The crime possibly perpetrated by a doctor named Vicente Urbino de Freitas in 1890 is one of the most famous cases of poisoning, and it had echoes in the Portuguese and foreign press for several decades. This prestigious doctor was convicted of the fatal poisoning of his nephew. He also attempted the homicide of two nieces and their mother-in-law, who only escaped because they obstinately refused to comply with the “therapeutics” prescribed by the family doctor. The motive of the crime should have been Vicente Urbino de Freitas’ ambition to receive the family inheritance of his wife, the daughter of the well-known merchant José António Sampaio of Flores Street in Porto. Vicente Urbino de Freitas was convicted but doubt about his guilt persists for more than a century. This second work aimed to collect and analyse all the relevant and contradictory testimonial evidence of the prosecution and defence witnesses. This case represents an odd historical record obtained through more than 12 years of research on the first major significant Portuguese forensic case. Rare and unprecedented testimonial evidence and photographs were obtained from different countries and then repaired, since these also provide an important historical record of the medical photography. In the vast gallery of infamous criminals that have been brought to justice, the poisonous Vicente Urbino de Freitas  is one onemine discrepante , the oldest hotel in the city, inaugurated in 1877, Mr. Joseph Aufrère being the director  17]. On. On17]. Vicente Urbino de Freitas prescribed a hypodermic injection of pilocarpine (300 mg) that was bought in the Birra Pharmacy of Largo dos Loios. He personally offered to administer it to the patient’s left leg using a Pravaz syringe  of white metal and glass. After the administration, José António de Sampaio Junior, who had been sitting on the bed before, fell back into delirium, with cold sweat and shaking extremities, a heartbeat of 40 bpm, a temperature of 39 °C, miotic pupils and a loss of vision, partial apophenia, reduced mobility and sensitivity, and vomiting. Even in the face of these symptoms, Vicente Urbino de Freitas insisted on giving him a second injection, but he failed because the syringe was broken. Then, he came back with another instrument and was informed that his brother-in-law had alternated between fainting and having cold sweats. He replied, “This is nothing. With another injection, he will be good”, and proceeded to the second administration.He then left, aiming to seek out the distinguished personal physician of the patient, Dr. José Carlos Godinho de Faria , who had lived in Porto since 1871 and was a brother of the last Mayor of the municipality of Matosinhos in the transition from the Portuguese Monarchy to the First Republic, Dr. Francisco Fernando Godinho de Faria. A clinical report was provided, and Dr. José Carlos Godinho de Faria was invited to go to see José António de Sampaio Junior, since Vicente Urbino de Freitas argued that he did “not want to take responsibility for the treatment” of his brother-in-law. At approximately 2 am, the two doctors were at José António de Sampaio Junior’s bedside, and the patient was in a very serious condition. Dr. José Carlos Godinho de Faria raised the possibility of a suicide or criminal intoxication and suggested that José António de Sampaio Junior’s mother (who accompanied him as he died) and another doctor, Dr. Francisco José de Sousa Loureiro, be called.The three doctors jointly prescribed the application of stimulants on the skin and the administration of purgative ointments and diagnosed cerebral congestion. On December 31, José António de Sampaio Junior recovered his vision, although his pupils were miotic, and he continued to improve until January 2, 1890 with the prescription of effervescent salts from his personal physician, who became the 15th prosecution witness. At 2 pm that day, Vicente Urbino de Freitas visited his brother-in-law and said he would need a new injection. Dr. José Carlos Godinho de Faria arrived shortly thereafter, and both agreed to the injection of 250 mg of caffeine citrate once it was obtained from the Birra Pharmacy. A servant named John Duran went to buy the prescribed formula and handed it to Vicente Urbino de Freitas.The director of the hotel, Mr. Joseph Aufrère , arrivedVicente Urbino de Freitas, after examining the vial brought from the pharmacy, poured the liquid into a chalice that was on a chest of drawers and went to the window, turning his back to those present . It was possible to observe him mixing the chalice and examining it in the light from the window, which