Today’s labor market has changed over time, shifting from mostly full-time, secured, and standard employment relationships to mostly entrepreneurial and precarious working arrangements. Thus, self-employment (SE) has been growing rapidly in recent decades due to globalization, automation, technological advances, and the recent rise of the ‘gig’ economy, among other factors. Accordingly, more than 60% of workers worldwide are non-standard and precarious. This precarity profoundly impacts workers’ health and well-being, undermining the comprehensiveness of social security systems. This study aims to examine the experiences of self-employed (SE’d) workers on how they are protected with available social security systems following illness, injury, and income reduction or loss.Drawing on in-depth interviews with 24 solo SE’d people in Ontario (January – July 2021), thematic analysis was conducted based on participants’ narratives of experiences with available security systems following illness or injury. The dataset was analyzed using NVIVO qualitative software to elicit narratives and themes.Three major themes emerged through the narrative analysis: (i) policy-practice (mis)matching, (ii) compromise for a decent life, and (iii) equity in work and benefits.Meagre government-provided formal supports may adversely impact the health and wellbeing of self-employed workers. This study points to ways that statutory social protection programs should be decoupled from benefits provided by employers. Instead, government can introduce a comprehensive program that may compensate or protect low-income individuals irrespective of employment status. Today’s labor market continues to evolve, and self-employment (SE) has become a prevalent non-standard, precarious, and contingent work arrangement internationally –3. By SESE’d workers have often been depicted in research literature as a distinct group of homogeneous people who enjoy good health, the freedom of being their own boss, flexible working hours and who do not rely on the government . They are described as having a higher level of job satisfaction, quality of life, and opportunities for work-life balance than employees , 20–22. In Canada, the federal, provincial, and territory governments regulate labour and employment legislations, with the provinces and territories regulating the majority of employment-related matters. Some Canadian social security programs, such as Employment Insurance, are administered federally but many programs, including workers’ compensation benefits and disability income support programs, are administered at the provincial level, and these programs differ province-by-province , 37–40. Although a growing body of research examines SE’d workers’ health and well-being, social mobility, and racial and gender discrimination , 41–45, Very little research has shed light on the formal social support systems using a holistic perspective; that is, how SE’d experience and navigate these support systems following their illness, injury, and income reduction/loss. Moreover, few studies have used qualitative methods to investigate the experiences of SE’d workers, and specifically, we have very thin knowledge about solo - self-employed workers in this context. Importantly, although SE is not new, work within this sector has expanded and changed in tandem with the changing labour market. In the EU, more than two-thirds of all SE’d workers are solo SE’d (without employees). Mounting socioeconomic and commercial drives are responsible for this rise, including new business models, organizational decentralization, and institutional deregulation . SimilarGiven our interest in SE’d workers’ narratives, including their personal experiences, perceptions, and practices of navigating formal support systems following their illness, injury, and income reduction or loss, this study adopted a qualitative methodological approach. Consistent with this approach, we reflected on the narratives our participants provided using an interpretative paradigm, which focuses on the understanding of phenomena through meanings people bring to them –53. AccoTo be included, participants in this study had to meet the following criteria: solo SE’d workers , aged 18 years and older, experience of illness or injury (work-related or not), main income is from self-employment, and (due to researchers’ language limitations) fluent in English , an in-depth interview approach was selected to give time and space to each person to explain their situation. In our research, we focused on disability support program, health insurance plan, workplace safety and insurance, pension plan, and employment insurance benefits, and defined formal support systems for the SE’d worker as those that include services provided by the government.A semi-structured interview guide was used, which was informed by literature and discussion with the research team/committee. We used a combination of questions and probes (follow-up questions) to achieve breadths of coverage across the following key topics: (a) stories about their work-related experiences; (b) stories about their illness, injury or income reduction/loss; (c) their use and knowledge of social security programs available to them in relation to the experience of health and illness. To ensure an informed discussion, the interviewer informed all participants orally of Ontario social security programs available to SE’d and asked for their views of these programs. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim by two professional transcriptionists. Along with reflexive journal/diaries, detailed field notes were taken after each interview to describe encounters, including the immediate impressions and context, and analytic insights.Following Reissman’s (2008) Narrative Thematic Analytical Approach (NTAA), we sought to understand in detail the experiences and practices of SE’d workers as told stories (narratives) pertinent to accessing social security systems following illness and injury , 42. In This paper discusses participant stories about their interactions with government support and social security systems following their illness, injury, and income reduction and/or loss. This section begins by discussing a theme, where participants discussed their knowledge of available government support systems and reflected on their experiences dealing with and navigating these systems in terms of their work, health, illness/injury, and income loss/reduction. Then this section moves on to examine participants’ experiences, and related views of SE’d workers concerning opportunities provided by the existing social security systems, including their shortcomings and strengths.SE’d workers in our study described their understandings of the benefits and drawbacks of different government-regulated social protection systems and policies. They reflected on their experiences of navigating and dealing with these available systems, including medical benefits, income supports, and other government supports Table .The first step for SE’d workers gaining access to government supports was awareness of the system, including their different requirements and procedures . This soOh! government support? […] for solo self-employed. I’m not aware of any I know if I had employees that then I could more easily get, like, group benefits at a lower cost.As they were SE’d, many participants in this study believed that the government could do nothing for them; they were responsible for their own protection. It is possible that lack of knowledge about these programs among some participants could have been attributed to the fact that they were confident about their savings; and, indeed, some participants believed that they could support themselves with their savings when ill or facing a reduction of income.The majority of participants were aware of options for purchasing private insurance (out of pocket). Some of them, whose annual income above 50k, described purchasing private insurance for critical and chronic diseases, retirement benefits, and life insurance, regardless of income ceiling, in this study, some participants described purchasing private insurance for critical illness.In addition to lacking knowledge about government support systems, some participants also misunderstood what supports were available through the government systems. For example, Zayan, a young man studying at the undergraduate level, said he had heard about ‘unemployment insurance’ for SE’d workers, despite no unemployment insurance  being available in practice for them. These types of system misinformation reveal how SE’d workers had sometimes not looked into the availability of support systems.No. It was not enough […] the insurance [EI] and the provincial health card doesn’t cover the most of it. Still, you have to pay from your pocket. I had to put the plaster/bandages that put in my hand when I broke my bone. So, I have to change it for 4 to 5 times, and I have to pay each and every time. Sorry I changed it 5 times, but insurance covered the price for two time. So, all together it is 600$. However, my insurance paid 200$ only.Most Canadians feel proud of their global reputation for universal health coverage . The OntParticipants in our study stressed that they had to spend their own money on health insurance exclusions, which placed a burden on their finances. Ironically, in general, many low-wage SE’d workers rely heavily on health insurance for their health and wellness. For non-health insurance-covered health needs , they do not have employer-provided insurance and often cannot afford private insurance.[in response to EISB as government regulated programs] I would probably not. I’m paid into EI [employment insurance] many years, jobs before I’m paid into. One time I had to claim. I don’t trust the government …. they asked [for] lots of documentations, which I was not in that state to provide them, was too complicated and convoluted, mentally and physically I was not ok to meet their requirements.Many participants in our study were familiar with government support systems, such as Employment Insurance Special Benefit (EISB), which was introduced to SE’d workers in 2010  and provI just found that it wasn’t worth it like your premiums for the same number of benefits that you got. so, I don’t know why you would have that insurance when you were essentially just paid monthly for the exact same thing that you are getting it back.In our study, no participants opted into income support benefits for sickness and family care (EISB). Most of the SE’d workers stated that they could not afford the premiums. In addition, some used the metaphor of a “loan program” when describing their experience of this program; that is, they questioned the point of getting this insurance if the premium and their amount of monthly income or savings are equal. For example, Sarika, a SE’d cleaner, was wary of the premiums: “But again, it would depend on what the premiums are if it’s [financially] worthwhile”. As well, Scott, a construction worker, and Jane, an actor and writer, expressed similar concerns about premiums. Scott saw the income support benefits for sickness and family care as a loan instead of a benefit program: “It’s more of a loan program as far as I’m concerned … it gives me $900/month, but I pay taxes $900/month for [premiums]”. Jane similarly didn’t see the benefit:I think it should be mandatory to be honest because, yes, when you’re SE’d a lot of people [who] have trouble, paying into something like that. But if something were to happen […] they really need that protection and I think a lot of people don’t think that. They’re just thinking about, you know, the invoice, the money that’s coming in and they’re thinking about today. They’re not thinking about down the line, you know they are [potentially] heading to an uncertainness. Nobody knows what may happen.Our discussion with SE’d workers raised the question of whether programs, such as income support benefits for sickness and family care, should be mandatory or optional. Some participants favored compulsory, while