With the continuous prominence of environmental problems, some online environmental platforms have been built in China. Such platforms provide an important carrier for public to learn environmental knowledge and participate in environmental protection. However, whether such platforms can play a substantive role in promoting users’ green consumption behaviors is still unclear. Focusing on this question, the influence of online environmental platform services on public green consumption behaviors is explored. A model based on the theory of stimulus–organism–response is established to analyze the influential mechanism, using the online environmental platform services as the independent variable, users’ green consumption behaviors as the dependent variable, environmental attitude as the mediator, and users’ price sensitivity as the moderator. Survey data are used to test the model. The empirical results show that online environmental platform services have a significant positive impact on users’ green consumption behaviors. Environmental attitude plays a partial mediating role and price sensitivity negatively moderates the mediating role of environmental attitude. Suggestions are given from the perspectives of platform operators and government. This paper provides both theoretical and practical implications for sustainable consumption. Environmental problems, such as environmental pollution, resource shortage, greenhouse gases, and haze weather, need to be solved urgently. Public green consumption behaviors (GCB) are indispensable to promoting sustainable development. Although China has effectively promoted the public GCB by issuing relevant policies and carrying out public education, on the whole, GCB are still relatively scattered and small-scale. How to promote the public GCB is currently the main problem. With the development of the new generation information technology and the 5th generation mobile networks, mobile phones have become indispensable tools for the public. Some traditional services have been moved online. To be specific, an online environmental platform called “Ant Forest” was launched by “Alipay” . Many green activities are offered to the public by this platform, such as green travel, recyclable express packaging, etc. Similar online environmental platforms include “Castle Peak School” and “Flying Ant” in China. These platforms, characterized by convenience, interactivity, and sociability, have attracted more and more users. According to the company’s data, the number of users participating in the “Ant Forest” has reached 600 million by 2021, involving individuals of all ages. Behind the upsurge, we have to think: Can such online environmental platforms encourage users to practice GCB? It is very meaningful to analyze the impact of such platforms on the psychology and behaviors of users. Extant research shows that the main influential factors of GCB are demographic characteristics, such as age  and educExtant research has confirmed that related services provided by online platforms can affect users’ psychology and behaviors ,12,13,14In order to explain the influential mechanism, the stimulus–organism–response theory is adopted. OEPS could deepen users’ understanding of environmental issues and promote their environmental attitude (EA), which can be regarded as an external stimulus. EA, belonging to organism, can make individuals feel their environmental responsibility and encourage their responses . Since tIn summary, this paper establishes a research model with OEPS as the independent variable, EA as the mediator variable, the user’s GCB as the dependent variable, and PS as the moderator variable. Hierarchical regression analysis and the bootstrap method were used to test the hypotheses mentioned in the model. Hierarchical regression analysis is often used to test the relationships between variables in empirical research ,6. It haFive hundred and seventeen valid questionnaires collected in China were used as research samples. As is known to all, China is the country with the largest population in the world. Therefore, it is helpful to carry out an investigation in China to promote Chinese citizens’ GCB. It can also provide guidance for other countries. The potential contributions of this article are two-fold: (1) As an external factor, OEPS could have a direct impact on users’ psychology and behavior. In order to explore the effect of OEPS in-depth, they are divided into three dimensions: enjoyable services, practical services, and symbolic services. (2) In order to explain the influential mechanism of OEPS on users’ GCB, the mediating effect of EA and the moderating effect of PS are analyzed. We hope this comprehensive analysis will provide theoretical and practical implications to stimulate green consumption.This paper is composed of six sections. After the introduction, The stimulus–organism–response (S-O-R) theory proposed by Mehrabian and Russell (1974) holds that external factors affect an individual’s emotional state and emotional perception, and further affect an individual’s behaviors . StimulaWe posit that S-O-R theory is applicable to the study of the impact of online environmental platforms on users’ GCB. The platforms have a subtle impact on users’ psychology and behaviors by providing specific services, which are external stimulations to users. EA is the psychological change triggered by external stimulations at the organic level. At the same time, users’ GCB are the responses generated by the stimulations of OEPS.GCB refers to the consumption behavior that consumers strive to protect the ecological environment and minimize the negative impact on the environment during the purchase, usage, and disposing of goods . Online The services of these platforms are diverse, including online environmental protection participation, environmental knowledge learning, environmental information communication and sharing, and the recommendation of environmental protection activities . From thEnjoyable services can attract users and increase users’ stickiness . On the Hypothesis 1 (H1).OEPS have positive impacts on users’ GCB.EA is an individual’s tendency to protect the environment and can be reflected by the person’s standpoint or view on a specific and detailed environmental problem . On the Hypothesis 2 (H2).OEPS have a positive effect on users’ EA.The theory of planned behavior holds that an individual’s behavior does not occur in a vacuum . AttitudHypothesis 3 (H3).EA has a positive effect on users’ GCB.Based on the above analysis, this article posits that OEPS positively affect users’ EA, and EA plays a positive role in generating GCB. Therefore, EA is a mediator in the relationship between OEPS and users’ GCB. Hence, the following hypothesis is proposed:Hypothesis 4 (H4).EA plays a mediating role in the relationship between OEPS and users’ GCB.PS is the degree of awareness and responsiveness shown by consumers when they detect price differences in products or services . OrganicHypothesis 5 (H5).PS negatively moderates the relationship between EA and users’ GCB. That is to say, GCB of users with lower price sensitivity will be more likely to be influenced by EA, ceteris paribus.According to the previous analysis, we argue that the enjoyable, practical, and symbolic services provided by platforms stimulate users’ EA promote their active GCB in daily life. In addition, combined with the extant research, users with low PS would be loyal  and are Hypothesis 6 (H6).PS negatively moderates the mediating role of EA in the relationship between OEPS and users’ GCB.The research model developed in this paper is shown in Online environmental platform services (OEPS): It is divided into enjoyable services, practical services, and symbolic services from the perspective of users’ experience. The measurement of this variable refers to Mathwick et al. and includes six items . Environmental attitude (EA): It is measured from two aspects, the severity of environmental problems and the importance of environmental protection. A total of six items are designed with two reverse items .Price sensitivity (PS): It includes two dimensions: price importance and price search propensity . There aGreen consumption behavior (GCB): Four items are used, including clothing, food, housing, and transportation .All variables are scored by a five-point Likert scale. The specific items can be seen in Survey data were used. Besides the items of all variables, respondents’ demographic information was included in the questionnaire, such as gender, age, monthly consumption and expenditure, etc. In order to avoid the social desirability bias, some reverse items were included and questions were randomly arranged. The informed consent and some explanations were given to the respondents to eliminate confusion before they filled out the questionnaires.Considering the disproportion of economy levels in China, the questionnaires were distributed in 3 cities, Qingdao, Shenyang, and Chengdu. The 3 cities belong to East China, Northeast China, and Southwest China. Whether or not they have used online environmental platforms and the reasons for using such platforms were asked before the participants filled out the questionnaires. If respondents answered yes and because of curiosity and other people’s recommendation to use rather than because of concern for the environment, they were invited to participate in the survey. At the same time, this paper reduces the potential impact of other factors on the results in the process of collecting data regarding two aspects. Firstly, the team members told the respondents to try to answer without considering the interference of other conditions. Secondly, for the measurement of green consumption behavior, four aspects of clothing, food, housing, and transportation that are less affected by external factors are selected as the measurement aspects. Initially, 604 questionnaires were obtained. Questionnaires with a too short response time and multiple questions in a row with the same answer were eliminated. Ultimately, 517 valid questionnaires were obtained. The basic information of the 517 respondents is shown in The reliability of the items is analyzed by SPSS25.0 and the results are shown in Since all the variables were measured with mature scales, the content validity can be guaranteed . The expA method factor was added to the four-factor model to test whether common method bias exists . The resThe correlation coefficients between the main variables are shown in p < 0.001). Therefore, Hypothesis 1 is verified.The results of Model 2 in Regression analysis is used to examine the mediating effect of EA. The test results are shown in Model 1, Model 3, and Model 4 in p < 0.001). Hypothesis 2 is checked.In Model 1, OEPS is set as the independent variable, and EA is set as the dependent variable. The results show that OEPS have a significant positive effect on EA , which supports Hypothesis 3. In Model 3, EA is set as the independent variable, and GCB is set as the dependent variable. The results indicate that EA has a significant positive effect on users’ GCB . The change in the coefficient of influence indicates that EA plays a mediating role between OEPS and users’ GCB. Therefore, Hypothesis 4 is checked.In Model 4, OEPS