was weak, given the narrowness of Fábrica Street ,13,17. HShortly, Dr. José Carlos Godinho de Faria entered the room and was informed the decline of the patient’s health status. He questioned Vicente Urbino de Freitas about whether it seemed appropriate to administer an injection. Agreeing, Vicente Urbino de Freitas suggested that Dr. José Carlos Godinho de Faria should perform the administration, and so it was agreed. In addition, after saying this, Vicente Urbino de Freitas took the syringe from the case and offered it to the other doctor together with the vial, which Dr. José Carlos Godinho de Faria examined. Vicente Urbino de Freitas said, “My colleague is very scrupulous!” . Both phOn the last day, during one of the moments in which José António de Sampaio Junior appeared to be improving and had recovered from his aphonia, he told Lothie Karther, “I am persuaded that it was the injection of pilocarpine that made me feel bad…A thought passed by my head now…may God forgive me…even I cannot say to you…however, what I can say, is that my death is inevitable.” Near the last moments of his life, with his eyes glazed and his voice gone, he said to his mother, “I recommend you this poor girl. She is an angel.”Joseph Aufrère questioned Vicente Urbino de Freitas about the cause of death of his brother-in-law, and the possibility of cerebral congestion was raised. Joseph Aufrère responded, “But I have already seen two men with this disease, my predecessor and my guest, Justino Moniz, and none of them had vomiting” ,13. ThenJosé António de Sampaio Junior was buried the next day, before law enforcement clarified his cause of death. This mysterious death in room 204 of the Grande Hotel de Paris has never been unravelled.® fruit salts (to induce vomiting) that I had at home, and I also offered some to the housekeeper since she complained of abdominal pain. Maria Augusta Sampaio also administered olive oil prepared by the cook, Emília Rosa da Cunha. All of them vomited and had a good night, but the same did not happen to me because I spent the night distressed. The children woke up refreshed, and by the midday on the 1st of April, my son-in-law appeared, and I told him what happened. He recommended drinking coffee and lukewarm water. In the afternoon, he returned, and because I was still very anxious and ill-disposed, I suggested my son-in-law give me something to ease the affliction. He then asked, ‘For what?’ [and I responded] ‘If you do not want to, I will call another physician to prescribe a therapy.’ He then prescribed me an emetic, which was bought from the Gomes Pharmacy on Flores Street and it produced immediate relief. I suggested preserving the vomitus to be examined. Contrarily, Vicente Urbino de Freitas said, ‘Throw it out, it does not matter!’, and therefore I accomplished. Vicente Urbino de Freitas then examined the children and, while palpating their stomachs, asked, ‘Does it hurt?’ ‘No,’ they answered. My son-in-law then said in a tone that impressed me, ‘It sounds incredible!’, and nothing was prescribed . On the next day, April 2, at 7 am, Vicente Urbino de Freitas was already back to my home, saying that since I was worried, he came to see if everything was well with me and the children. I had never seen him in my home so early. I told him that Mário Guilherme Augusto de Sampaio was very sick with complaints and that the girls presented headaches and drowsiness. Vicente Urbino de Freitas prescribed additional clysters and advised using warm water but not letting it boil. The girls, as soon as they heard their uncle giving orders, started screaming and refused additional clysters. I tried to persuade them that they would feel better. Vicente Urbino de Freitas advised the housekeeper to measure carefully with the syringe and to avoid losing any formula. He left for home, recommending that the children lay down for a little. Mário Guilherme Augusto de Sampaio fell asleep and did not evacuate. This fact may have allowed enough time for the effect to be manifested. At approximately 2 pm I heard a scream from Mário Guilherme Augusto de Sampaio, who had woken up and said, ‘Mom, mom, the clyster killed me, and I do not want to die! Mom I cannot see you…Do not worry, but I am very bad…The house is surrounding me, but I do not see anything.’ Maria Augusta Sampaio and Berta Fernanda Sampaio also complained of the same symptoms, namely, hearing loss and that the house was surrounding them! Vicente Urbino de Freitas was called again, and, upon entering, said, ‘These children have been poisoned.’ ‘And by whom?’ I asked. ‘I do not know!’ he replied [Called to testify in court, Maria Carolina Basto Sampaio reported that the following events occurred in the house of Flores Street : “On Marescribed ,13. At 9 replied ,13,18.Atropa belladona and suggested that the police chief of Porto, Adriano Acácio de Morais Carvalho  on Augusta Street, as declared by an employee named Augusto Pereira Mendes. The testimony of Augusto Pereira Mendes was reproduced in the Jornal do Porto, in its edition of 18 April of 1890. The Grande Hotel Central has an interesting history of being frequented by illustrious figures such as Júlio Verne and Eça de Queirós, inspiring the latter’s novels . The Grande Hotel Central was considered the best hotel in Lisbon, a place where kings and presidents stayed. In the judicial proceedings, there is information that on March 6 in the morning, Vicente Urbino de Freitas asked the doorman at the Grande Hotel Central, Carlos Colombo, where he could buy good almonds for his fiancee [Other police investigations demonstrated that Vicente Urbino de Freitas stayed in room n° 10 at the Grande Hotel Central  at Remol fiancee ,11,16. T fiancee ,11,16.However, the question remained: accepting that these almonds bought at the beginning of March were the same ones sent on March 28, who had made the envelope and who would have sent the package from Lisbon? Moreover, as was proven, Vicente Urbino de Freitas was not in Lisbon on March 28. Indeed, although he made a train journey to Lisbon in the night of March 27, he then left the train in Coimbra. During this travel, he met Manuel Bento de Brito e Cunha  in the tVicente Urbino de Freitas, who presented himself as Eduardo Motta, had the art to convince Manuel Bento de Brito e Cunha to mail the package addressed to Berta Sampaio from Lisbon. Manuel Bento de Brito e Cunha, without any suspicion, took the package and enough money to pay the courier costs, and went to the capital. Vicente Urbino de Freitas left in Coimbra and waited for the new train that would bring him back to Porto. Therefore, Vicente Urbino de Freitas did not miss his duties at the Medico-Surgical School on March 27 and 28 and gave his class on the 28th at the scheduled time; at night, he attended a student recital at the São João Theatre. Months later, Manuel Bento Brito e Cunha, already in Brazil, became aware of the facts through the newspapers, but kept silent, fearing that he would be considered an accomplice of the crimes, even if his part was unknowingly done. Moreover, since he was in poor health, he was afraid to be called to Portugal to testify. Manuel Bento Brito e Cunha described what had happened in a letter addressed to his brother-in-law in Amares, Manuel José Martins Tinoco, who kept the former’s secret ,3,11,13.If the testimony of Vicente de Urbino de Freitas’ mother-in-law was overwhelming, that of the 24th prosecution witness, João Augusto de Novais Vieira , was not far behind. Regarding the poisoning of the Mario Guilherme Augusto de Sampaio, João Augusto de Novais Vieira said that he was only aware of the news because of the newspapers. Nevertheless, he also said that the idea of poisoning had come from the defendant’s grandparents. He mentioned that Vicente Urbino de Freitas' father had told him that his mother , who lived in Flores’ Street, had wanted to poison her husband through poisoned food. In addition, Vicente Urbino de Freitas’ father himself had already been a victim of poisoning through soup, a crime perpetrated by his his older sons when Vicente Urbino de Freitas was 9 years old ,3,11,13.João Augusto de Novais Vieira also introduced other suspicions, namely, the implication of Vicente Urbino de Freitas in the death of Dr. José Frutuoso Aires de Gouveia Osório , his proA República wrote in its April 22, 1890 edition that “the man, until he proves the opposite, he is the most hateful poisoner”. Vicente Urbino de Freitas, 44 years old, was questioned by the judge in a session on November 30, 1890. “Stand up, the defendant”, said the judge. Vicente Urbino de Freitas rose, and there was absolute silence in the room, excepting in one corner of the room, dressed in black, his wife sobbed continuously. “Do you agree that there was poisoning?” the judge asked. “Absolutely. I supposed there was poisoning, but there was no crime”, Vicente Urbino de Freitas responded. The judge then asked, “What about the references made by your mother-in-law?” to which Vicente Urbino de Freitas responded, “I do not respond to my mother-in-law’s insinuations. I just want to mention that everything she and the housekeeper said is false”. Vicente Urbino de Freitas also mentioned that he had applied the lemon balm clysters