others preferred optional. In fact, the perceived necessity of opting into social security programs (that require premiums out of pocket) is likely to be influenced by the income level, type of SE’d work, and opportunity for informal or family supports. For example, although Jane, a 33-year-old actor and writer, has a family income of more than 100k, she strongly believes that it should be mandatory for their protections and safety because the arts industry, where she works, has volatility in terms of income and amount working hours:Similarly, Patrick also showed interest towards EISB or something like this: “Yes. Because like I said before […] I almost went bankrupt twice. So, I’m always unprotect, the money I would that I put aside for savings, not guaranteed. I would have whatever I would have looked into it and paid into special EI. I never know it existed, never. I never knew that existed Never heard of it”.Unlike Scott and Jane, Sarah rather assuaged the concerns, but still confused, that he should opt into this as long as his monthly income is around 2000$: “depends on the cost my income is 2000$ on a month …I think it would depend on how much, how much right I have to pay, you know the determine if it is worth it or not”.I don’t feel it should be mandatory because everybody’s circumstances are different. Like, you know … if I was married … I would have somebody else as financial to help as well. So, I don’t think it should be mandatory. But I think it should be … more known [campaign] so that people look into that more often.On the other hand, Sarika disagreed that programs should be made mandatory, as she felt that people have different perspectives, contexts, and needs. For instance, although her own annual earnings were low ($25k), she was in a dual-income household with support through her partner. She noted that others, like her, might not be in need of insurance if they have a dual source of income:Thus, Jane and Sarika’s conflicting views regarding adopting social security programs may have been, in part, derived from their different financial positionality as SE’d workers.“I know that ODSP [disability benefits] is available right now. It’s not available for me [due to eligibility criteria]. There are different community agencies. Like, if I was struggling with food and security more than I am currently, I can go to a food bank”.Ontario Works provides means-tested programs and is only available for people who have assets no more significant than the limits set out by the program. In the case of Ontario Disability Support Program (ODSP), a sub-program of Ontario’s basic welfare program, in addition to the financial ceiling requirement, people have to meet their administrative definition of disability. However, many of our participants found inclusion criteria for benefits were unrealistic and overwhelming. Remi, a financial advisor, described her non-use of ODSP services in this way: “I have disability insurance, myself disability insurance, however, there lots of conditions that needed be met in order to collect disability benefits.” She was disappointed that, to be eligible, she needed to be “absolutely disabled.” This disability benefit requirement of absolute disability was controversial for many SE’d workers in this study. Similarly, Mary, a fashion designer suffering from a long-term chronic disease, was aware of disability benefits and that they were not available for her:[…] Its 20% of my gross income. And they have based that upon the average type, the average ah, invoicing that I did per month. Well. Ideally, I like every dollar that I could have made reimbursed. But you know, they have to take into consideration that, […] My ability to generate income is forecasted over the last year of my proof of income based on income tax, you understand. So, they cannot forecast that next month, I will make a million dollars when I can’t show that in the past. I made a million, right? is it acceptable based on probability of my ability to generate income. So, I have to be satisfied with their compensation [ though unfair].SE’d workers who opt into workers’ compensation coverage and pay monthly premiums are eligible for income support when ill or injured at a rate of 85% of the worker’s net wages. However, for a SE’d person, this amount can be substantially smaller than their regular monthly income, which includes income to cover business as well as personal costs. Paul, a licensed electrician who subscribed to workers’ compensation insurance, discussed his benefit experiences. He had been working for less than six months when he fell in an accident at his workplace and injured his leg. Although he was receiving workers’ compensation income benefits, he was dissatisfied with the benefit amount because it was substantially less than his usual monthly income. In addition, he questioned the workers’ compensation calculation method, which he saw as unfair because it did not cover his overhead expenses:With this reduced income, he had to adjust his spending in terms of groceries, transportation, and recreation.Yeah, private [insurance was an option].… but it was even more expensive, like, it was crazy! So, I decided I would rather try to save the money myself first [because my income is inconsistent].As discussed above, a group of participants in our study did not take up government -provided formal support systems due, in part, to high premiums. Another group of SE’d workers could not afford premiums for private health and income insurance coverage and instead relied substantially on informal support systems. Several important issues emerged in this context. First, SE’d workers who could afford premiums preferred private insurance instead of government regulated schemes. Second, the SE’d workers, who could not afford private insurance, thought that government-group insurance, rather than private insurance, would be preferable because group insurance is relatively less expensive, as echoed in Sarika’s narratives:Jane suggested that some sort of government group insurance might help SE’d workers, as its premiums could be affordable. Sarika also reflected on how, for her, even private insurance was out of its reach because her hours were variable, and so she did not meet the eligibility criteria of three months of consistent income. As such, SE’d workers in this study indicated that to be helpful, insurance needed to be flexible because their income was unstable. In a nutshell, most participants in our study had information/knowledge gaps and misinformation regarding existing social security programs from which SE’d workers could opt into or opt out. In terms of health coverage, many of them had to spend out of pocket because the Ontario health insurance system did not cover some expenses, including dental and mental health services, or drugs. With respect to income support benefits for sickness and family care, even when participants were aware of the program, they could not afford it due to the high premiums. In addition, some participants described bureaucratic complications and limited trust in the government provided schemes. Overall, they saw social insurance as preferable to private insurance due to perceived lower premium rates.I mean, Canada as a whole has done a great job in supporting its citizens through the pandemic. We’ve done our best […] Ah, you look at the United States, and they’ve given out how much? Very little […] and people are dying. They’re the [high] numbers in the States because people cannot go to work. But here, people who had their jobs canceled are still able to meet their basic needs? […] There’s so much more we can do to support people when they go through hard times, whether it’s a lifelong chronic illness or something acute that is distributable. We could do more for people.”Most participants in our study were highly engaged in discussing how they were supported by the Canadian Government-regulated emergency response programs during Covid-19. Their focus of discussion mainly centered on Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) and a little on Canada Emergency Student Benefit (CESB). The COVID emergency support benefit provided lump sum income support ($500/week) based on some eligibility criteria, including people who had employment and/or self-employment income of at least $5,000 in 2019 or in the 12 months prior to the date of their application. The COVID student benefit provided $1,250/month to post-secondary students, and recent post-secondary and high school graduates who did not apply, receive, nor qualify, for the COVID emergency support benefit or employment insurance benefits for the same eligibility period. Most participants saw these programs as excellent  and as acknowledging SE’d workers as contributors to the economy. Mary, a fashion designer, noted how well Canadian COVID related support systems performed in comparison with those in the US:“Because […] system would be abused completely. You can even see it now that people [I know] … have traveled outside of Canada [while collecting these benefits]. They’re cracking down on them …. [but government should] not going to give them COVID relief [leading to] people go on vacation and are getting money”.However, several participants critiqued the program for having vague eligibility criteria. They felt that the Canadian government’s request to COVID emergency support benefit recipients who did not meet eligibility criteria to repay benefits was an example of government mismanagement. This group of SE’d workers also argued that the government did not provide a sustainable solution to protect the incomes of SE’d workers. In addition, several participants raised a question about misuse of the system in the event that people are doing cash jobs and receiving benefits simultaneously. They witnessed friends and relatives who were not going back to jobs intentionally as they were getting $2000/month with the COVID emergency support benefit. Thus, some study participants felt that it was better to have no government-provided funds at all rather than to have a program open to misuse:In a nutshell, participants saw the COVID emergency support benefit as helpful for the ‘really needy’ SE’ workers who abruptly lost their jobs and income. Even though it was launched during an emergency, they also argued that the program should have provided more clarity. Finally, our participants went on to discuss a sustainable protection system for SE’d during any time of financial distress, including pandemics, sickness, and natural disasters. Many participants focused on Universal Basic Income for workers, including SE’d people, arguing that this type of support is necessary for SE’d if they lose income or become sick or injured. In this context, although Jimmy, a 35-year-old data analyst, had a family annual income of 200k, he strongly supported the Universal Basic Income because he felt there was no guarantee that his health would always favor his ability to earn an income.“I don’t take medication either for it. So, because we can’t afford it […] Well, health care is free in Ontario, but medications, I can’t afford them. So, I get what I can do, when I can do”.As discussed above, most participants felt the available government-provided support systems did not sufficiently protect their incomes. When ill or injured, they had to rely substantially on limited savings or on programs such as the Ontario health insurance plan because, as SE’d, they had no employer-provided income support benefits or health insurance. In addition, many solo SE’d workers could not afford private insurance for health and income support. As a result, they were forced to compromise their living standards and fell into conundrums such as whether they should buy groceries or medicine. As such, many participants in our study stressed that they were often compelled not to take medication when ill in order to stay financially afloat. Even Scott, a SE’d construction worker and one of the top earners in our sample (up to $100k/year), reported not being able to afford medication:He further expressed his dismay with this lack of coverage: “It sucks because I have to live with the pain”. This participant had no savings and could not afford his required medications, which were not covered by the Ontario health insurance program.I have to pay for my medication from my own pocket. I have to pay for my IV therapy, a small fee, because part of it is covered under OHIP [Ontario health insurance].  