and EA are set as the independent variables and GCB is set as the dependent variable. The results show that the positive effect of OEPS on users’ GCB is still significant, but the effect is significantly lower than the results in Model 2 , which verifies that PS plays a negative moderating effect on the relationship between EA and users’ GCB. Therefore, Hypothesis 5 is checked. In Model 5, EA, PS, and interaction are set as the independent variables, GCB is set as the dependent variable. The results show that interaction has a significant negative impact on users’ GCB , suggesting that PS negatively moderates the mediating role of EA. Therefore, Hypothesis 6 is checked.In Model 6, OEPS, EA, PS, and interaction are set as the independent variables and GCB is set as the dependent variable. The results reveal that the interaction has a significant negative impact on GCB . As can be seen from Only few extant studies demonstrate that some special features of online environmental platforms can affect users’ GCB ,10. The Moreover, the information, services, and activities stimulate users to think about environmental issues, encourage them to understand the environmental responsibility that individuals should take, and develop users’ EA. The generated EA will make users pay attention to their own behaviors and promote their GCB. This is consistent with the conclusion that external information or activities can affect users’ attention to environmental issues and then promote users’ GCB . The EA However, users’ enthusiasm to implement GCB is affected by other factors . PS has First, the impact of online environmental platforms on users’ GCB was researched. Based on the S-O-R theory, OEPS were taken as the stimulating factors and the services are divided into three dimensions, named enjoyable services, practical services, and symbolic services. The influential mechanism of platform services on users’ GCB was explored in depth. This article expands the research on the factors affecting GCB. The research results can be helpful for scholars and society to realize the importance of the services provided by online environmental platforms to promote users to implement GCB.Second, this article explained why online environmental platforms can influence users’ consumption behaviors. The results demonstrate that the effect of online environmental platforms on users’ GCB can be achieved through the mediation of users’ EA. EA has been suggested as an important factor influencing individuals’ green consumption intentions and behaviors . This arThird, the negative moderating effect of PS was examined in this article. PS weakens the role of EA in promoting users’ GCB and restricts the mediating role of EA between OEPS and users’ GCB. Therefore, it has been fully demonstrated that PS would inhibit users from implementing GCB. According to previous studies, PS is a key factor influencing individuals’ green purchase decisions . Firstly, suggestions for platform operators are put forward. First of all, platform operators should strengthen the application of innovative intelligent interaction technology to improve the interaction between users and the platform, as well as the connection between users. In this way, users’ sense of participation and experience will be increased, and users’ enthusiasm to practice GCB can be improved. In addition, it is necessary for platform operators to adjust the acquisition rules of participation points. At present, it is difficult to obtain participation points on some online environmental platforms, which can discourage the enthusiasm of some users and reduce the positive effect of OEPS on users’ GCB. Therefore, platform operators should optimize the rules for obtaining participation points to make users’ green and low-carbon behavior more meaningful and rewarding. At last, platform operators should try their best to meet the diversified interests of users. Specifically, they could consider introducing more incentives and optimizing the symbolic service pattern to meet the spiritual or material needs of different users, thus increasing users’ sense of accomplishment and motivation to participate.Secondly, suggestions for the government are proposed. The government should strengthen incentives and support for such online environmental platforms, so as to make them more effective. At the same time, product price is an important factor in consumers’ purchasing decisions. The government should strengthen financial subsidies for green products and services and formulate supportive policies for green product manufacturers to reduce the price of green products, thus improving consumers’ acceptance of green products. The following conclusions have been drawn: (1) OEPS have a direct impact on users’ GCB. Enjoyable services, practical services, and symbolic services provide platforms for users, thus improving the enthusiasm of users to implement GCB. (2) The effect of OEPS on users’ GCB is also indirectly realized through EA. Specifically, OEPS encourages users to generate EA. EA can affect users’ understanding of environmental problems and encourage them to implement GCB. (3) PS negatively moderates the relationship between EA and GCB and the mediating effect of EA. For users with high PS, the indirect effect of OEPS is weakened. To sum up, based on the theory of stimulus–organism–response, this paper demonstrates the positive influence of OEPS on users’ GCB. In addition, the results suggest that promoting GCB through OEPS requires the joint efforts of platform operators and government departments.Some limitations could open new directions for future research. First, the participants of this survey were mainly young and middle-aged, the proportion of elderly participants was small. Therefore, whether the conclusions are suitable for the elderly is still worth exploring. Second, PS was used to measure the acceptability of users to price fluctuation. Although the negative moderating effect of PS has been examined, it is difficult to explain to what extent price fluctuations eliminate the impact of OEPS on users’ GCB, which can be explored in the future. Finally, based on the research findings of this paper, it would also be meaningful to study the actual situation of users’ GCB in real life.


Socio-cultural patterns and communication styles differ from culture to culture. As such, the way in which people deal with a crisis situation is also culture-dependent. The COVID-19 pandemic has pointed, once more, to the cultural diversity of the world through a variety of reactions to the measures imposed by the global spread of the deadly virus. The present research aims at identifying the feelings, coping behaviors and communication patterns of the younger Romanian generation during the COVID-19 pandemic and at explaining them from a cultural standpoint, in an effort to raise awareness of the cultural (un)predictability of human reactions to certain external stimuli. The survey conducted online on 409 students at Politehnica University of Timișoara (Romania) revealed that most of students’ socio-cultural behavior could have been anticipated by the Romanian authorities when they decided a certain pandemic action plan, and that the few unexpected results indicate the versatility of a culture that is still changing under the Western European influence caused by the fact that Romania has adhered to European Union principles for more than fifteen years. The COVID-19 outbreak in China, in December 2019, and the spread of the novel deadly virus worldwide restructured contemporary society, having long-term consequences difficult to predict. On 11 March 2020, the World Health Organization publicly acknowledged that the coronavirus outbreak could be characterized as a global pandemic ,4 that cAmong the important causes enhancing the mental health of the population in pandemic times, religion has been singled out . This, hInterestingly, within the same society, behaviors may differ so that minority cultural groups as well as different age groups may behave differently from the dominant cultural group existing in that society, and, as such, customized pandemic measures should be taken into account by governing bodies in order to succeed in combating the disease ,12. ConsThe way in which people react to the positive as well as to the negative factors that may affect their daily activities is determined by the culture that has shaped their personalities since human behavior, be it verbal or nonverbal, and is eminently culture-bound ,32,33,34Communication is, however, achieved not only through linguistic means, but also through non-linguistic ones such as colors and touch patterns ,38,39,40Other dimensions that distinguish between cultures were singled out in 1980 by G. Hofstede  and furtUncertainty avoidance versus acceptance is about people’s capacity to adapt to new situations, the degree of stress that people feel when they have to face uncertainty and their preference to work and live in a well-structured or less structured society. Hence, uncertainty avoidance is shown by the following: uncertainty is considered to be a threat; high degree of stress, anxiety, neuroticism and emotionality; subjective health and well-being scores are low; intolerance to new and different ideas and/or persons; clarity and structure are needed in all situations; people need rules, even if they do not obey them; people feel small and incompetent in relation to the authorities and the other way around; people believe in religious, philosophical and scientific ultimate truths and grand theories. Acceptance, though, is quite the opposite: uncertainty is accepted and dealt with when it comes; people are easy-going, relaxed, self-controlled, less anxious than their counterparts in the uncertainty avoidance cultures; tolerance to as well as curiosity about new and different ideas and/or persons; people know how to handle chaos and ambiguity, without feeling uncomfortable; rules are not preferred; people and authorities are equally important and competent; relativism and empiricism are embraced in religion, philosophy and science. Uncertainty avoidance is high in Latin, East and Central European, Germanic and Japanese cultures and lower in Nordic, Anglo-Saxon and Chinese cultures.Individualism versus collectivism points to the entire social construction that relies either on the individual and their immediate family or on a cohesive in-group and an extensive family. In other words, individualism is characterized by the following: I-consciousness; each individual is perceived as a unique individual; privacy is valued; expressing one’s opinion is expected; completing a task is more important that preserving a relationship; the pronoun I is often used in discourses. Collectivism is described by: WE-consciousness; a strong sense of belonging and loyalty to a group, therefore individuals are assessed from the perspective of their membership of in-groups and out-groups; pre-determined opinions formulated by in-groups; feelings of shame when norms are transgressed; harmonious interactions; relationships prevalent over tasks; avoidance of the use of the pronoun I in discourses. Since individualism tends to develop the more developed the society, it is a characteristic of Western