to the children as suggested by his mother-in-law. Until the end of the interrogation, which was long and skillfully conducted by the judge, Vicente Urbino de Freitas denied everything that he was accused of references [On the day of the trial, the court of São João Novo (a former convent) was filled, and for almost everyone, Vicente Urbino de Freitas was guilty, even before the trial began. The Portuguese newspaper ferences ,13.Vicente Urbino de Freitas tried to explain his trip to Lisbon on the grounds that he had gone to meet a married lady and stayed in Coimbra after missing the train at station because of intestinal discomfort. In Coimbra, he tried to get into closer contact with people who could corroborate and attest his presence in this city. Vicente Urbino de Freitas repeatedly justified the events with scientific facts, which the judge did not allow to continue. Therefore, the defendant, at one point, raised his hands to plead, saying, “Judge, my lord! For God’s sake, let me defend myself”. The judge replied, “Well, defend yourself, but answer my questions with precision and clarity and without embarking into the field of science, where I cannot follow you ”.Regarding his travels to Lisbon, Vicente Urbino de Freitas told the Porto Police Commissioner that he had come on the fast train on March 5, arriving at 12:30 am on the 6th and returning at 3:30 pm on the same day. He returned to Lisbon on the 7th and left on the 8th at the same hour as the previous trip. On both occasions, he had dealt with translation matters regarding work about leprosy with his friend, Francisco Adolfo Coelho , or in the alternative with a fixed sentence of deportation for 28 years, in prison in the place of deportation for 8 to 10 years ,13. SincWhile hearing the sentence, Vicente Urbino de Freitas bowed his head and his wife fainted, which is one reason the judge ordered that she be removed from the room. Then, the judge addressed his words to the defendant: “According to the law, I have to make an exhortation to the defendant, but I do not know what kind of exhortation I can do to him. The defendant is sufficiently intelligent and learned. Therefore, I confine myself to telling him to resign himself to the penalty and to fulfil it with patience.” The trial was ended, and Vicente Urbino de Freitas was ordered to be taken to prison, which had already been his home for approximately 4 years. On the first days after the trial, he was very depressed and dejected and remained aloof and unavailable to the press, whom he had always dubbed to be unjust.He regained tranquility and was visited by his wife and children, who showed him the greatest affection, every day. These visits were much like movie scenes in which the love and affection from his wife were most prominent. His imprisonment having weakened the income of his family (i.e. his wife and six children), Vicente Urbino de Freitas’ father-in-law had offered a subsistence pension to his daughter. Maria das Dores Basto Sampaio Freitas firmly rejected the subsistence pension, saying that her only family were her husband and children. Vicente Urbino de Freitas continued to proclaim his innocence, always assigning to a “double” the purchase and shipping of the package.On a cold morning on May 27, 1894, at 6 am, Vicente Urbino de Freitas was awakened and made to follow the other convicts to the Lisbon Penitentiary. His wife, dedicated as always, was there with her husband once again, despite the terrible departure time, acting as his guardian angel. The guards approached the prisoners to handcuff them, joining the convicts together, and proceeding to walk them, two-by-two, to the train station. Vicente Urbino de Freitas protested loudly since he did not want to be linked to “bastards”. Once again, his wife, kneeling and holding the police officer’s hands, begged the man to allow her husband to go to the train station in a wagon drawn by horses escorted by four soldiers. The reports demonstrated that this whole ordeal was hideous and torturous for a man such as Vicente Urbino de Freitas, who lived in luxury and abundance and whom society had paid tribute to, showing respect and admiration.Aiming to achieve the abovementioned conditions for her husband, his dedicated wife went to the police station to obtain permission for the escort, which was obtained. A crowd was there to see Vicente Urbino de Freitas at the prison exit and lined the streets along which he would pass, but a different route was followed. That night, he was admitted to the Limoeiro prison in Lisbon, and the following morning, May 28, 1894, he entered the Lisbon