blood work is covered […] except what I need a special test every now and then tand it’s $60 […] I can’t afford them right now. Like an hour’s massages expensive $80 to $120. I don’t have money for that. So, I bought a massage pad to try to help ease those symptoms that massage would help. [seeking another way] they are colleges students […] massage therapy osteopath those kinds of things where they need people to practice on and they’ll do it for free.Similarly, Ander, who ran an e-commerce business, noted the tension between food and medicine, “I would rather spend this much money on groceries rather than on medicine. However, medicine is important”. These compromises between health and a decent life are echoed in the narratives of Mary, a SE’d fashion designer, who has been wrestling to manage her chronic health problem by sometimes using undermined quality of health services:Similarly, it was then challenging for Ruby, a rotary public commissioner, to buy medicine out of pocket, which was previously covered by government provided insurance. She echoed on this issue: “they are cutting healthcare more like, they used to cover the vitamin D test, I now pay for it every year as my doctor say; so, it could affect my health as long as I don’t”.Several SE’d workers in our study asserted that their savings were not always sufficient to support their health and daily necessities following their illness or injury. In turn, they were compelled to depend on credit card loans. In this context, they were concerned about falling into a vicious cycle of loans and poverty. Mamun, a SE’d IT expert , reflected on the issue of debt: “My savings was very poor …. […] not enough to support my unworked period. So, I had to charge my credit card a lot, and after [finding more] work, I have to pay those [bills]”. In a nutshell, though Scott (a construction worker) and Mamun (IT expert) were in a good position in terms of income, their financial concerns signaled economic uncertainty for SE’d workers.“You know what need treat everybody equal. Just because I’m SE’d doesn’t mean that I’m not deemed as human as a person … We don’t have any protection as a self-employed person.”.In terms of equity or fairness for SE’d workers in relation to government support systems, many participants argued that they should be treated equally to the salaried workers in terms of social security system protections, as they are also contributing to the economy. Scott strongly raised his voice against this injustice by comparing SE’d with salaried and unionized workers:Jane, an actor, and writer, also raised a similar point about SE rights:“Everyone has the right to have housing and food and you do not worry about those things. You wouldn’t have to worry about being hungry because worrying about those things or struggling with those things definitely contributes to not being able to work as hard when you’re self-employed”.“I think that is unfair, because If you are a worker or employed person in a company and a self-employed person, they are both work. So, I think having paid sick leave is fair for self-employed people [such as] ourselves”.Faria, a beautician, called for paid sick leave for SE’d workers, suggesting that this would be justice for them:As such, most of the SE’d workers in our study called for justice in terms of social equality in accessing work and support systems provided by the government. By social justice we underlined on equality in relationships and restoring relationships, which exist “when relationships are such that each party has their rights to dignity, equal concern and respect satisfied” . In thisWhile workers with regular employment relationships are protected with statuary and employer support systems, SE’d workers often slip through the cracks. In this context, our study reaffirms existing research findings that SE’d workers are left out of social security systems , 48, 60.In our study, SE’d workers described a conspicuous knowledge gap with respect to existing formal support systems. Previous studies have underlined why social security literacy is primary requirement for populations to avail the social security systems . Why werAlthough SE’d workers in this study underscored the bureaucratic challenges of claiming benefits from the government agencies, they did not focus on the issues related to employment misclassification or challenges with defining SE. However, a recent scoping review asserted that defining SE’d workers is a pressing challenge in most economically developed countries  , 17, 63.Interestingly, many SE’d workers showed positive attitudes towards opting into formal support systems after being informed about them by the interviewer. They were highly interested in having access to social security because they experienced insecurity and precarity with their work and income and had no easy access to government or privately regulated support systems. Several other studies have also found that job and income insecurity creates psychological distress and anxiety among workers . SE’d woOur discussion, based on the findings, advances a central question: Why did SE’d people in this study not opt into the available government programs ? If bureaucratic issues are there, governments may need to revisit their policy implementation strategies. In addition to gaps between policy and practice, this study reminds us that reforms of benefit coverage will not adequately protect SE’d workers unless the constraints, including premium affordability and knowledge gaps, are resolved. Given this backdrop, although people may have different views regarding mandatory or optional social security programs, in our view, the necessity of income support might outweigh the issue of ‘choice’ . In this case, the Canadian Government might consult the European Commission’s proposed mandatory social protection. This proposes that people, regardless of employment status, should come under the mandatory social protection coverage, but it will be means-tested .In our study, although SE’d workers castigated the existing government-regulated programs due to their partial and limited coverage , faulty eligibility assessment , and costly premiums (income support benefits for sickness and family care), they appreciated Covid-19’s emergency response programs  as successful and effective in addressing issues of SE’d workers. However, these programs are dogged by limitations such as moral hazard  and financial unsustainability . This is consistent with studies related to the effectiveness of social security programs during Covid-19 from other welfare states –68. DespIn this study, participants experienced that, due to limited health coverage by government health insurance, they had to spend out of their pocket for medications, diagnosis, eye examinations, therapies, and many more. In turn, they were sometimes forced to depend on loans or credit cards to stay afloat when ill or injured, which sometimes pushed them into the cycles of loans and poverty. Studies from other countries show that Canadians are not alone with health-related financial strain. Many economically developed countries, including the UK, Canada, United States, Australia, and New Zealand, have been cutting their state funding for health and health care supports every year . All couTo date, there has been little understanding of how to solo SE’d workers experience and navigate their health and work following illness, injury, or income reduction or loss. What are the existing formal support systems that SE’d workers can seek and use? Although scholars have previously engaged with existing statuary or formal support systems for SE’d workers, little is known about the experiences of solo SE’d workers regarding how they navigate their work, health, illness, or injury with the existing formal support systems. In this study, SE’d workers described encountering several constraints regarding access to formal support systems: premium affordability, information/knowledge gap, lack of SE social support programs, administrative challenges, confidence about savings, and lack of trust in government-regulated system. They also criticized the government-regulated formal support systems  on the grounds of partial coverage, vague and intricated eligibility issues, and affordability. Although they appreciated receiving COVID-related government income support, some SE’d workers had reservations about the emergency programs because of weak management.While we cannot recommend a cookie-cutter solution to better protect SE’d workers when they cannot work and earn an income, this study points to ways that although ‘Employment Insurance Special Benefits’ in Canada are not always used by SE’d workers, possibly due to the financial burden of premium payments, it nonetheless provides an example of a coverage system for SE’d workers that provide temporary income supports for parental, sickness, or compassionate support leave, etc. This is one way in which SE’d workers are recognized as a cohort of workers who are deserving of support during difficult economic periods. In all, it is encouraging to see in Canada that SE’d are recognized in these policies as it may create room for them to be covered by other national/provincial programs too, such as workers’ compensation and employment insurance. Secondly, in our study, many SE’d workers were unaware of the available support systems to which they were entitled, and this may be a widely prevalent situation among SE’d workers. Given this possibility, a social support literacy campaign may be introduced using mass media or social media. Then, we would also recommend that statutory social protection programs should be uncoupled from the employment benefits. Instead, governments might introduce a comprehensive program that may compensate or protects workers irrespective of employment status. For example, we could encourage social insurance systems instead of private insurance plans because private insurance usually requires higher premium payments than pooled social or group insurance. Furthermore, basic income policies may be a solution to providing a basic social safety net to SE’d people, among others. An advantage of this approach is that it draws on the general tax fund rather than relying on taxing incomes of low-wage SE’d people, who are already income insecure , 72. In