cultures. Eastern countries are usually less developed economically and, as such, eminently collectivist. Interesting, however, is the fact that Japan is somehow in-between these two cultural dimensions, displaying features of both of them. Furthermore, individualism and collectivism have an effect on peoples’ creativity, manifested in their private and professional lives , as indiMasculinity versus femininity illustrates the gender-specific values and attitudes characterizing a society as a whole. Thus, masculinity stands for assertiveness and competitivity, while femininity is associated with modesty and attentiveness. It is either the masculine or the feminine pattern that tends to determine the behavior both of men and of women in a certain society. Some aspects reveal a masculine society: there is a maximum gender role differentiation; assertiveness and ambition are highly appreciated; work is more important than family; the strong ones are admired. A feminine society is indicated by the opposite: there is a minimum gender role differentiation; modesty and attentiveness are highly valued; work is as important as family; the weak ones are sympathized with. Therefore, Japanese, Germanic and some Latin cultures such as the Mexican and Italian ones are considered highly masculine, while Dutch and Nordic cultures are highly feminine. Mixed features of masculinity and femininity are found in some Latin cultures such as the French, Spanish, Portuguese and Chilean ones as well as in some Asian cultures such as the Korean and Thai ones.Long-term orientation versus short-term orientation points to people’s perceptions of the past, the present and the future and the manner in which these interrelate and influence each other, thus determining people’s course of action and behavior. In long-term orientation cultures, the best is yet to come, people’s adaptability to their circumstances is praised, traditions are subject to change, tasks are shared among family members, eagerness to learn from other people is a defining trait, people are thrifty, perseverant and save money for future investment, and hard work is key to success. In short-term orientation cultures, the past and the present weigh heavier than the future, people never change, people are omniscient as regards their ability in assessing the good and evil in everything, traditions are sacred and static, imperatives define family life, one’s country is the only one that is praised and admired, helping others is essential, and luck influences success. The aforementioned studies ,43,44,45Finally, the last dimension that characterizes a culture is indulgence versus restraint, i.e., flexible social norms that allow people to enjoy life and have fun versus strict social norms regulating people’s behavior and encouraging them to control their most human desires. Thus, in societies characterized by indulgence, people are happy and perceive themselves as being in control of their lives, leisure activities and sports are important, positive emotions are better remembered than negative ones, freedom of speech matters, birthrates are often high in educated countries, people are rather obese and follow mild sexual norms in developed countries. In societies defined by restraint, people are not that happy and consider that some other force determines their life, leisure activities and sports are given much importance, negative emotions are better remembered than positive ones, freedom of speech does not matter, birthrates are often low in educated countries, people are not obese and follow rather strict sexual norms in developed countries. Moreover, in indulgence cultures, maintaining order is not paramount, while in restraint cultures, order is essential, hence a huge number of policemen are employed. Western Europe and North and South America display features of indulgence cultures, while East European, Muslim and Asian countries restraint ones. In between are Mediterranean cultures that intertwine the two dimensions, indulgence and restraint. Although some socio-cultural behavior patterns tend to prevail in a specific culture , culturaCulture, however, is not a static concept, but a dynamic one since societies evolve and their focus changes from security to freedom, as Inglehart contends ,51,52. TDrawing on the extensive international research conducted by other scholars ,73,74,75Thus, Romanian culture is a collectivist one. Yet, it is a moderate collectivism, not an extreme one, caused by the fact that, historically, the country was at the crossroads between various empires, and, as such, people felt always threatened and insecure, feelings that increased during the communist regime. Power, obtained through hard work, is distributed hierarchically, concentrated in a center and highly appreciated by Romanians, which explains the importance given to work and to social status. Power, however, is used in a feminine manner since Romanians try to solve conflicts by compromise and not by violence, which is shown also by a misleading false modesty of the Romanians who wish to have power. Interestingly, although Romania is a moderate-collectivist country, it does not acknowledge leadership properly because many heated arguments occur until an agreement is reached. A typically collectivist lack of trust in unfamiliar people has been extended to familiar ones alike, excepting family members. Romania differs from Western countries in the high importance given to family, in the less significance attributed to friendship, in a less altruistic behavior towards others and in a lower tendency to satisfy their own pleasures. These are intertwined with other cultural values, namely Romanians foster traditions, religious faith and pragmatism as opposed to self-determination and civic spirit, i.e., following the ancestors’ traditions, religious dogmas and self-interest is above deciding for oneself and being a good citizen. Interestingly, although very conformist and religious, but not fundamentalist, Romanians also trust and value technological advancement. All this is linked to the fact that Romanians are highly uncertainty avoidant, which makes them highly emotional and averse to anything that is new and might affect their balance and wellbeing. To better cope with the new, Romanians tend to be conservative, trying to live a life regulated by rules that are, however, sometimes not obeyed. As in the case of the collectivism—individualism dimension, the short-term orientation—long-term orientation dimension records an intermediate score, the balance being slightly tilted towards a long-term orientation. Moreover, femininity is not very much emphasized either and autonomy is higher than in undeniably collectivist societies.All this points to a culture that is still young, suffering transformations to build its European identity . Thus, DIn order to discover whether this wind of change continues to blow also under abnormal conditions, i.e., in pandemic times, we conducted research on the students of Politehnica University of Timișoara (Romania). In other words, research was aimed at identifying the (un)predictibility of the students’ feelings, socio-cultural behavior and communication styles that they employed during the COVID-19 pandemic, sometimes as a means to cope with the new normal. As such, the following research objectives were set: RO1. To identify the respondents’ feelings about the first year of the pandemic,RO2. To identify the respondents’ preferences for a certain design or color of face masks worn during the COVID-19 pandemic,RO3. To identify the way in which the respondents communicated interpersonally with friends, family members or colleagues during the COVID-19 pandemic,RO4. To identify the degree of civism indicated by the respondents’ reactions to citizens who were not wearing a face mask when they met.Although few studies deal with students’ coping behaviors during the COVID-19 pandemic, e.g., students’ coping skills when faced with lockdown fatigue, anxiety, depression, stress and loneliness ,79,80,81construction of research tools, i.e., a questionnaire that included five opinion questions and five factual questions, for which a 5-point scale  was used;online distribution of the questionnaire to students at the Politehnica University of Timișoara, Romania, enrolled in on-site programs; for this, a Romanian online survey platform—isondaje.ro—was used;building the sample of respondents and a database with their opinions;data analysis, with the SPSS program, version 20.00;use of a focus group made up of seven students who were employed as co-researchers for the interpretation of the research results. It should be mentioned that this group of students had completed the course “Research Methods in Social Sciences”, and consequently they were aware of the rigor needed while conducting research.Data collection was carried out between 1 April and 30 May 2021, during the second semester at the Politehnica University of Timișoara. The following research strategy was resorted to:The questionnaire was applied to a sample of 409 subjects, of which 166 men (40.6%) and 243 women (59.4%) participated voluntarily in the survey. The anonymity of the respondents was ensured, and these could drop out of the survey at any time.Since the analyzed sample consisted only of students, it implies a limitation of the diversity of the population affected by these restrictions. Therefore, even if the sample size was large enough to reach an error margin of ±5%, it would still require multiple samples with greater diversity and a substantially larger number of respondents to make better predictions.RO1. To identify the respondents’ feelings about the first year of the pandemicThe first objective of the study was met by analyzing the following open statement:S1. Please describe in three words or three sentences the period of time since the beginning of the pandemic that best expresses your feelings regarding the first year of the pandemic.The responses given by the students are summarized in As it can be seen in The students who interpreted the collected data considered that anxiety ranked first for the respondents as the pandemic represented a change in our lives, a fear of the new, and of the unknown. The pandemic period also induced fear and anxiety among the population through the media. Still, after getting used to the imposed restrictions, the population started to feel a relaxation and a relief, partially recovering after the initial shock.RO2. To identify the respondents’ preferences for a certain design or color of face mask worn during the COVID-19 pandemicThe second research objective was achieved by collecting and analyzing the answers to the following question:Q1. If you could choose the color or design of face masks worn during the restrictions caused by the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, what would you choose?The answers were rated on a 5-point scale and aimed at identifying the students’ preference for a particular color, design or scent of mask, and as such it was intended to reveal their coping strategy with the obligation to wear it during the COVID-19 pandemic .The choice regarding the color of the face mask from the array of possibilities given by the questionnaire showed