particularly in those cases where the non-conformist sexuality of malevictims was discovered. This study provides new empirical data that specific groups of menmay be harmed by patriarchs on account of their sexual deviancy or promiscuity on the onehand, or “otherness” (such as disobedience to an arranged marriage and disability) on theother . As nineConnell and Mackay explain that all men benefit from patriarchy (unlike women) and so menare still able to take advantage of the “patriarchal dividend,” which includes benefits ofauthority, respect, access to institutional power, and control over one’s own life . Men in The ways in which male victims were harmed was not particularly different to women, norwere the means used to inflict harm any different to VAWG in similar circumstances . Upon thForced marriage was also used as a tool to curb the perceived wayward behavior of some ofthe men concerned. In Case Files 8 and 16, HBV/A and forced marriage were used to controlthe behavior of the male victims and to put them “on the straight and narrow” because oftheir criminal behavior and promiscuity. In these two case examples, men were controlledand abused for the purposes of protecting or enhancing the family’s reputation. It wouldappear that having many sexual partners challenged the current order and a masculineresponse was used to make the male victims look weak. The victims were “too male” and sothey became victims of HBV/A or an attempted forced marriage as a way to control them. Thefocus, therefore, is not exclusively on “deviant” masculinities—despite the “boys will beboys” maxim, men who are too sexually active may also experience victimization if such menare deemed too “wayward” or “uncontrollable.”However, heterosexual men were also forced into marriages against their will for the sakeof familial “honor” in order to fulfill planned promises to marry relatives in the UnitedKingdom or abroad. To then retract a promise of a marriage was perceived by perpetratorsto bring “shame” upon the family. The aim of such marriages is to strengthen family ties,to assist in claims to residency in the United Kingdom , as wellThis article has so far explained and developed a variety of theories in the area ofHBV/A and forced marriage studies. First, it demonstrates that patriarchy is an importantcausal factor in the abuse of men and that patriarchal theory development must nowproperly recognize male violence against women and men. Men’s experiences of victimizationare very similar to women’s in other ways too. “Honor” may also be linked to the male“body” when men exhibit non-conformist sexuality—in such cases, patriarchs may thenattempt to “defend” the family’s “honor” by inflicting various forms of abuse. It will berecalled that nine of the Case Files concerned male victims who had experienced abusebecause of their sexual orientation. The male in Case File 2 was forced into marriage onaccount of his homosexuality and the issue of homosexuality in South Asian communitiesrepresents an expectation that families monitor their members to ensure that “honor” normsare obeyed .Given tThe “shame” of revealing one’s sexuality explains why homosexual men are reluctant todisclose their sexuality, and in particular, to their fathers. Social ideals onheterosexuality and masculinity, often underpinned by religion, dictate that men are the“penetrator,” not the “penetrated,” and are the “pursuers of sex,” rather than “pursued”. Within Although the general understanding may be that homosexual men want to be penetrated, ahomosexual couple will still require a penetrator. The cultural stereotype is that of ahomosexual man being penetrated and this is what violates these cultural perspectives,regardless of whether the victim of abuse is the penetrator, the penetrated, or a mixtureof both. Hegemonic masculinity dictates that men are not supposed to desire a penis andthe discovery of a man’s homosexuality can lead to “shame” because social constructionsexpect men to be manly and to satisfy women’s sexual desires, a conception reinforced bycontemporary pornography .In the This article also supports L. Bates’s typologies of HBV/A and forced marriage cases. Aspart of her study, she devised three typologies of HBV/A, primarily defined byperpetrators and their relationship to the victim. Type 1 involves abuse from a current orformer intimate partner, where “honor” is used as an explicit tool of control in aone-to-one relationship b. Type 2This article extends L. Bates’s work on applying the typology to male victims byproviding new evidence on how the dynamics of HBV/A work for men and linking this withinwider masculinity theory. Applying the typology to the current dataset of 29 Case Files,one case exhibited Type 1 abuse , where the malevictim was abused by a former intimate partner and where “honor” was used as an explicittool of control in a one-to-one relationship. However, this occurred in only one case andit is suggested that this form of abuse from an intimate partner, while it exists, is rarefor men to experience, while Type 1 abuse appears to be very common for women , p. 239.However, 25 case files (86.2% of the Case Files) exhibited Type 2 abuse . Thus, the vast majority of the sample typically concerned Type 2 abuse from the malevictim’s natal family members , where “honor” operated as natalfamily pressure to marry or otherwise comply with behavior or lifestyle that the familycommanded. It is suggested that Type 2 abuse is more commonly experienced by men; this isalso supported by L. Bates’s findings . Only thFourteen out of the 29 Case Files revealed what appears to be the perpetration of abuseby mothers as secondary agents. Women who are “collaborators” on behalf of patriarchs canbe a difficult subject to broach , p. 50, Pope states that the role of women in keeping harmful practices alive isperplexing—though patriarchal rules are designed to serve the needs of men, women areoften patriarchy’s most enthusiastic agents because of survival and the need to avoidbeing harmed . Women mHowever, a counter-argument is that mothers were not expressly described as “secondaryvictims” within the Case Files. It is possible that some mothers internalized patriarchalideology, collaborating in abuse without any coercion, by buying into dominantsocio-cultural norms and traditions where, for example, homosexuality is considered wrong.This could make them “controllers” in L. Bates’s terminology. Alternatively, not recordingmothers as secondary victims may have had more to do with staff at The Elm seeking tosupport the transition of male victims through refuge, rather than trying to analyze whoelse might be “victims” within the home. Further investigation would be needed todetermine the reasons why mothers took part in the HBV/A or forced marriage of theirsons.Six out of the 29 Case Files, on the other hand, involved abuse by mothers and wives whowere very clearly described as “controllers,” in L. Bates’s terminology, and who weredirect perpetrators of abuse against their sons and husbands. In Case Files 15, 16, and 27(10.34% of the Case Files), mothers were the direct instigators of the attempted forcedmarriage of their sons. This challenges traditional assumptions that present women assubordinate and passive (Although women are overwhelmingly the main victims in HBV/A and forced marriage cases, malevictims in this field can no longer be ignored. Like women, men are harmed by patriarchy andby the same kinds of perpetrators; there are also striking analogies in the ways in whichboth women and men are victimized in natal violence. The data in this article demonstratesthe importance of properly recognizing male victims and the various perpetrators these typesof cases present, including fathers and the involvement of mothers as primary or secondaryperpetrators. Until academic research on, and consequently service provision for, malevictims is taken more seriously, men will not come forward and disclose abuse, exacerbatingthe belief that “real” men cannot be victims. A gender-inclusive conceptualization of“victimhood” needs to take into account the various factors that contribute tovictimization, for both women and men, in order to understand both the similar and differentreasons why they are abused. Recognizing the differences and the impact intervention has formen will also help to encourage tailored responses that are better suited for male victims.State responses are more formalized for women when it concerns VAWG as a result of improvedawareness and campaigns; practical responses, however, are less formalized and developed formen. There is wider significance to this research for male victims, for all victims ingeneral, and for state intervention to be more coordinated and proactive when male victimsenter the system. There should be separate government policy on Ending Intimate ViolenceAgainst Men and Boys and separate funding for Ending Violence Against Men and Boys thatmirrors policies for female victims of violence, in order to address the imbalance thatcurrently exists in the provision of support services.There are some limitations to this study. One relates to the accuracy of the Case Files,for they may not be accurate and may include bias in themselves, colored by the narrativeaccounts of the victim’s story as written by caseworkers , p. 87.