What is commonly referred to as “depression” indicates a heterogeneous complex disorder that includes distinct psychopathological forms. A more accurate classification can be achieved by assessing the individual experiences of depression and tracing back each of these forms to the specific vulnerable structure from which they emerge. Each of these vulnerable forms of existence can be characterized by focusing on their values. I identify four main prototypes. Homo melancholicus is impressive for their over-normality, extreme social adjustment, and conformism; their depressive decomposition is characterized by the experience of loss. The values of homo œconomicus are utility (every action must be directed toward production) and optimization (what costs more than it produces is a dead branch to be cut); their depressive decomposition is marked by insolvency. Homo dissipans’ values are excess  and expenditure ; their depressive decomposition is epitomized by inner incoherence and emptiness. The style of homo nevroticus form of existence is subjugated by the condemnation to limitation and the diktat of prohibition; their depressive decomposition is characterized by frustration and demoralization. The term “depression,” used in the singular, is clinically misleading as it suggests a unitary and well-defined nosographic category, a symptom (depressed mood), or a phase of a disorder (major depressive episode). Instead, what is commonly referred to as “depression” indicates a heterogeneous complex phenomenon that includes distinct psychopathological forms. More accurate classifications, as for instance phenomenological ones, recognize discrete subtypes that can be identified on the basis of individual experiences of depression. Indeed, several  forms of depressive experiences exist. Some are characterized by guilt, others by anger, dysphoria, spleen, shame, emptiness, frustration, demoralization, exhaustion, and so forth. The mainstream approach to the diagnosis of depression mainly relies on “ticking boxes,” whose aim is neither an in-depth understanding of the patient’s personal experiences nor revealing previously unknown features of the patient’s condition. Rather, the aim of this approach is to assess those phenomena that are a priori deemed important as diagnostic indexes leading to the classification of the patient’s complaints and dysfunctions according to predefined – and, in the case of major depression, overinclusive – diagnostic categories. The main shortcomings of ticking boxes are “Procrustean errors” (stretching and trimming the patient’s symptomatology to fit criteria)  and “tunIn this paper, I outline a method for a more precise and detailed characterization of depression based on what I will call “drafting arrows” and “linking dots” . In a nu“Linking dots” means looking for structural links between the various aspects of a person’s experience, assuming that the manifold of phenomena of a given psychopathological condition have a meaningful coherence . These sThe contributions that phenomenological approach can make to the standard clinical one can be summed up as follows: taking the patient’s perspective rather than assessing the patient’s symptoms from a third-person perspective, recognizing and understanding the patient’s form of existence rather than simply diagnosing it, and remaining open to anomalies and individuality rather than being merely preoccupied with classification.With all that in place, we can identify four main prototypes of depressive trajectories. I will name each of them according to the vulnerable anthropologic matrix they arise from: homo melancholicus, homo œconomicus, homo dissipans, and homo nevroticus see .Table 1.The behavioral style of homo melancholicus  is impreThe ethical imperatives of homo œconomicus – the “I can!” personality – are utility  and optimization (what costs more than it produces is a dead branch to be cut). Being is equivalent to producing by adapting to the existing and by optimizing it. Every aspect of the existing is managed as a performance according to the logic of cost-effectiveness. Homo œconomicus are nevertheless vulnerable because, in their economy, self-construction becomes self-constriction. Their limit-situation is characterized by the failure of their own project. If they fail, they are solely responsible for their own failure – to them, an irremediable failure of the being-able-to-do (“I can”), therefore of the being-able-to-be (“I am”), since being is totally identified with doing. The psychopathological symptom ensuing from this failure is a state of psychic insolvency, that is, exhaustion, failure, loss of the project, the impossibility of the “I can!.” This distinguishes their decompensation from the characteristic symptoms of other forms of depression.Homo dissipans is the opposite of homo œconomicus . The corThe style of homo nevroticus form of existence is subjugated by the moral imperative “I would like to but I can’t,” thus by the condemnation to limitation and the diktat of prohibition. They embody the quintessence of the human condition as finite freedom. Human beings, as finite freedom, are free within the contingencies of their finitude . But witIn conclusion, the efforts made by contemporary phenomenological research , also in


The Computers Are Social Actors (CASA) theory is the most important theoretical contribution that has shaped the field of human–computer interaction. The theory states that humans interact with computers as if they are human, and is the cornerstone on which all social human–machine communication  are designed. However, the theory itself dates back to the early 1990s, and, since then, technology and its place in society has evolved and changed drastically. Here we show, via a direct replication of the original study, that participants no longer interact with desktop computers as if they are human. This suggests that the CASA Theory may only work for emergent technology, an important concept that needs to be taken into account when designing and researching human–computer interaction. Computers Are Social Actors (CASA) theory can be referred to as the most important theoretical contribution to the field of human–machine communication1. However, the seminal publication of this theory dates back 30 years; 30 years during which the development, accessibility, and integration of technology in society has changed dramatically. It is therefore not surprising that scholars are revisiting this theory with the aim of updating it to integrate these changes3. However, these suggestions are based on the assumption that the original CASA theory still holds true, despite the societal changes, an assumption that has, until now, not been investigated empirically.The 4. In this world, living creatures  were the only origins of rich social behaviour. Consequently, psychological mechanisms evolved which allowed automatic and therefore efficient processing of complex social situations resulting in the evolution of rapid, automatic reactions6. It is only since the 1990’s that a non-living origin of social behaviour has emerged: the computer. As psychological mechanisms are based on thousands of years of evolution, Reeves and Nass claim that it is very unlikely that our brains have developed an automatic way to react differently to social cues from something non-sentient. Hence, if computers send cues which are at least similar to the social cues sent by humans , these cues will elicit the “ancient” mechanisms originally evolved to efficiently react to other human beings. Hence, we automatically and unconsciously react socially to cues given by a computer. Nass and colleagues argue this theory to be different to the older theory of anthropomorphism8 as anthropomorphism is based on the conscious belief that the nonhuman entity has human characteristics, whereas the CASA theory is based on the unconscious, social reactions to computers. Reeves and Nass claim that “these [anthropomorphic] responses … require a lot of effort, they tend not to occur when people are tired or when other things compete for their attention, and they are always difficult to sustain. The automatic response [CASA] is to accept what seems to be real as in fact real.” . They suggest that “it is belief, not disbelief, that is automatic”.One main reason why no direct replication has been conducted before now, is that the proposed underlying psychological basis for the CASA Theory suggested that a short period of time  should have no influence on the effect. Specifically, the original authors postulated that the reason we respond to social computers as if they have an awareness is because our brains are not evolving at the same rate as technology; our brains are still adapted to our early ancestors’ environmentAll people automatically and unconsciously respond socially and naturally to media” .An important aspect of the CASA Theory, and why it is still so prominently used today, is that time and experience should not influence the effect: “While it might be tempting to assign the confusion between media and real life to problems of age, knowledge, distraction, or convenience, our research shows that social and natural responses are remarkably common, and true for every group we have tested … 13, studies that found no CASA effect have also been reported17. Upon closer examination, one potential explanation could be how “emergent” the tested technology is. With emerging technology, you have a novelty effect18: That is, technology that people have not had a lot of exposure to are rated more positively than other “older” technology. Unfortunately, after a short period of time, this effect diminishes and the novelty effect wears off. This novelty effect has been shown in robot tutors for children, such that initially the children learn more from the robot than traditional teaching methods, but after three weeks this improvement diminishes20. A recent study investigated whether we could be friends with a social computer, in which participants were asked to converse with a chatbot over a period of three weeks and constantly rate their relationship. The results showed that initially participants were enthusiastic and engaging with their chatbot friend, but quickly this diminished, with scores for intimacy, believability, and likability decreasing with each interaction21. Hence it is possible that the novelty effect caused the highly positive ratings reported in the original CASA experiments.There have been many indirect replications of the CASA studies since it was first published, however, the results have been mixed. In addition to studies replicating the CASA effect  with social technology other than a desktop computer22, or had access to the Internet23. Nass and Reeves make a point of stating in their methodology that all the participants “have extensive experience with computers … they were all daily users, and many even did their own programming” . In24, this “daily use” is defined as having “extensive e-mail and word-processing experience” (p. 1097). Taken together, even though these participants can work a computer, they lived in a society where Internet access was not common. Most, if not all, of their interactions with a computer was composing text via a word-processing service. They were not accustomed to a computer showing any sort of social behaviour, whether from the computer “itself” or from another human via a chatroom or similar. Therefore, having any kind of social interaction with a computer was highly novel at the time the original studies were conducted.In the early 1990s, when the data for the original study was collected, there was no Internet available in the home. In fact, by the turn of the twentieth century, only one third of households in the UK owned a home PC12, looking into reciprocity effects with the virtual assistant Alexa13, or having participants being asked for help by a lost robot in 201625. To compare, when the technology is no longer novel, the CASA effect was not observed: e.g., with a text-based chatbot in 200317 or robots in 202114. What we have referred to here as indirect replications, could also easily be viewed as conceptual replications: replications using the same methodology but using technology that was equally novel at the time of testing as the desktop computer was for the original CASA participants.Just as the original participants did not have a lot of experience interacting with social computers, the same goes for indirect replications that showed the CASA effect. For example, having participants interact with a voice-activated navigation system in 200526. Like the original study, we investigated this phenomenon by having participants rate the performance of a desktop computer either directly, or via an identical desktop computer in another room. The design is based on the social phenomenon that an interviewer who directly asks about themselves will receive more positive responses than if the same questions were posed by a third party. The original study showed that participants (N = 10 per condition) were more positive about the performance of a computer tutor if the evaluation was conducted on that same computer (Same Computer condition), compared to if the evaluation was conducted on an identical, but different, computer in another room (Different Computer condition).The current study is the first direct, non-conceptual replication of the seminal CASA study