a relatively interesting grouping. “The colored face mask matching the colors of the clothes I am wearing” (average 3.2) and “the face mask in other/various colors” (average 2.94) ranked first, based on the collected answers. These two categories of answers underline the respondents’ interest in their looks.The second group of answers were the ones that scored an average between two and three points, i.e., “white face mask” (average 2.75), “blue face mask” (average 2.72), “scented face mask” (average 2.45), “purple face mask” (average 2.26), “face mask in the colors of the establishment I study/work at” (average 2.22), “face mask with different suggestive prints showing my emotional state” (average 2.22). “White” and “blue face masks” were the first two answers as they were colors that could be matched with many types of clothes and were the only ones available in stores in Romania at the beginning of the pandemic. It was only later that the purchasing offer diversified as regards the face masks and their colors. This answer could also be linked to the fact that, according to a recent study , people The last group of answers were those with averages below two, encompassing a variety of options: “green face mask” (average 1.97), “red face mask” (average 1.76), “face mask in the colors of my favorite sports team” (average 1.65), “yellow face mask” (average 1.61), “orange face mask” (average 1.57), “face mask in the colors of the national flag” (average 1.57). The reasons why they ranked last were due to various factors depending on the respondents’ choices. Since orange does not match anything, being a bright color, it ranked second last. The Romanians do not treasure their national flag; therefore, wearing a face mask in the flag’s colors ranked last among the respondents.The students involved in the research motivated the choice of colors for the face masks using the following statements: “the least I can do is be fashionable with the face mask”; “the face mask has become a part of us”; “if I still have to wear it, I want to look good with it”. Age and desire for social status made the students appreciate the color of the face mask not only based on its usefulness, but also based on color matching. Other students did not take into account the colors and gave answers such as, “I received a blue mask from the city hall and I wore it all the time”. In other words, this category of respondents used the face mask for its usefulness and not as a garment related to fashion.Another analysis that was carried out was the one discussing face mask color by gender. The analysis of statistical averages based on gender as well as the comparative analysis between the two genders showed statistically significant differences for the following face mask colors: “green face mask”, “blue face mask”, “purple face mask”, “face mask in the colors of the national flag”, “face mask in the colors of the favorite sports team”, “face mask with various imprints”, “face mask matching the clothes”, “scented face mask”, “face mask in various colors” . female = 2.08, averagemale = 1.80), and t = −2.261 (p = 0.024);green face mask , and t = −2.071 (p = 0.039);blue face mask , and t = −4.894 (p < 0.01);purple face mask , and t = −4.108 (p < 0.01);face mask with various imprints , and t = −5.683 (p < 0.01);face mask matching clothes , and t = −2.846 (p < 0.01);scented face mask , and t = −3.581 (p < 0.01).face mask in various colors ;face mask in the colors of the national flag , and t = 4.686 (p < 0.01).face mask in the colors of a favorite sports team , and t = 5.972  had to be rated on a scale from 1, i.e., ‘very little’, to 5, i.e., ‘very much’. S1. During the pandemic, meetings with friends took place in various ways. Please go through the following statements and choose the options that best apply to you.From the answers presented in The answers provided by the students participating in the research offered interesting insights into the respondents’ attitudes. Thus, the explanation given for the first answers was that the mask was worn outdoors “because that was the law”. When indoors, the face mask was not worn due to “the absence of a third person to see you” or to “the trust in the person coming to your house, a trust that defeated the virus”. This type of trust was named “the friend-shield effect”, a feeling of safety that appeared in the presence of friends that could subsequently “lower perceptions of infection risk involving crowds outside an immediate social circle” .S2. During the pandemic, family gatherings took place in various ways. Please go through the following statements and choose the options that best apply to you.If, for friendships, wearing a face mask outdoors or meeting online ranked first, for family, as was expected , the mosThe explanations given by the students involved in the study were related to the fact that “on holidays or at family events when people met, they did not wear a face mask”; such behavior seeming perfectly normal to them. According to them, this was an expression of “their desire for normality”. That changed when meeting outdoors due to “the legal restrictions”. Moreover, wearing a face mask indoors or outdoors also depended on the special conditions imposed in certain regions due to the level of the infection rate. Therefore, the respondents’ behavior had to obey the rules in force in their hometowns, where they were confined during the pandemic.S3. During the pandemic, meetings with colleagues took place in various ways. Please go through the following statements and choose the options that best apply to you.Meetings with colleagues during the pandemic were safer from a health perspective, as presented in The explanations given by the students for these statements were that “the respondent students had online classes” and did not meet, anyway. Most of them met on Zoom, “not living in the same region/town/city”. “The answers involving meetings with a face mask dominate as you cannot trust someone you do not see”. In other words, online activities and distrust of strangers made people more obedient where health restrictions were concerned.RO4. To identify the degree of civism indicated by the respondents’ reactions to the citizens who were not wearing a face mask when they met.To meet the last research objective, only one question (Q1) was asked that envisioned a possible situation to which the respondents could react in five ways, each being rated on a 5-point scale . Q1. If, in the middle of a pandemic, you saw a person not wearing a face mask at a shopping center, what would you do?The question the respondents had to answer was a rather delicate one, but of civic importance. It seemed that quite a few respondents “would do nothing” (average 3.14) while another category “would do something, even if not knowing exactly what that would be” (average 2.28), meaning they would act impulsively. Civic answers were the choice of many respondents, i.e., “I would reprimand that person” (average 2), “I would request an explanation from that person” (average 1.94) or “I would call the security guard” (average 1.87).The explanations given by the students were interesting and humane. According to them, some respondents “would not do anything” because they probably did the same thing many times, i.e., they did not always wear a face mask for various reasons. Other explanations that were given were related to the belief that “only the person who is not wearing the face mask is affected by viruses, not those around them”. Others did not interfere because they feared negative consequences such as: “I do not express my opinions because we live in a crazy world in which people do not want to start such discussions”, “an unnecessary quarrel might arise”. Then there is the issue of “disagreements regarding the wearing of face masks”.As far as the first research objective was concerned, the respondents’ feelings during the pandemic were rather negative, a fact shown not only by the respondents’ answers, but also by the interpretations given by the students involved in the research. Moreover, the stress felt during this period was generated by the fact that an infection with SARS-CoV-2 virus might be lethal. The news provided by the media had an anxiogenic effect by presenting the viral effects of this highly publicized virus. The fear also arose due to the fact that, through the media, a large part of the population was informed, which was a positive aspect, but it also led to panic through images, news or alarming debates, a clear negative aspect. In other words, the cultural trait of the Romanians showing their high emotionality when facing uncertainty and the new  was presThe second research objective sought to observe whether the restrictions imposed by the pandemic were also expressed in the choice of colors, design and scent of face masks. From the collected answers, two types of trends could be identified, i.e., a rather conformist one, in which people had to wear the face mask for health reasons and its color has no importance whatsoever, and a second trend, specific to people who wore the face mask and tried to integrate it to their outfit as far as style and colors were concerned. This second trend points to a rather unexpected result since, although Romanians are moderately collectivist ,88, the As for the third research objective, meetings with friends took place safely, indoors or outdoors with a face mask, or online. There were also exceptions, i.e., face-to-face meetings, indoors or outdoors, without a face mask, based on the trust and comfort that a friendship offers, studies suggesting that love has the potential to promote health and reduce stress . Family The fourth research objective, setting out to identify the degree of civism regarding the wearing of face masks in public places, showed the respondents’ non-involvement in the public issue of all citizens wearing a face mask, which could have multiple explanations. The interviewed students’ opinions on this matter were mainly related to the fact that the respondents likely also had moments of non-compliance with the sanitary regulations and, therefore, they felt guilty for reprimanding others of non-compliance with the hygiene rules. Another opinion referred to people’s desire not to generate potential conflicts. The behavior revealed by the respondents’ answers emphasizes that even young Romanians sometimes bend the rules and avoid conflicts by reaching a compromise, which is, in fact, a feminine manner of dealing with power distance. In this case, conflict was avoided by not adopting a civic attitude and, as such, by not taking action when rules were disobeyed, and even by not disclosing the incident to the authorities, which reflects the collectivist lack of trust in public institutions ,45,76,90The above-mentioned research objectives may open new paths of discussion and research on the topics of culture and of people’s reactions to unexpected and possibly life-threatening situations. Moreover, during the COVID-19 pandemic, people’s behavior in situations other than the ones approached in the research presented above could be analyzed from a cultural perspective in order to learn lessons that could help the authorities better cope with crisis situations.