Penitentiary. His devoted wife continued to beg, pleading and crying at the feet of all who might alleviate her husband’s negative conditions within prison, and she eventually achieved her goal.Vicente Urbino de Freitas, who chose to become the prison’s bookbinder , then enjoyed perks granted to no other prisoners during his stay. Due to prison regulations, he acquired other benefits and privileges provided in case of good behaviour. On certain days, he received visits from his family, who came to live in Lisbon.He did not fulfil all 8 years of his prison sentence, as he took advantage of the commutation of his sentence granted by the royal pardon of May 12, 1898 as part of the commemoration of the centenary of the discovery of India ,11,13,18His proven alibis testified that Vicente Urbino de Freitas was in Porto on March 27 and 28, but the testimonies of the Pucci (i.e. the confectioner from Capelistas Street) and the Gil stationery receptionist from Augusta Street, who both recognized the “ghost presence” of Vicente Urbino de Freitas in their shops on March 28, attest to the fragility of the testimonial evidence. Other receptionists also claimed that the purchase happened in their stores and others claimed that the package was sent by mail from their stores i.e., a torrent of contradictory testimonials). Although Vicente Urbino de Freitas had always denied any involvement in the crime, the evidence presented against him, though totally circumstantial, did compromise him completely ,11,13,18e.g., the administration of the clysters, asking in a letter for Francisco Adolfo Coelho to forge a false alibi) and having been proved to have lied, Vicente Urbino de Freitas accused himself. Why? Self-hatred? It is impossible to determine. Vicente Urbino de Freitas had always acknowledged the existence of poisoning and never changed his conviction during the interrogations to which he was subjected. Literature also shows us that, with some exceptions, most poisonings are perpetrated by people with deep knowledge who attempt to leave no trace. Therefore, toxicological analyses would certainly have been decisive. In the next and last paper, all the forensic toxicological evidence will be analysed in light of 21st century knowledge. It is expected that we will come to understand how this evidence could be important in the outcome of this case. From the point of view of the testimonial evidence, everything points to Vicente Urbino de Freitas being guilty. By using Forensic Toxicology, we will see how the story ends. It will certainly make a good movie.Analysing the facts carefully, it appears that the main witness of the accusation was Vicente Urbino de Freitas himself. Indeed, in concealing very relevant facts (


Synechococcus elongatus PCC 7942, the simplest clock-harboring organism with a powerful genetic tool that enabled the identification of its intricate timekeeping mechanism. The three central oscillator proteins—KaiA, KaiB, and KaiC—drive the 24 h cyclic gene expression rhythm of cyanobacteria, and the “ticking” of the oscillator can be reconstituted inside a test tube just by mixing the three recombinant proteins with ATP and Mg2+. Along with its biochemical resilience, the post-translational rhythm of the oscillation can be reset through sensing oxidized quinone, a metabolite that becomes abundant at the onset of darkness. In addition, the output components pick up the information from the central oscillator, tuning the physiological and behavioral patterns and enabling the organism to better cope with the cyclic environmental conditions. In this review, we highlight our understanding of the cyanobacterial circadian clock and discuss how it functions as a molecular chronometer that readies the host for predictable changes in its surroundings.Cyanobacteria are photosynthetic organisms that are known to be responsible for oxygenating Earth’s early atmosphere. Having evolved to ensure optimal survival in the periodic light/dark cycle on this planet, their genetic codes are packed with various tools, including a sophisticated biological timekeeping system. Among the cyanobacteria is  As the Earth spins on its own axis with a 24 h periodicity as it revolves around the Sun, light and darkness take their turn, marking the start and end of a day respectively. Ever since life first appeared on this planet, organisms that have been constantly exposed to these periodic changes started taking advantage of them by developing a biological timekeeping mechanism. This is because the internal clock would provide a means to anticipate and prepare for the imminent sunrise or sunset and temperature