published in 1994: Are humans polite to computersWe purposefully used a simple desktop computer. If the CASA effect does occur automatically and always, as the original authors claim and as contemporary researchers assume, we should observe the CASA effect. If we do not, it suggests that older technology, such as the desktop computer, is no longer viewed as a social actor. If this is the case, it would mean that current emergent social technology  will also not been seen as social actors in the near future. This is an important aspect that needs to be investigated.t(17) = 3.5, p < 0.001, omega-squared = 0.36). With our direct replication of 132 participants, we were not able to replicate this large difference  = − 0.2, p = 0.852, Cohen’s d = − 0.03). Figure The original study (with 20 participants) reported a large difference in the positivity of the evaluation . Indeed, this significant difference was found in the original study  = 3.3, p < 0.001). We conducted the same analysis with our data, with the prediction that we should find no significant difference, as our participants see no need to be more or less honest towards the computer. A computer does not have feelings or emotions and hence would not benefit from the participant producing “white lies” (dishonesty in the form of a more positive review). Indeed, in our direct replication we found no difference in the homogeneity of the answers  = 0.6, p = 0.533).The original study additionally investigated the homogeneity of the answers, arguing that greater variance in responses has been associated with greater honesty. The authors therefore predicted to find a The current study is the first direct replication of the original CASA study: Are humans polite to computers. We showed no CASA effect: Participants did not feel the unconscious, automatic belief that the desktop computer would benefit from them being “dishonest” by being more polite in reviewing the computers performance. This has far-reaching implications.27, in the form of chatbots to help with online inquiries28, and virtual therapists as a first round of diagnoses29. It would be fair to state that the majority of human-agent interaction research and application is based on the CASA Theory. Currently, these applications work as the technology is emergent enough to exhibit a CASA effect from the users. However, given the current data, it is possible that in a single generation, these applications are no longer viable.The CASA Theory has had a profound impact in multiple fields, such as psychology, social sciences, communication science, and artificial intelligence, to name but a few. The work of Clifford Nass and his team has become the foundation on which social agents have been developed. As developers have assumed that users interact with social computers as if they are human, social computers have been more easily integrated into commercial applications to support human jobs. For example, as robot tutors for childrennot trigger human-like associations with the desktop computer. However, it seems that in the early 1990s, participants were more open to the possibility of agency in computers compared to today.We claim that our replication is a direct replication, which was made possible by the experimenter scripts and the content available in the appendices of the original studies. We intricately followed the methodology published in these studies, such as ensuring that “every effort was made to reduce social demand characteristics. Neither pictures of people or characters nor audio cues were employed. The computer referred to itself as “this computer” rather than “I”, referred to the participant as “you” rather than with a name, and the computer never used language that suggested a “self” or “emotions”” (p. 1098). It was this procedure that made the original findings so impressive: the experiment itself tries to conceptual replication: having participants in 2022 interact with something they view as highly novel. The aim of the current study was to have the participants in 2022 directly repeat the experiment as it was conducted in the 1990’s. As the original CASA Theory states that experience should not influence the effect, if this were true, we should see a CASA effect even with “older” technology. Yet, our results indicate that the CASA theory doesn’t apply to “older” technology.The aim of the current study was not to conduct a There are other factors than simply the aging of technology that could have influenced our results. Although we used a simple desktop computer, we were not able to acquire the actual model used in the original experiments. Additionally, due to the Internet of Things, it is sometimes unconsciously assumed that everything is connected via the Cloud. Hence, participants may have assumed that the Same Computer has access to the evaluations conducted on the Different Computer, and that participants were actually polite in both conditions. Follow-up studies explicitly measuring these potential moderators will need to be conducted. Additionally, the CASA theory is based on many other social phenomena, not just politeness, therefore, direct replications of the other CASA studies will help shed light on the different aspects that could be effecting this change.Here we show for the first time that the CASA effect is short-lived. In our study, there was a difference of 30 years (one generation), however, the effect may have gone much earlier. The integration of social human–computer interaction into our daily lives has changed our societal landscape, and hence it is not surprising that this, in turn, changes the way we interact with technology. Our current study is the first in investigating this delicate balance.Procedure). Following a power-analysis for a two-tailed two-sample t test, assuming a medium effect size , for a power of 0.8, G*Power (3.1) recommended a total sample size of 128 (64 in each condition). Our eventual sample consisted of 132 participants  recruited from the Radboud University Experiment Database.The original study recruited 30 Stanford University undergraduates . The research has a minimal risk and was approved by the Ethics Committee for Social Sciences (ECSS) of the Radboud University (ECSW-LT-2022-3-11-90198). All methods were performed in accordance with the guidelines and regulations as set up by the ECSS. Before the experiment, active informed consent was obtained from all participants.30, except that for the current study we only included 2 conditions. The original study included a third condition, a paper-and-pencil condition. However, the original paper already argues that differences may have occurred simply due to the modality difference, and hence we decided to exclude this condition entirely in our replication.The procedure is based on that reported inParticipants were pseudo-randomly assigned to one of the two conditions in this between-subjects design. The Same Computer condition consisted of 74 participants and the Different Computer condition consisted of 58 participants. Re-running the analysis with an equal number in both conditions does not influence the conclusions.30. Participants were told that after the scoring session, they would be asked to respond to a questionnaire. The researcher left the room when the experiment started.Upon arrival, the participant was told that they would be working a desktop computer to complete a computer-based, interactive tutoring, testing, and scoring session. The details of the tutoring, testing, and scoring session were described to the participants, using the script provided in30:The procedure described below are exactly as those described inknow very little) to 3 , how much they knew about that fact.Participants were told by the experimenter that the tutoring session was designed to help them learn by selecting facts that best complemented their current knowledge, During the session, the computer presented each participant with 20 facts on the topic of American culture . After being presented with each fact, participants indicated on a 3-point scale, ranging from 1 . Participants were led to believe that each question had an objectively correct answer. In fact, this was not true.In the instructions, participants were told that the computer would evaluate their performance on the test and its own performance as a tutor. During the scoring session, the computer reviewed each question separately. For each item, the computer indicated whether the participant had given the correct answer and then praised its own performance. For example, “your answer to the question concerning teenagers and rock music was correct. The computer provided very useful facts for answering this question. Therefore, this computer performed extremely well.” The purpose of the computer’s praise of itself was to ensure that the socially desirable response was unambiguously positive. All participants were informed that they had answered the same 8 of the 12 questions correctly; all participants received identical evaluations from the computer.Every effort was made to reduce social demand characteristics. Neither pictures of people or characters nor audio cues were used. The computer referred to itself as “this computer” rather than “I”, referred to the participant as “you” rather than with a name, and the computer never used language that suggested a “self” or “emotions”.Following the completion of the scoring session, the participant was asked questions about the performance of the computer. Participants responded by typing on the keyboard.In the same-computer condition, the interview questionnaire was conducted on the same computer that the participant had worked with during the task see “”. In theThe visual characteristics of the interface  were identical across the two computer conditions.The experiment was presented in a fully enclosed room (“cubicles”). The cubicles are designed for single-person experiments and only feature the essentials for basic computer tasks: a desk, a chair, and a standard lab computer setup. The experiment was run on a Dell Precision T-series computer (Dell Precision 3640), fitted with a 24″ Benq screen (Benq XL2420Z). The experiment was written and run from Presentation . For the Different Computer condition, the Presentation script instructed the participant to go into the neighboring lab room (which was fitted with the same equipment) to complete the questionnaire.describes very poorly) to 9 (describes very well). The second set of questions was initiated with the statement “For each of the following adjectives, please indicate how well it describes the scoring session,” followed by a second list of adjectives associated with the same 9-point scale: accurate, analytical, competent, fair, friendly, fun, likable, polite, and warm.The interview questionnaire consisted of two sets of questions. The first set was initiated with the statement “For each of the following adjectives, please indicate how well it describes the tutoring session.” Participants then indicated how well each of a list of adjectives described the tutoring session: analytical, competent, enjoyable, friendly, fun, helpful, informative, knowledgeable, likable, polite, useful, and warm. For all items, participants answered on a 9-point scale ranging from 1 (t test in R (version 4.1.0), using the t.test function from the stats package (version 4.1.0). The data was normally distributed (p = 0.513), as tested using the levene_test function from the rstatix package (version 0.7.0).Following the analysis procedure as described in the original study, all 21 items were combined into a single factor to capture the participants’ overall valence toward the computer. Higher scores on the factor indicated more positive responses toward the computer. The factor scores for the two conditions were compared using a two-sample t test.Following the analysis procedure as described in the original study, for testing the relative homogeneity (dishonesty) of the assessments, we used item analysis. Specifically, for each item, we computed the standard deviation of the item across participants in a given condition. We then treated item as the unit of analysis in a paired-comparison