Studies published on gender-related differences in the gambling behavior of adolescents have focused mainly on psychological and social factors. The aim of this study was to develop separate risk factor models for male and female adolescents, considering the environmental, psychological, behavioral and socio-economic factors related to their gambling.A survey was conducted through a questionnaire developed on a dedicated web site in 2014 on a representative sample of the Italian 15–19-years-old population, including 34,922 students attending 438 secondary schools. The SOGS-RA questionnaire was used to measure gambling behavior. To verify the risk factors associated with gambling a logistic regression stratified by gender was performed.In our representative sample of Italian adolescents nationwide, the prevalence of each level of gambling was higher in males than in females. The logistic regression stratified by gender found that for both genders, gambling was positively associated with internet surfing, playing sports, getting into a fight, having unprotected sex, pulling stunts, drinking alcohol at least once in the previous month, having not a satisfactory relationship with teachers, receiving pocket money from parents, spending each week much money and having someone in the family  who gambles. On the other hand, having poor or average school marks, going to ED in the previous year, smoking at least once in the previous month, having dissatisfied with relationships with father and having a lower family income than their friends was only associated with gambling in boys. Having an accident or injury in the previous year and having a mother who gambled was associated only in girls with higher odd of at risk or problem gambling behavior. A low psychological distress is protective only in girls for risk of gambling.Understanding the gender-related differences, and how they emerge in younger people at the start of their gambling careers, can suggest how best to educate individuals, families and the community on the topic of gambling. Programs to prevent substance use and abuse should be multifaceted, and include efforts to prevent gambling with a gender perspective approach. Gambling in adolescence is a growing public health problem. Traditional forms of gambling were generally considered an adult activity, but today’s youth are not immune to their appeal, and have grown up in a time that offers an abundance of gambling opportunities , 2. It hGambling in adolescence is more common among males than females, and boys are more at risk of developing gambling problems than girls , 5. Men It has been demonstrated that what drives the differences between male and female gambling among adults is their motivation: women often reported gambling as an escape from their problems, to relieve stress and boredom; men were more likely to gamble for social reasons, for general entertainment, and to demonstrate their skills as players, or in an attempt to become wealthy from their win .The very few studies published on gender-related differences in the gambling behavior of adolescents have focused mainly on psychological and social factors. A study performed on a sample of 12- to 18-year-olds found - in a not at risk gambling group - that depression was more likely to afflict female . A numbeThe aim of this study on a large Italian sample of secondary-school students was to elucidate a comprehensive risk factor models taking into account environmental, psychological, behavioral, and socio-economic variables influencing their gambling behavior, to develop health promotion programs with a gender perspective approach.The sample population was drawn from the SPS-DAP (The Department for Anti-drug Policies’s Student Population Survey), a student population survey conducted in Italy during the first half of 2014 by the Department for Anti-drug Policies in collaboration with the Ministry of Education, Universities and Research, and with the participation of the Regional Representatives for Health Education. Full details of the design of the SPS-DAP have been published elsewhere . For the purposes of the present study, the survey is briefly described below.The sample refers to the Italian student population between 15 and 19 years of age, sampled using a two-stage procedure that selected first a set of secondary schools, and then a set of students attending the schools concerned. The units (schools) selected in the first stage were stratified by region and type of school. The statistical units for the survey were represented by all the students attending each of the classes forming part of the sample, selected using a clustering method. The participation of schools and of the students in the study was optional: 70.8% of all selected schools participated in the survey (438 schools), with a total of 34,922 students. The instrument used was based on the international protocol adopted in the European School Survey Project on Alcohol and Other Drugs (ESPAD) study. The questionnaire’s completion was made online through a dedicated web site, after the delivery of anonymous username and password to each student. In order to reduce the differences in response times between consumers and non-consumers, all the questions in the questionnaire were obligatory. However, each student could interrupt the completion of the questionnaire at any time. The not completed questionnaires were removed from the analysis. The data collected were examined to exclude any unreliable or irrelevant responses: 2700 questionnaires were rejected because they were answered by students outside the age group considered in the survey (15- to 19-year-olds); another 343 questionnaires were rejected because respondents had not completed the sections on gambling or psychotropic substance use; and 218 were omitted because they contained answers that were judged scarcely plausible. This left 31,661 questionnaires considered eligible for the study.For the purposes of the present study, to be defined as ‘gamblers’, respondents had to report having been involved in some form of gambling at least once in the previous year. The SOGS-RA (South Oaks Gambling Screen - Revised for Adolescents) was only given to students who have indicated that they have gambled at least one game in the last 12 months and have been used to examine respondents’ gambling behavior . This va(yes/no);leisure time activities: “internet surfing”,“playing with the computer”, “playing sports” (yes/no);experience in the previous year of: “Getting into a fight”, “Accident or injury”, “Worsening academic achievement”, “Going to the ED (Emergency Department)”, “Having unprotected sex”, “Feeling guilty after sex”, “Pulling stunts” (poor/average/good or very good);school marks, as a dummy (yes/no), “Drank alcohol at least once in the last month” (yes/no), “Got drunk at least once in the last month” (yes/no), “Smoked cannabis at least once in the last month” (yes/no);substance abuse behavior: “Smoked at least once in the last month” ” (more than friends/same as friends/less than friends); “Given money by parents” (yes/no); “Money spent each week” (None/€1–50/>€50);socioeconomic level: “financial resourcessatisfactory/neither satisfactory nor unsatisfactory/unsatisfactory);social relationships: “Relationship with: mother, father, friends, classmates, teachers” .familiar experience of gambling: high/low), dichotomized at 25% percentiles of the scores calculated using the SPSD scale  built from nine items belonging to three dominions  from which it is expected the maximal indirect relation to wellbeing state and therefore as complement, to distress; this scale has been validated for use in Italy by Grossi et al. [psychological distress  and independent predictors. To test the model for multi-collinearity, we calculated the variance inflation factor (VIF), which amounted to 1.62, demonstrating that there was no collinearity among the variables considered.p-values reported are two-sided and results with p-values below 0.05 were considered statistically significant. Statistical analyses were performed using the SPSS software 18.0.All Figure Table Table The present study showed that male secondary-school students are more frequently gamblers than their female counterparts, and are more likely to be at risk or problem gamblers. In our representative sample of Italian adolescents nationwide, this study also found similarities and differences between male and female adolescent gamblers in terms of their environmental, behavioral, social and psychological risk factors.Our results are similar to those of a previous study on Italian adolescents and an international study, which found that 55% of male minors and 35% of female minors had gambled at least once , and thaIn our study, perceived level of financial income was associated with gambling in males. A low perceived income is known to predict more frequent gambling in adults  however Little research has been done on the influence of family cohesion on adolescents’ gambling behavior. A strong family environment is known to be a protective factor for adolescents . In our Low anxiety levels have revealed a protective effect on female adolescents in stratified analysis. Consistently one study found anxiety trait associated with adolescent gambling problems, but only among females . One of Our findings indicated a strong association, for both genders, between father’s, siblings’ and other relatives’ gambling habits and the offspring’s experimenting with gambling. Instead mother’s gambling habit was positively associated only in female. Several authors have underscored the link between young people’s gambling behavior and the gambling habits of their families . For insInternet surfing and playing with videogames were associated with gambling in both genders in our study. Previous research had instead suggested that male frequent videogame players are at greater risk of developing problem gambling habits . The gloFinally, in our sample, pulling stunts, getting into a fight, and having unprotected sex were all found associated with gambling in both genders. Previous studies had consistently found an association between adolescent gambling and antisocial or delinquent behavior , 44. HowThe present study has several limitations, primarily relating to the fact that our data were obtained from a sample of adolescents attending school, which means that those who dropped out of school at 16 years old , who might be at greater risk of gambling problems, were not considered. Our sample is therefore only representative of Italian school goers. A second limitation lies, as with other national prevalence studies, in that the findings are based on self-reports and may consequently underestimate our respondents’ gambling behavior. On the other hand, assuring the respondents’ anonymity and confidentiality, and administering the survey in a controlled environment enhance the likelihood of obtaining accurate informations . Third, In conclusion, understanding gender-related differences, and how they emerge in younger people at the start of their gambling careers, can provide suggestions on how best to implement prevention strategies for individuals, their families and the wider community. Programs to prevent substance use and abuse should be multifaceted and include efforts to prevent gambling with a gender perspective approach.