fluctuations. Although this does not seem like much, the ability to keep time often becomes the difference between life and death, much more so in cyanobacteria, and it is no wonder why they developed such a sophisticated circadian clock as a mechanism to maintain such longevity on this planet.To put it simply, photosynthesis is the splitting of water using light energy to fix and store carbon, and respiration is the converse, the burning of the stored glycogen to keep up with the internal reducing power. As potential ancestors of modern-day plants, cyanobacteria are special in that they perform both photosynthesis and respiration in the same cellular compartment . This meSynechococcus elongatus PCC 7942  is a freshwater-living strain of cyanobacteria that clearly demonstrates the characteristics of the endogenous timekeeping mechanism. Perhaps, this single-celled prokaryote’s resilience can be attributed to its intricately designed circadian clock, which ensures maximum flexibility in its response to environmental cues, as well as robustness such that it can withstand cellular cacophony. In this genetically tractable species, a circadian promoter with luciferase gene was inserted in a neutral site such that its clock-controlled gene expression cycle can be easily detected as the bioluminescence rhythm of dim and bright ..31]. HowDuring the day, the endogenous concentration of ATP becomes higher due to the superfluous influx of photosynthetic electrons, and more substrates become available to induce KaiC phosphorylation. Conversely, at night, ADP concentration gradually builds up, and it competes with ATP for the same binding site on KaiC, inducing its dephosphorylation as a result. This process was mimicked both in vivo and in vitro, and the presence of higher ATP and ADP induced premature phosphorylation and dephosphorylation, respectively, shifting the phase as a result . The phaTruly, the ability to become entrained with variation in ATP/ADP concentration is a remarkable discovery, but there must be some other mechanism that ensures cyanobacteria’s more acute response to a dark pulse since a dark-induced drop in the ATP/ADP ratio only becomes apparent after at least 2 h . This isAs previously mentioned, both photosynthetic and respiratory electrons eventually flow through the PQ pool  and measCommonly, a photosynthetic organism detects the environmental day/night transition through the use of photoreceptors, such as a phytochrome ,40. FurtA crystal structure of CikA bound to the KaiB–KaiC complex confirmed its common binding spot on KaiB . Later, KaiA is composed of a KaiC-interacting C-terminal domain, a linker, and a pseudoreceiver (PsR) domain, and it is this PsR domain where oxidized quinone binds and inactivates KaiA. CikA also has a PsR domain, which resembles that of KaiA , and oxi10 value close to 1.0 [It is also worth mentioning that the temperature-compensating property of the cyanobacterial circadian clock may provide a further advantage in survival. This is because the central oscillator should be invariant to minor temperature changes in the environment, whereas almost every chemical reaction speeds up with the increase in temperature and vice versa. It is crucial for cyanobacteria to ensure that the molecular timekeeping is unperturbed. Previously, the standard KaiABC oscillator mixture has been shown to be relatively immune in the biologically meaningful range of temperature between 25 °C and 35 °C, with a Qe to 1.0 . In a sie to 1.0 .S. elongatus’ transcription activity is shut off [At dawn, the de novo synthesis of photosystems, ATP synthase, and carbon fixation-related proteins peaks ,48,49; ashut off ,49. It wshut off . Then, hIt has been reported that KaiC activates the autokinase activity of histidine kinase SasA . SasA isThen, phosphorylated SasA leads to RpaA phosphorylation, which is a master response regulator that binds more than 134 transcripts . The rhyA dogma in circadian clock research was that all timekeeping mechanisms run through the transcription–translation feedback loop (TTFL), where the abundance and gradual degradation of clock proteins renders a periodicity of 24 h. Cyanobacteria emerged as an exception and showed a free-running oscillator component that is embedded in, yet independent from, the TTFL known as the post-translational oscillator (PTO) . This KacikA and ΔkaiB display elongated cell phenotypes, and this was attributed to the defective clock circuit, which prevents them from initiating cytokinesis [cikA showed diffuse patterns of FtsZ, which is a bacterial tubulin homolog that becomes localized to the mid-cell as