Analytical chemistry is a sub-discipline of chemistry that even young schoolchildren encounter at an early stage in their education. Gravimetry and measurement uncertainties are aspects that form a part of such education, as well as measurements of pH and colorimetry. These are all an integral part of children’s early educational experiences, which shows the importance of this discipline within the wider context of natural science.In Sweden, there are 16 universities (not counting university colleges), all of which offer courses or classes in analytical chemistry. There is also a longstanding and strong industry in pharmaceutical and fine chemical research and development, where competence in analytical chemistry is essential. There has been a growing concern that the subject of analytical chemistry is losing ground to other disciplines, or rather, losing ground without any other discipline filling the gaps. Many universities, not only in Sweden, have stopped giving or substantially reduced giving courses in analytical chemistry in relation to other subjects, e.g. from 43.5 ECTS in 2010 to 32 ECTS in 2022 at KTH Royal Institute of Technology, and from 75 ECTS in 2007 to 30 ECTS in 2022 at Lund University, Faculty of Science . . It has in parallel become increasingly difficult for industry to recruit competent analytical chemists [The Analytical Chemistry Division of the Swedish Chemical Society has initiated a think tank focused on “what analytical chemistry is”, and whether this has changed over the years, or at least if scientists outside the field have a different opinion on this matter than the analytical chemists themselves. The question is: who are the analytical chemists in Sweden, and what are our work tasks as analytical chemists? What type of analytical chemistry do we teach, and does this correspond well with industry demand? Is the subject and definition of analytical chemistry changing with time? Is this change unavoidable and necessary for the adaption to society in general and the scientific map specifically? How can we best collaborate with other disciplines?This article presents the outcome of a survey conducted in Sweden, targeting especially the analytical chemists at universities, government institutes, and industry, as well as other non-analytical chemists.The process of the surveys is illustrated in Fig. There is obviously no single description that fits all analytical chemists. The survey reveals that Swedish analytical chemists work in different environments, and with a large variety of work tasks Fig. . The divThe responders are mainly working in either industry  or academia . The most common academic education level is doctoral studies . Nonetheless, in survey 1, 25% hold a master’s degree, and the remaining respondents are primarily made up of licentiate degrees  and bachelor degrees . The four most common universities are Stockholm University, Uppsala University, Lund University, and Gothenburg University. In survey 2, the KTH Royal Institute of Technology is also one of the most frequently mentioned universities. The rest of the universities listed are spread all over Sweden Fig. .Survey 2 included specific questions regarding internationalization, mobility, and collaboration in academic milieus. The answers to the question concerning the presence of international group members ranged between one and ten per research group. Moreover, 43% of the responders have been abroad for more than 3 months , and the number of collaboration projects the responders are involved in ranges between 1 and 15 .Analytical chemistry as a subject is often defined as “what analytical chemists do” . What arSupervision of doctoral students, teaching, project management, and various administrative assignments”, and “Course responsibility, lectures and lab course development”. There was a larger variation in answers from industry responders, which for instance included “Trouble-shooting, method development, method validation, method transfer, training of employees, and purchase of instruments”; “Service and repair of analytical instruments”; “Quality assurance of medicines from a lifespan perspective”; “Method development and routine analysis. Technical support for other chemists.”; and “Sell, install and support laboratory instruments”.Responders were also allowed to describe their work tasks in free-text, and a typical answer from academic staff were “When it comes to the question of which analytical techniques are being used in university, industry, and in general, the answers are fairly similar. Most analytical chemists have worked with separation methods, sample preparation, mass spectrometry, and spectroscopy during the last 5 years Fig. . HyphenaAbout half of the analytical chemists employed at universities are project leaders, while only one industry respondent is a research leader. At the university, the research groups vary considerably both in size and composition, but consist mainly of PhD students and postdocs, although master students, bachelor students, and researchers also are part of the constellations. The number of each category typically varies between 0 and 5 each per research group.It is far easier to obtain research funding for applied research than for basic research, and easier with collaborations than single projects”, and “They wish it to be applied, i.e. a tool is to achieve goals, the tool itself is not the goal. It is hard to get funding for analytical chemistry on its own, without a directly coupled application of the technique”.A majority (60%) of academics apply for research funds from larger and smaller Swedish funding organizations and from the European Union/European Research Council (EU/ERC), which is the third most frequent contributor. The question “How do you experience the funding agencies’ attitudes towards research in analytical chemistry?” was met with a large variation in free-text answers. Here follows two such examples: “Analytical chemistry is a science that is directed towards expanding our scientific knowledge by improving chemical analysis methods, often as a response to new or increasing demands from society. The research area of analytical chemistry has undergone a large transformation over the last decades; from early instrument construction and basic methodology, to today’s focus on method development and applications of analytical chemistry in disciplines outside chemistry e.g., in biosciences . Method The changing role of the analytical chemists has been discussed in the feature article by Adams and Adriaens , where iAnalytical chemistry can be defined as the chemical metrological discipline that develops (R&D), optimizes, and uses tools and measurement processes in order to strengthen its capabilities to extract information – particularly to obtain quality (bio)chemical information about objects and systems of natural/artificial nature in order to fulfil specific needs or requirements with a view to facilitating grounded, timely decisions in scientific, technological, economic, and social areas.” [In another review by Miguel Valcárcel , the tra areas.” .Analytical chemistry is often viewed as a second-class discipline of chemistry despite the undeniable need for reliable (bio)chemical information in making grounded, timely decisions in many fields of action, such as environmental sustainability, healthcare, nutrition, agriculture, hygiene, transport, sports, dressing, culture, home, or building.” [Valcárcel communicates a relatively negative picture, i.e. “ilding.”  He also Sorry but low status”, “Someone who provide analytical data and develop test methods”, “Not highly appreciated, but good they are available, but slow in their work”, “As a technical operator that supports other disciplines”, and “At best as a helpful, and supporting, science. Not as a stand-alone discipline.” However, when we ask chemists from other disciplines, the picture is somewhat more positive, e.g., giving free-text answers such as “Important! It develops measurement techniques”, “Provide other chemists (and scientists/engineers) with good data”, “Supporting science”, “Repetitive”, “Picky”, and “Creating tools for efficient analysis of environmental samples, tracing leaks, surveying drug metabolization or mapping distributions of compounds etc., is extremely important for all parts of society.”Our survey shows that analytical chemists believe that professionals from other disciplines view analytical chemistry mainly as a support-science of lower status, and not as a stand-alone discipline. Free-text answers to the question “How do you think others (from other disciplines) view your role as analytical chemist?” give answers such as “Analytical chemistry is generally considered to be one of the few core subjects within chemistry see Fig. . HoweverAn analytical scientist is more concerned about the quality of the measurements”, “Contributes with knowledge and support for accurate measurements, enhances the competence of instrument operators performing chemical measurements, and improves/invents new analytical methods and techniques”, “An important chemistry discipline, which gives a holistic view of different challenges in the society, from the importance of proper design and data points to the ability to draw certain conclusions depending on how analysis was done. More and more challenges requiring complex chemical analysis demands a continuous development of the field, in addition to being an important support (“tool”) for other disciplines”, “It is a field of high impact for society and also towards a sustainable development of the society”, “As a discipline that supplies chemical knowledge that is sceptical and scientific. It relates such important knowledge as dosage and sensitivity matters, and further a critical view on what can be measured and not”, and “Essential in all fields dealing with manufacturing, research and health.”In our survey, free-text answers from analytical chemists answering the question “How do you view the role of analytical chemists in the society?” show a large variety of suggestions. From university responders, we read for instance: “To develop technologies and methods for chemical measurements, work to provide data from chemical measurements, and share knowledge of analytical chemistry”, “Essential for many industrial processes, personal care, and health”, “Someone who work to provide chemical data, by developing and performing analytical testing, or in other ways support or lead activities related to chemical measurements and can explain and assess how chemical measurements are performed and their underlying principles”, “As a guarantee of quality of results and research”, and “Analytical chemists are essential to establish safe products and testing of products.”From industry responders, we read the following: “Adams and Adriaens discuss in their review article  the roleThere are several published surveys that have been conducted with a focus on the job market situation for chemists in Europe, e.g.  that cleIn our survey, we asked analytical chemists from both university and industry about the recruitment situation for analytical chemists in their workplace Fig. . In induThe expectations from analytical chemists in industry are typically different from expectations in academia. The survey showed e.g. that the ability to speak and write in English, a basic degree in analytical chemistry, and the “overall analytical chemistry thinking” were ranked as the most important skills when recruiting analytical chemists at the university, while industry considered the “overall analytical chemistry thinking” and experience in project management as the two most important aspects. Unfortunately, the number of respondents were very low from industry for this particular question, most likely due to the low number of persons in industry being involved in recruitment processes.There were clear differences regarding expectations on technical knowledge in our survey see Fig. . On the Some of these differences