There is a knowledge gap about nurses’ use of social media in relation to and during the COVID-19 pandemic, which demands the upholding of a physical distance to other people, including patients and their relatives. The study aims to explore how nurses in the Scandinavian countries used social media for professional purposes in relation to the first 15 months of the COVID-19 pandemic. Qualitative, semi-structured interviews with 30 nurses in three Scandinavian countries  were conducted. Thematic analyses were made, methodically inspired by Braun and Clarke, and theoretically inspired by Berger and Luckmann’s theory about the construction of social reality. The Standards for Reporting Qualitative Research (SRQR) checklist was used. The results showed that social media was a socialisation tool for establishing new routines in clinical practice. Virtual meeting places supported collective understandings of a specific COVID-19 ‘reality’ and ‘knowledge’ amongst nurses, with the pandemic bringing to the fore the issue of e-professionalism among nurses relating to their clinical practice. However, social media and virtual education were not commonly used in patient contacts. Further, nurses attempted a re-socialisation of the public to proper COVID-19 behaviour through social media. Moreover, blurred boundaries between acting as a private individual and a professional nurse were identified, where ethics of the nursing profession extended to nurses’ private lives. During the COVID-19 pandemic, nurses stand on precarious ground in an unknown situation, with continuous news feeds that affect both society and the medical field. Nurses’ work situation is affected by the pandemic in multiple ways. Studies show that there is an increased workload based on for instance relocation of colleagues to other units, safety issues, novel and constantly updated work routines, and the absence of caring relatives ,3. In ad®, Instagram®, Twitter®, and LinkedIn® are sources of information, news, entertainment, networking, connectivity, identity construction, and more, for an increasing number of people and organisations, enabling political, private, and professional uses  it’s good and bad that you share such experiences, […] it has caused some frustration and division in the staff group, […] there were no clear guidelines for health visitors/school nurses and what we were allowed to do.(Discussion in a Facebook(DK10)® and Facebook® were used as an alert system for colleagues in the face of rapidly changing recommendations, supporting nursing practises in a situation where many habitualized practices were more or less reset and under continuous reconstruction.The professional discussions did not necessarily clarify things for the nurses, as they experienced a lack of coherence between the interpretation of the guidelines and how they were transformed into clinical practice. For example, there was a variety of clinical routines based on the guidelines that depended on the actual setting, which could vary. Further, social media platforms and services such as Messenger® from an ear, nose, throat clinic in the UK.I worked in the ambulance service […] We were a large group of people who sought information on how to identify the patients who really needed hospital care or not […] Based on the usual assessment criteria we always use for respiratory problems, we eventually realised that they don’t work. This disease [COVID-19] looks different […] We introduced a safety margin. I found the information on Twitter(S3)® posts including YouTube® films.The pandemic challenged nurses’ internalized social body of knowledge, consisting of recipes for the mastery of routine problems. Considering the pandemic, nurses used social media to compensate for knowledge gaps and to direct and internalize new routines particular for the medical sub-universe in a situation where COVID-19 was omnipresent. Through this, they influenced basic routines and habits in society, for instance by using COVID-19 protective equipment in encounters with patients or clients. Some nurses, for instance, learned how to remove protective equipment inspired by FacebookIn the beginning (of the pandemic), I shared some pictures of someone (friends) making visors when there was a shortage of materials.(S7)[Correct way of taking protective equipment off] We looked at different pages on the web—YouTube, among others.(DK3)® as a tool to support colleagues in performing technical professional procedures. They used this in combination with dialogues and professional feedback as a way to internalize and incorporate such procedures into habitualized practices.During and before the pandemic, some nurses used YouTube®, for instance, was used as a channel for critical reflection on protective equipment that nurses were offered and required to use. In this crisis, reality-checks of rules and procedures were explicit and intensive. The individual nurse could improvise reality-maintaining procedures in the face of the crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic was regarded as a collective crisis of reality, where the threat to people’s lives was an overhanging risk. Nurses externalized their use of social media by constructing their own arguments for implementing changes in their practice based on social media information, for instance in relation to the use of protective equipment, such as face masks and when there were disagreements about guidelines. Social media revealed that the new social order in relation to correct COVID-19 behaviour was uncertain, that it was open for interpretation, and thus also for negotiation among the dominant insiders in the medical sub-universe. Facebook® group) is called: “I’m a nurse”, I think. There are some who write questions, and then there are one-hundred-and-forty-two comments […] Sometimes, I’ve read the question and wondered if it was something I should just look at more […] Someone had inserted a link where, for example, you are referred to Statens Serum institut or the National Board of Health or WHO […] (We) found some scientific articles (about face masks) […] confronting my manager with (these facts). She took the question further to a corona group in the municipality. Then, we got other kinds of masks. The management also found that you should actually wear both a face mask AND a visor if, for example, you visited someone who had COVID-19.(Facebook(DK3)Nurses used social media to support or establish new routines in clinical practice in the socialization of new generations of nurses and alias nursing students into the medical sub-universe. This supported students’ clinical education during the pandemic. Social media information supported nurses in keeping guidelines for students up-to-date during the new situation with the pandemic, as well as in clarifying what students had to do during their clinical education. Social media information for instance became an inspiration for clinical supervisors during the pandemic, when students were not allowed to have contact with patients. This demanded new ways of internalizing educational clinical practices and of becoming familiar with the logic of the medical sub-universe per se, the different nursing practices, and the relational work associated with this sub-universe. However, nurses experienced inconsistencies between different authorities and institutional recommendations related to nursing students in clinical education as confusing. This pointed to attempts at reconstructing a new social reality in both the medical sub-universe and in society per se.®) because my students come from there. There were lots of doubts in the beginning (of the pandemic). Then you could read at X University College—they wrote one thing and the National Board of Health wrote something else, and then municipality Y came up with its own interpretations […] I was more confused by trying to find out (on Facebook®). It was our manager who made the decision that they (students) should be sent home.I’ve been following X University College (on Facebook(DK3)Throughout the pandemic, the medical sub-universe’s COVID-19 knowledge and related rules of conduct were not limited to the order of this sub-universe, but spilled over to apply to the social order in society per se. The pandemic created a ‘new normal’ for social behaviour in society in general. It implied that information from social media was relevant for both insiders and outsiders of the medical sub-universe. ®, was used as a new way to inform relatives to patients/residents in nursing homes, as many hospitals and nursing homes were closed for visitors during the pandemic. Social media can thus be understood as channels that were used to support patients’ and relatives’ roles as included in the medical sub-universe despite being excluded from the physical space of for example nursing homes. It can be understood as a socialization into the new pandemic-related rules of behaviour. Further, social media created new collaboration means between relatives and nurses, where the usual ways to connect were disabled due to COVID-19. Further, social media, such as Facebook® page for relatives to see nice pictures and such things, and that was important during the pandemic.Our nursing home has a Facebook(N7)However, social media was also an unused COVID-19 resource among nurses in clinical practice—both before and during the pandemic. At the same time, the use of social media excluded personnel that were non-users from information shared through social media. In that sense, social media was used to socialize personnel into clinical practices, while simultaneously creating a sub-universe within the sub-universe, that is social media insiders and outsiders. This could be interpreted as social media users representing a sub-universe per se within the wider medical sub-universe where nurses (inter)acted, which then also prevailed and/or spilled over into the nurses’ private spheres. ® or anything like that […] I’ve never used it in a work context.I only use the internet and Snapchat, I’m not on Facebook(N4)® page in the department. But we’ve actually cut out sharing info there. We started by spreading info there when corona came, but it […] didn’t feel like the right way to do it. We’ve mostly used emails and such things, notices at the department, not Facebook®. Not everyone is on Facebook®. There were questions about how much you can share. There may be personal things that were not right in retrospect.We’ve our own closed Facebook(N8)® and Messenger®.In this crisis, reality checks of rules and procedures were explicit and intensive, which led to an escalation of nurses’ uses of social media and other virtual platforms. The medico-politically-ruled society set up specific rules and procedures for situations recognized as risking a breakdown of reality. The use of social media had the potential to maintain a collective understanding of what was seen as correct knowledge, at the given time. It also had a social function, supporting nurses in their experiences of work related to COVID-19 and by upholding collegial mingling despite the new conditions with physical distance. Social media facilitated socializing and small talking with colleagues throughout the working days during the pandemic. Such exchanges illustrated