the cell readies for cytokinesis [kaiC and ΔsasA [Aside from its input functionality, CikA also seems to be involved in other biologically pivotal processes. The cyanobacterial circadian clock controls when it is an optimal time to initiate or halt cell division, and there is a 6 h block of time during the subjective night when cytokinesis is limited. This narrow time frame of preventing reproduction is carefully modulated by the circadian clock such that cyanobacteria stop dividing when the cell is deprived of energy. Δokinesis . Ectopicokinesis . In reland ΔsasA ,61, althnd ΔsasA . Thus, iPreviously, it was argued that CikA is a phosphatase that dephosphorylated phosphorylated RpaA, an activity antagonistic to SasA, which phosphorylates RpaA . This ficikA displays a shortened period [Although a significant portion of the cyanobacterial central oscillator is understood, more recent findings have suggested a necessity for further validation regarding the output components. In addition, it is still a mystery as to why Δd period , and CikProchlorococcus marinus, managed to keep kaiC and kaiB but not kaiA, choosing KaiBC hourglass-like damped oscillator, which is an alternative to the bona fide circadian clock of S. elongatus’ [P. marinus’ gene expression rhythm oscillates under a periodic light/dark cycle; however, it dampens when exposed to a constant light environment [P. marinus’ KaiC stays constitutively phosphorylated even without KaiA [S. elongatus. Furthermore, P. marinus lacks cikA homologs, and this is consistent with the notions that CikA is the newest addition to the circadian clock and that entrainment through quinone-sensing, along with the ability to sustain a free-running rhythm, may have become obsolete, at least in this organism [Not all cyanobacteria are lucky to have all three oscillator components. Another common species of cyanobacteria, ongatus’ . P. mariironment . P. mariout KaiA , and in organism . DiffereSynechocystis sp. PCC 6803 is known to have a kaiA homolog and three kaiCs and kaiBs [S. elongatus, Synechocystis’ KaiA induces autophosphorylation of KaiC1; however, KaiC2 and KaiC3 stay constitutively phosphorylated without KaiA, as in the case of P. marinus KaiC. The rhythmic gene expression in Synechocystis also seems to be governed by KaiA–KaiB1–KaiC1, implying its conserved circadian timekeeping function. It would be interesting to find out whether the other oscillator components have any functional variance and significance in the clockworks. Unlike S. elongatus, which requires light as a primary energy source, Synechocystis is able to grow under continuous dark conditions with only 5 min of light pulse each day in the presence of glucose [Another familiar species nd kaiBs . Just li glucose . It woulThermosynechococcus elongatus BP-1 has an optimal growth temperature around 57 °C [T. elongatus’ clock proteins suitable for biochemical and structural analyses that can be used for studying those of S. elongatus [T. elongatus has all three kai genes—sasA, cikA, and rpaA—which are all similar in size and sequence to S. elongatus. In addition, T. elongatus’ oscillatory gene expression pattern is temperature invariant from 30 to 60 °C [T. elongatus not only managed to survive in such a harsh environment but also developed a circadian timekeeping system that is immune to such a wide range of temperatures.Originally isolated from a Beppu hot spring in Japan, nd 57 °C ,70. Its longatus ,72,73, sto 60 °C . FurtherCyanobacteria rely on the circadian clock to generate a biological rhythm, staying in tune with the 24 h day/night transition in order to optimize survival and reproduction. The temperature-compensated post-translational modification that cycles both in vivo and in vitro maintains a stable oscillation, even without the transcriptional or translational feedback from the cell. At the onset of darkness, oxidized quinone becomes acutely abundant; depending on the timing of the dark pulse application, quinone can inactivate KaiA or CikA. Dissociation of the former results in a phase advance and that of the latter causes a delay in the KaiC phosphorylation rhythm, which is an effect that is equivalent to humans adjusting to a new time zone. The central oscillator transduces the temporal information to SasA and eventually to RpaA; the resultant cyclic RpaA phosphorylation periodically activates gene expression, controlling the physiological and behavioral patterns of cyanobacteria in such a way that they show a competitive advantage as primary producers in various ecological niches wherever sunlight reaches.Meanwhile, darkness also induces the