also show up in the data on the most common work tasks as presented in Fig. The higher demand for specialization in the universities is most likely a result of the strive to do fundamental research (see for instance in Fig. In our survey, we observe that when responders were asked which analytical techniques they use Fig. , it corrFrom the above outcome, it seems that industry sees the same transformation of the field of analytical chemistry as discussed above (Adams and Adriens , from meAnalytical chemists work in many different environments and with a large variety of work tasks. The primary difference between the work tasks done by analytical chemists in university and in industry are teaching and fundamental research, which is mostly found in university, and routine analysis, which is mostly found in industry. The analytical techniques we teach our students generally correspond well with those that are used in both industry and university. An exception is chemometrics, which is used to a larger extent that it is taught.Analytical chemistry is regarded as one of the few core subjects within chemistry, both by analytical chemists and by non-analytical chemists, but for the latter group it is especially the industry-affiliated chemists that consider analytical chemistry a core subject within chemistry. Analytical chemists describe their role in society quite broadly, with answers ranging from the more conventional role of method development and quality assurance to the more holistic view of analytical chemistry as having an important role in solving different challenges in society. However, analytical chemists have a largely negative view on how they believe other disciplines view the role of an analytical chemist in society, best summarized as someone developing analysis methods and providing analytical data. This self-image is only partly true, and our survey demonstrate that other disciplines can see the importance of analytical chemists in all parts of society.Our survey also shows that a vast majority of analytical chemists that work with recruitment experience a situation of “few applicants” or “many applicants but few with the right skills”. Based on our survey, each of about ten universities graduate 1–20 MSc students in analytical chemistry annually. This number is too low to satisfy the need for analytical chemists in industry. One question that needs further investigation is whether we educate analytical chemists with the right knowledge and skills, especially considering the transformation of the subject of analytical chemistry during the last couple of decades. Should we introduce a more holistic view in our educations, thereby preparing our students for more cross-disciplinary interactions, or should we continue with the classical “linear” view of analytical chemistry as a measurement science? A deeper follow-up study with interviews with analytical chemists and other key personnel in industry would be necessary to answer this question. After all, analytical chemistry education should follow Murray’s definition: “Analytical chemistry is what analytical chemists do”. And since “what analytical chemists do” is something that changes with time, it is also necessary for our education to reflect this change.In summary, it is clear that analytical chemistry will remain as an important part of society in the future, as discussed by Bergquist & Turner in  — “The f


This case report highlights the unique presentation of dissociative amnesia masking an underlying brief psychotic disorder, triggered by a very intense psycho-social stressor. Learning points from this report center around the importance of considering psychotic as well as affective disorders alongside a presentation of dissociative amnesia, and not only the expected anxious, post-traumatic or personality-oriented states.Our patient, a 37-year-old gentleman, was brought to our emergency department via police referral. He had gaps in his autobiographical memory that, upon receiving a regular dose of benzodiazepines, unraveled bizarre, uncooperative, and agitated behavior as well as marked fluctuations in his daily mental state examinations. Biological management through antipsychotic monotherapy, psychological management through insight-oriented therapy as well as psychological support, and social management revolving around the alleviation of surrounding stressors enabled his safe recovery. Dissociative amnesia is a condition in which an individual experiences memory loss and is unable to recall autobiographical information. It most commonly presents with retrograde memory loss rather than anterograde memory loss and this forgetfulness is not better explained by, or attributed to, injury to the brain or any neurological dysfunction, nor is it consistent with ordinary forgetfulness . The usuThough its prevalence is not well-established, dissociative amnesia is noted to have a prevalence of 1.8%, often diagnosed within the age group of 20 to 40 years old .Differential diagnoses that need to be ruled out include those of neurological origin, such as head injuries, brain lesions, brain tumors, brain inflammation, and seizures. It is of essence to rule out any substance use. It is also important to bear in mind various psychiatric entities such as post-traumatic stress disorder, somatic symptom disorder, conversion disorder as well as manifestations of personality disorders .The duration of which the amnesic episode would last is undetermined and curtailed to the patient experience. Management is personalized but includes pharmacological administration of benzodiazepines, as well as psychotherapeutic interventions such as cognitive behavioral therapy in order to alleviate anxieties and untangle the underlying trauma. However, noted elimination of an identifying precipitating factor has been seen to improve prognosis, highlighting the importance of psychological and social support .This case study explores the case of a 37-year-old gentleman, who was brought to our emergency department via police referral due to “abnormal behavior,” with no further collateral provided. Initial assessment proved difficult as the patient was uncooperative, refusing to answer questions; however, there was no noted agitation or aggression in his presentation. However, his subsequent interviews with the team in the psychiatric unit revealed gaps in our patient's memory, on a background of a sudden and severe stressor in the workplace. The majority of our patient's memory loss pertained to autobiographic information, with our patient being unable to recall his place of work, his family, or close contacts. He was started on lorazepam 1 mg PO BID and showed notable improvement as he began to superficially elaborate, in subsequent interviews, about his personal history. Our patient reported that he was recently employed as a marine engineer where he was not only overwhelmed by the intense workload but also clashed with colleagues, resulting in a bout of irritability and aggression that, two days ago, led to physical violence. After that, he had been on the streets; however, he did not recall being collected by the police and being brought to hospital. He denied any past psychiatric history, substance abuse, or any familial psychiatric history. He denied the presence of psychotic symptoms, then and now, and no manic symptoms could be observed at the time. This was then confirmed by a collateral history taken from our patient's friend, currently living in the country with him, and his mother, currently living abroad.In order to rule out organic causes, a full set of investigations were placed. Complete blood count, renal function tests, and liver function tests were within normal limits and his urine drug screen was negative for any substances. The patient denied a history of seizures as well as a family history of epilepsy. A consultation with neurology was placed. Their recommendation of a CT brain without contrast Figure  revealedDuring his stay, the team noticed fluctuations in the patient’s mood, behavior, and memory. He sustained a well-groomed appearance, his speech generally being within acceptable parameters of tone, volume, and rate. When it came to his mood, there were days when our patient would be amiable, pleasant, and cooperative, reporting a fair mood and displaying a congruent, reactive affect. But, there were days when he would be irritable, refusing to answer questions and, at times, closing his eyes and sitting silently in the interview room. He was also noted to have bouts of grandiosity and a sense of inflated self-esteem. When it came to his behavior, there were moments where he was noted to behave bizarrely: running across table tops, hoarding the wheelchair of his fellow patient, restlessly pacing, and reporting incoherently to nursing staff. When our patient was confronted regarding these incidents, he stated that he did not recall acting in such a way. A notable incident occurred when he entered the interview room and became very irritable upon seeing the team, as he did not recognize them as his treating team and demanded their presence. He was commended on olanzapine, eventually reaching 15 mg PO bedtime, with striking improvement in his mood, behavior, and his memory. Insight-oriented therapy, as well as psycho-education on his presentation, current stay, and expected outcome were done by the team, with dissociative amnesia being diagnosed alongside brief psychotic disorder, as it explained the mélange of signs and symptoms existing under the fog of dissociation, coming to light over the course of his stay.As an inpatient, he was under our care for exactly 30 days. After discharge, we organized a follow-up via phone call within a week as well as a face-to-face appointment in the outpatient clinic within a month. Dissociative amnesia is known by its definition: the inability to recall important autobiographic information that would usually be readily remembered, of which could be seen with our patient. However, what’s worth discussing is the spectrum of mental illness that can co-exist alongside or linger beneath the haze of dissociative amnesia. It is well-known that dissociative amnesia occurs in a background history of patients with post-traumatic stress disorder, somatization, conversion disorder as well as personality disorders, but little discussion is made on the cohort of patients that are on the psychotic or the affective spectrum . At timeA meta-analysis by Longden et al., 2020 explored the relationship between dissociative symptoms and psychosis, using the DSM-V definition as a guideline . That isThe importance of psychiatric management goes beyond the acute phase, and, with dissociative amnesia, there is an emphasis on alleviating stressors as well as giving meaning to the episode experienced. Our patient had recently immigrated to the country with no family or support system and, the company at which he worked as a marine engineer had only recently employed him. As per our patient, he had been overwhelmed by the job; however, collaterals also highlighted that an incident had occurred at work that cost the company damages and, hence, our patient faced imminent termination. An escalation of troubles coming to a peak, triggering a reaction. Within our management, we included reaching out to those who could support him, finding a friend who worked in a nearby city. That enabled supervision post-discharge. As for his career, we held lengthy discussions regarding his eventual return to his home country as well as the processing of his travel documents, allowing the mapping of a plan. A step into certainty and out of the haze of dissociation . Our case explores the unraveling of psychosis after the dissipation of dissociative amnesia. Our patient presented with memory gaps pertaining to autobiographical information that, after a course of waxing and waning, revealed the disorganized behavior of a psychotic disorder. Through this case, we can appreciate the importance of considering co-morbid psychotic psychiatric conditions alongside a presentation of memory loss.