the nurses coping with and adapting to a new clinical reality using social media channels. At the same time, opportunities to mingle at a distance were community-creating and consolidated affiliation with both the staff group and the medical sub-universe. Examples included the use of social media to update clinical priorities on the spot and shared related reflections, with nurses sharing knowledge and viewpoints with colleagues. This kind of information exchange primarily happened through chat functions such as Snapchat® and various online forums that ‘This is what it looks like with us right now. Prepare for this. These are the lessons we’ve learnt; we’ve discovered that it’s like this’ and so on. It was incredibly valuable.I’d prefer to read things that have been published and scientifically reviewed. But it didn’t seem to exist a year ago, because (COVID-19) had just arrived. Nothing was published. There were anecdotes all the time. And especially a lot from Italy. Many Italian colleagues wrote on Twitter(S3)® and Teams® in their descriptions. The pandemic could be regarded as an occasion for increased digital competence. It opened up an extensive and sudden need for using such digital tools to keep connected, for instance through virtual personnel meetings, both for informational and educational purposes. These applications illustrated institutions’ adaptation to and adoption of digital tools in the socialization of their personnel during the pandemic. There were challenges associated with virtual meetings if participants did not previously know each other.When nurses talked about their social media uses, they often interweaved other kinds of virtual tools such as Zoom®/Teams®) I’ve virtual meetings with the instructors who perform individual staff teaching in the departments (for the rest of the staff) […] I’ve many new colleagues that I’ve hardly seen in real life, only virtually […] I don’t know how they smell, but worse is that micro-mimicry just disappears virtually […] I can’t actually see how many eyes roll when I say something that is controversial.(Contact with colleagues via Zoom(DK4)Education and theoretical training of newly employed personnel was also offered through digital tools. This was done to maintain and consolidate a qualified workforce to handle the various clinical tasks and practices of the medical sub-universe, both during and after the pandemic. ® that we’d these lectures. […] But there has been a lot of good training, for example in first aid. […] It’s very nice to be able to take this course through Teams®.I was sent to a few different places and had to work for a few months. I was, for example, in home nursing and dosed (medication). I was sent to various nursing homes […] I had to take several courses, I had to take financial courses and so on. It was via Skype(N4)Professional training required maintenance and updating of professional competencies to consolidate the secondary socialisation as a nurse, which under non-pandemic conditions often happened in physical meeting settings. During the pandemic, digital tools were also used for competence development and further training of staff in clinical practice, as a way for nurses to internalize new knowledge.®, which we can listen to. We do that a lot. There is usually a lot about TBE , but now there has been a lot of corona information. So it has been really good with Facebook®!I’ve  […] from Region X and the Swedish Public Health Agency. And a vaccine company Z, which has short lectures on Facebook(S2)Some nurses appreciated the digital training. Some nurses regarded such digital professional courses as resource-saving in terms of time and money, with good learning outcomes. At the same time, it facilitated access to sufficient work capacity to address clinical challenges, since it took less time for personnel to participate in digital training than, e.g., face-to-face, in more distant locations.The large professional forum, which the Norwegian Infection Prevention Society holds every autumn, should have been 3 days in X. It became digital, web based. All […] the important professional education has been on the web. It’s really very good. […] It (is good) to have shorter lessons, e.g., one hour per day, instead of three continuous days of education, as you must travel away and spend time travelling.(N10)Others found it problematic as interaction was difficult, and technology was experienced as challenging.We’ve also tried to establish virtual teaching. […] but it doesn’t work properly […] When you’ve a teacher and there are nurses that are individually connected to a computer without a webcam and microphone, or five nurses in a group sitting at a distance with only one webcam […] And if you just suddenly, impulsively want to say: “No, I actually don’t agree with that” or: “May I just ask something?”. Raise your hand virtually and wait in line or write a question in the chat… you can’t do it in the same way .(DK8)However, nurses found that digital tools were problematic to use to teach and guide patients. Although patients were part of the nurses’ clinical practice in the medical sub-universe, prerequisites to use social media differ when used for the habitualization of new habits, for instance, or for the integration of new knowledge in patients. This was due to patients being regarded to be in a particularly vulnerable position. This might limit the value of general social media uses for educational and informative purposes depending on patients’ capabilities or nurses’ assessments hereof, and also depending on habitualized preferences. I don’t think digital courses with (psychiatric) patients are a good idea […] It can be a cross-border experience for patients to participate in group work […] If some of the groups were to be transformed into (WEB-based groups), [patients who are] introverted and have a very hard time sitting in larger forums and opening, it’s completely unrealistic. (DK4)® to externalize and post recommendations and highlight the importance for all to follow the recommendations. Nurses’ uses of social media hence went in line with the dominant institutions’ messages and socialization efforts pertaining to the pandemic and subsequent ‘new behavioural rules’ in the clinical sub-universe and society in general.Several nurses had internalized and taken it upon themselves to legitimate and support the ‘new normal’ of COVID-19, consisting of the basic rules ‘keep your distance’, ‘wash your hands’, ‘use face masks’, and ‘isolation in case of illness and risk of infection’. Further, several nurses had internalized, legitimized, and supported the medical recommendations about vaccinations. Nurses used FacebookI try to share and disseminate quality-assessed information in relation to COVID-19 status, vaccines, infection control and things like that. I don’t want to get into conflict with people I know when it comes to receiving information, but sometimes you must do it […] Especially as a nurse, then you have a duty to provide information, and we really should lead by example. If I see that information is incorrect, then one may have to correct it […] I’m very happy to share the National Institute of Public Health’s pages, because they’re up-to-date, and what is there should be correct. (N2)Other nurses actively externalized information by producing material that they shared to the public on social media, such as instructive films, primarily to inform persons viewed as unknowing inside and outside the medical sub-universe. This again supported the dominant institutions’ medico-political discourse on COVID-19 and both healthcare professionals’ and the public’s socialization into promoted behaviour and roles as compliant nurses and solidary citizens, respectively.The recommendations from the Public Health Agency must be followed. I’ve done that and I think everyone should do it […] to prevent the spread of infection and relieve the healthcare system […] I’ve shared posts where I also wrote […] What is needed is also that healthcare needs to be refurbished, it’s also not possible to say “hold out” all the time because there’ll be no one who will want to work with this (COVID-19). (S9)Some nurses were driven by a sense of solidarity, supported by the trade union, with a call to the public to take care of nurses by assuming the obligation to follow the authorities’ recommendations on proper COVID-19 behaviour. They thus contributed to facilitating the public’s socialisation into the authorities’ rules and recommendations.There was something about ‘the importance of getting vaccinated’. I shared that because I think it gets weird like when people say: “no, I’ll not”. We’ll never end this pandemic if people think it’s everyone’s responsibility (but not theirs). (S8)® groups, actively trying to oppose perceptions of COVID-19 that were not congruent with the dominant medico-political understandings of COVID-19. Nurses perceived members of such groups as suspicious and as holding a distorted perception of reality. Nurses thus acted as outsider rebellions in the closed groups that threatened both the medical sub-universe and the general population. It felt powerful to offer resistance from a rebel insider position in a group as dialogue and discussion were possible. Resistance from an outsider position, on the other hand, was experienced as pointless. At the same time, such penetrating acts of nurses tried to legitimize the medico-political logic of COVID-19 in sub-universes driven by other logics.Further, some nurses appeared as private individuals in closed FacebookThose demonstrations against vaccines and against COVID-19 restrictions, it’s obvious that we’re discussing it. And a little half-laughing at them. Thinking they’re pretty crazy. Because it’s way different from our reality, that you could then imagine that it didn’t exist! So, it ends up with you almost ridiculing them […] It was a way of dealing with it as well. (S4)Other nurses acted as rebels by supporting critical voices about the medico-political strategies related to COVID-19, for example by opposing the idea of compulsory vaccination. They hence positioned themselves in an outsider role, which contradicted the logic of the medical sub-universe’s insiders.I definitely oppose compulsory vaccines, because there can also be side effects. One can always use it as an argument that one should protect others, protect the patients. But if you’re forced to do so, and then you get side effects […] if you haven’t chosen yourself, it becomes an ethical dilemma. […] to find others who had the same opinions as myself online and who supported things that I thought were the right interpretation in the vaccine situation, and that you get ‘likes’, and so. Of course, it also provides motivation. (N3)Nurses also remained silent when they encountered critical voices in social media. They assumed that they could not change people’s viewpoints, and they did not want to expose themselves in person. They were loyal insiders in the medical sub-universe. No matter how much they wanted to convert outsiders, they assumed that it was an impossible project that would only lead to unpleasantness in the form of personal attacks on social media and thus an unwanted (public) exposure of themselves.When people have such definite opinions, you don’t get through no matter what you say. My fingers are itching to answer but then I leave it at that […] and then you get involved in a discussion. You answer and answer, and it becomes more and more unreasonable […] it completely derails in the end, and suddenly there are personal attacks. So better not to get caught up in that. (N6)On the contrary, nurses appreciated the opportunity for dialogue, contradicting views, and exchange on social media.It’s also that when I write something—just this closeness, that I think I can ask a question directly to a person who writes something, and I can also be met by resistance at once. And I think that’s good. If I write something that’s a bit semi-controversial, or that’s not controversial at all, such as someone questioning it, I think that’s fine. Because then I get the opportunity to clarify or to take back what I’ve said, because I may have said something that’s wrong. (S3)In general, nurses were aware that both reading and exposing themselves on social media could lead to a mix of being a professional nurse and a private person.I think one’s private life merges quickly (with work)—perhaps especially here in the corona pandemic, because that one’s work life is an insanely large part of one’s private life, […] when you’re a nurse, it just becomes a big part, where you constantly keep informed, also through (television) NEWS. (DK1)Some nurses wanted to avoid exposing themselves or others as it risked merging both the professional sub-universe and the public sphere with the private sphere. Contrarily, others estimated that transparency about the private persona facilitated trust as a professional in social media.® account used for both professional and private purposes]. But I’m myself, so I’ve my name and picture, and a description of who I’m, and my qualifications, so to say. It shows that I’m a nurse, and I can be contacted that way. I use it both to write purely private observations about the world or to comment on political proposals, post pictures of the dog. But even then, to discuss, take part in and discuss, answer, and make posts about current issues concerning health care. […] I think it’s an advantage. It’s a trust capital that follows when you’re not anonymous. Without being a real person so to say. I’ve one and the same account  Some do it a lot, but I’m too reserved to do that. […] In part, it’s probably because I don’t want to accidentally say anything that can reveal secrecy, because it’s easier said than done. (S7)While some nurses shared COVID-19 information on social media that was in line with both their professional and private opinions, other nurses were careful with sharing information while using one’s nurse title as it had the power to proclaim the medico-political truth and thereby try to educate other people in this understanding of reality. Nurses were aware of the risk of the merging of profession and person through social media. They thought that social media uses could expose such merging, thereby influencing others’ understandings of nurses, not just as a professional title holder but also as a person behind the title.® is Facebook®, you have to take it for what it’s, but of course, someone uses Facebook® almost as a reference work, and it can be dangerous. […] For example, the group “We shouldn’t let our child be infected with COVID-19” […] Initially, a group of people who were opposed to vaccines started it. New “paths” are constantly emerging in that forum, for example with discussions about who should have the vaccine and who shouldn’t. It always takes new paths. I’m not as active there now as I was before, it was especially in the first period after the vaccination began that I was particularly active there. I’ve been extremely careful about speaking out as a nurse, I’ve only done so a few times. To emphasise facts, and then I’ve also used my professional title. […] to be able to contribute with factual information, and always with references. I’m concerned that what I present as facts should have proper professional references. […] Facebook(N3) Nurses also reflected upon whether they could stand behind previously shared information or not, as the pandemic and related behavioural rules developed over time.I shared articles about it, where it was pointed out that mouth protection is a questionable measure, if it helps or not. […] then in retrospect, I realised that “I can’t really stand for this” because it became too political, and I don’t want […] to have a political profile. Rather, I maybe want to stick to a little more medical or fact-based information. In retrospect, I deleted something that I had shared that I felt I couldn’t stand for anymore and the debate has also developed during the past year […] I’ve quite a few international friends who are doctors and researchers and what you thought suddenly became so sensitive depending on what country you came from and how your country had handled it. Sweden was controversial and so they might not really dare to assert their point of view because I also didn’t want to get into a clinch with anyone else. (S7)This discussion focuses on two main findings. First, we discuss how the pandemic supports e-professionalism among nurses. Second, we discuss how nurses’ uses of social media were challenged by a fusion of private person and profession. Finally, the study’s methods are discussed.® shows that its impact is limited even though the contents are informative [The findings show that nurses used social media, including both open and closed social network functionalities, and other digital tools to support their clinical practice, for collegial support, supervision, and education, and to extend the medico-political COVID-19 dominant voice within and beyond the medical sub-universe. Social media offers several advantages, such as social support and professional collaboration. In line with this, Rukavina and colleagues 2021) found three key benefits of social media for e-professionalism in their review. These consist of professional networking and collaboration, professional education and training, and patient education and health promotion. However, risks of further reinforcing inequality and the digital divide 21 found  must be ormative . In the ® groups defined as conspiratorial groups, aiming to raise, breed, and re-socialize the pariahs to good and right COVID-19 understandings and behaviour. In that way, nurses position themselves as nurses on social media with opinions in line with a medico-political understanding and perception of COVID-19 and the ‘new normal’ for proper living [The current findings show that there are blurred boundaries between acting as a private individual and a professional nurse. Identification with being a professional nurse functions as an overarching guide for what is acceptable and possible to do as a private individual, also in terms of social media uses . The morr living . This isr living ,71. Studr living ,73,74. Nr living . The undr living . This gor living ,78. Noner living . Ashton r living  supporter living ,81,82,83This study has both strengths and limitations. Although the sample was relatively limited, the study generated rich data from three Scandinavian countries, which may speak for the findings’ transferability in this geographic area. However, further studies are needed to corroborate and/or expand on the current findings, to strengthen the results’ transferability to other parts of the world, and to explore the influence of sociodemographic factors  on social media uses in professional contexts. All authors were involved in the analysis process, with a pendulum movement between the transcribed empirical data and the proceeding analysis with the construction of themes until consensus amongst the authors was reached, which strengthened the study’s trustworthiness. The theoretical framework and questions guided the analysis, lifting it to a theoretical level and reducing the potential influence of the researchers’ pre-understandings on the research process. The current findings are nevertheless one amongst other possible interpretations, which was guided by the currently chosen analytical lense. Quotes were used to illustrate the findings, bring out the participants’ voices, and for transparency regarding the authors’ interpretation of empirical data. The analysis also illuminated heterogeneity, tensions, and a richness of experiences and social media uses, which can be further explored in future studies, in more depth. The data collection was performed during the 15–18 months after the pandemic was declared, which contextualizes the findings to that specific period, generating extended uses of digital tools in society, including in healthcare contexts. The results cannot reveal anything about whether or how social media uses and e-professionalism developments are being sustained post-pandemic as new opportunities and tools unfold in the clinical nursing field. Nor can any general conclusions be drawn pertaining to nurses’ use of social media in relation to sociodemographic variables, or specific care contexts, for instance. This calls for further research. Based on thematic analyses of semi-structured interviews with 30 nurses in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, two main findings have been identified. Firstly, the pandemic brought to the fore the issue of e-professionalism among nurses, in particular, how nurses used social media and virtual tools in their clinical practice, collegial support, and in supervision and education, albeit to a varying extent. A notable exception to e-professionalism is the non-use of social media or virtual education in nurses’ patient contact. At the same time, the non-use of social media may be a sign of professionalism, for instance to avoid confidentiality breaches or use more suitable means to communicate with patients. Furthermore, the non-use of social media can be a consideration taken to issues related to the digital divide, which per se may exclude non-users from whatever happens on and through social media platforms only. Secondly, blurred boundaries appeared in terms of acting as a private person and/or a professional nurse. The saying ‘Once a nurse, always a nurse’ seemed to capture how the nursing profession’s ethics extended to the private life sphere. However, what the consequences of blurred boundaries were varies. Some nurses experienced an obligation to contribute to educating the general public on social media platforms and beyond. Others were hesitant to deal even in private with social media platforms. Several nurses sought information, and some also engaged in conversations, exclusively on platforms that they identified as trustworthy and professional. Despite some individual differences, a more general finding was that nurses were careful in dealing with social media, with professionally based self-applied restrictions limiting their own freedom of speech. Important tensions related to use and non-use of social media have been identified and will be further explored in future studies. Furthermore, policies supporting students’ and nurses’ use of social media in educational and professional contexts are called for to help both students and nurses adopt behaviours that facilitate e-professionalism.