New research using high-dimensional behavioural analyses has further undermined the “females are the more variable sex” trope that often accompanies all-male studies. But when we consider the benefits to the inclusion of females in research, their lesser variability is only the icing on the cake. It’s just good science, really. Current Biology, Levy et al.1 used ‘motion sequencing’, an unsupervised machine learning algorithm, to obtain high-dimensional characterization of sub-components of behaviour  in adult male and female C57BL/6J mice during free exploration of an open-field arena over 15 consecutive days. The authors measured intra-individual variability (across repeated observations of a given mouse) and inter-individual variability (between different mice at a given observation). Both sexes exhibited large, stable, inter-individual differences, to the point where behaviour could be decoded to predict individual mouse identity with >80% accuracy. Equally noteworthy, both intra- and inter-variability were significantly greater in male mice than female mice.In a recent publication in 2, studies in males still outnumber those in females3. Moreover, despite multiple meta-analyses6 and individual studies7 demonstrating that data from females are not, as a rule, more variable than male counterparts, scientists in this decade are still stating that females are more variable than males as their major justification for all-male studies3. The Levy et al.1 study is another nail in the coffin of the “greater female variability” trope; and a mighty nail at that, because motion sequencing enabled nuanced, dynamic aspects of behaviour to be captured, affording high sensitivity. Their study is important, because when females are excluded from research on the basis of erroneous assumptions that have become so embedded, they persist not just within the scientific community, but also the broader public worldview8, we need convincing data to correct those assumptions.Why is this important? Because years after the introduction of policies to equalize female and male representation in animal studies1, and others7, will only have impact if the data are used. To what end, and by whom? Ideally, by scientists contemplating whether or not to include females in studies. But also, by the gatekeepers of scientific credibility – the thousands of us who review manuscripts, funding submissions and institutional review board proposals, who by now, surely have sufficient empirical basis to reject justifications of female exclusion based on their perceived greater variability.So, females are not more  variable than males; and now, what do we do with this information? The work by Levy et al.1 suggest that females should be the default sex in studies of exploratory behaviour based on their lesser variability. But is greater variability alone ever a rational reason to exclude a sex (or any other group) from a study? Perhaps not. At some point, we seem to have conflated the desire for homogenous experimental effects with the need to investigate these effects in a highly homogenous population. Levy et al.1 clearly show that not only is homogeneity difficult to achieve, even in lab animals, but more importantly, we can rise to the challenge of studying heterogeneous populations, and accommodate their complexity using techniques like motion sequencing in combination with within-subjects designs. Moreover, citing lesser variability as the sole justification for selecting the “default” sex to study is particularly questionable. Sex is a complex construct that is meaningfully connected with the real-life phenomena that we aim to model in animal laboratory studies. Take animal models of health conditions. There are clear sex-based disparities in the prevalence and characteristics of many health conditions. Zucker and Beery9 demonstrated that in 2009, males were used more frequently than females even in studies of conditions that are more prevalent in females. A decade later, our own meta-analysis of animal research on fear, anxiety, and stress  showed that more than two thirds of studies published in 2021 only included males3. The ‘male default’ persists, but thanks to Levy et al.1 and others7, this can no longer be justified on the basis of males being an easier (less variable) study subject. Is it right to now flip the argument on its head and position females as the new default, based only on their lesser inherent variability? The poetic justice is certainly pleasing. However, a more pertinent question when choosing between sexes  might be “for which sex is this question most relevant”? If the answer to that question happens to be the more variable sex, then greater variance be damned.Sometimes resource constraints mean that only one sex can be studied. In these instances, Levy et al.1 data are thought-provoking. No behavioural sub-components predicted the estrous phase of an individual testing session. Behaviour only emerged as a modest predictor of estrous phase when averaged across each testing session from a given estrous phase. Moreover, inter-individual differences contributed to substantially more behavioural variance than estrous phase. It may be tempting to conclude that the estrous cycle can be safely disregarded in future studies of exploratory behaviour in mice. Levy et al.1 resist this temptation, perhaps out of consideration that a lack of difference in exploration across estrous phases does not necessarily signal identical neural mechanisms of exploration across estrous phases. Indeed, Levy et al.1 speculate that, given ovarian hormones modulate the neural circuits implicated in exploratory behaviour, there may be some mechanism that stabilizes behaviour across the estrous cycle. It therefore seems prudent to study the estrous cycle in subsequent studies seeking to identify the neural mechanisms of female exploratory behaviour. However, as when it comes to selecting the most appropriate sex to study, the answer to the broader question about studying the estrous cycle should always be “it depends on the question being asked”. The estrous cycle has clear relevance to female functioning and health, and in many instances, is an important variable to study10. But as with all variables, it will be more relevant to some questions than others. For instance, the estrous cycle may not be so relevant when exploring the mechanisms that account for Levy et al.’s1 observations of striking inter-individual variability in exploratory behaviour. Moreover, we must not forget that in addition to estrous cycling, there are many female-unique factors  that warrant consideration10. Ultimately, all good science rests on thoughtful justification of experimental design and variable selection – good science in females is no exception.When one comes around to the value of including females in non-human animal research, the question inevitably surfaces – “do I need to study the estrous cycle”? Again, Levy et al.’s


Comments by Chaudhuri et al. (2023)  raise seRegarding the definition of carbon black, we made a simplification in our paper. We should have been more precise by specifying the source we used and cited. This source states that carbon black is a type of elemental carbon produced through controlled steam-phase pyrolysis and partial combustion of hydrocarbons .We used the terms “black carbon” and “carbon” interchangeably as synonyms for carbon black, based on the information provided in reference . HoweverAs far as the abstract is concerned, there is a typo; we meant to write “IARC” instead of “IRAC”.Similarly to the information provided above, we have referred to the IARC classification of carbon black as Group 2B, based on source . It shouRegarding the comment on carbon black and its association with dermal keratosis and leukoplakia, we should provide more specific data from Section 3.4 of reference , which dRegarding potential eye irritation caused by carbon black, it is important to note that any cosmetic ingredient, if it comes into contact with the eyes, has the potential to cause an irritant reaction. Furthermore, when considering the use of carbon black as a component of ink, Serup states that skin reactions in black tattoos are typically papula-nodular and non-allergic, primarily related to the agglomeration of carbon black nanoparticles .Chaudhuri’s mention of the SCCS position, which states that cosmetic products applied to healthy intact skin are safe, should certainly be acknowledged and adopted. It cannot be ruled out that users may apply cosmetic products to damaged skin. Damage to the protective barrier, as well as dry skin and itching, are closely related and form the foundation of many skin diseases. Damage can result from environmental, genetic, or inflammatory factors, all of which can weaken the skin’s barrier . Applyin