accumulation of the stress response alarmone, ppGpp, and while this may not have a direct effect on the circadian clock, its different levels of abundance can affect gene expression patterns ,76. MorekaiCs and kaiBs within a handful of cyanobacteria, as well as some eubacteria and archaea, suggest that perhaps cyanobacteria’s long survival is attributed to a robust and resettable circadian clock that grants the host a competitive edge in any given environment that oscillates with a 24 h periodicity. As they have much left to show regarding how elaborately this biochemical clock runs, the biological and structural details are just beginning to unfold. We wish to get a glimpse of the functionality of each clock component by reanimating the entire circadian clock in vitro such that we can marvel even more at the hidden complexity of the biological gears of the evolutionary masterpiece.Cyanobacteria’s billions of years of proliferation and presence on this planet are believed to have transformed Earth’s atmosphere . As time


International research indicates that there is confusion, ambiguity, and disagreement about the terminology and the structure of these programmes, and they may not be adequately supporting older people’s self-identified goals. Could an analysis of the concept’s genealogy illuminate how reablement can be more effective and beneficial in theory N=86) had to focus on any of the defined features of current reablement programmes; there were no restrictions on study designs or publication dates. In articles published from 1947 to 2019, we identified themes and patterns, commonalities, and differences in how various countries described and defined reablement. We also performed an analysis using computer software to construct and visualise term maps based on significant words extracted from the article abstracts.We conducted a qualitative and quantitative scoping review to determine how reablement has developed through time and space. Eligible articles (The fundamental principles of reablement have a long history. However, these programmes have undergone a widespread expansion since the mid-2000s with an intention to reduce costs related to providing long-term care services and in-home assistance to growing older populations. Despite theoretical aspirations to offer person-centred and goal-directed reablement, few countries have been able to implement programmes that adequately promote older people’s goals, social involvement, or participation in their local community in a safe, culturally sensitive and adaptable way.Reablement is meant to support older people in attaining their self-defined goals to be both more physically independent at home and socially involved in their communities. However, until legislators, health professionals, and older people can collectively reach consensus about how person-centred reablement can be more effectively implemented and supported in professional home-care practice, it will be difficult to determine a conceptual description of reablement as a service that is unique, separate, and distinct from standard rehabilitation. Population ageing raises significant questions about the socio-economic sustainability of increased human longevity, and this demographic shift has resulted in the promotion of ‘healthy ageing’ in many Western societies. While there is no universally accepted definition for ‘healthy ageing’ – or active, productive, or successful ageing – such concepts typically refer to individual or collective strategies used to optimise economic, social, and cultural participation throughout the life course . The parand in practice to benefit older people?Although this definition may seem straightforward, it is not universally accepted. This is because the concept of ‘reablement’ is relatively new and lacks regulation; thus, it is generally considered to be “poorly defined, with little understanding of what it looks like when achieved” . FurtherWe performed a quantitative and qualitative exploration of how the concept of ‘reablement’ has developed over time in various countries to examine the common features and differences between these programmes at an international level. With our investigation of the term’s genealogy, this scoping review contributes insights and provides clarity to legislators, health professionals, and older people with regards to how these programmes can be organised, operationalised, and understood in practice – fundamentally, this clarification will enable them to collectively determine what ‘reablement’ looks like when it is achieved.On 25 March 2019, we searched Medline, Embase, CINAHL, and PsycInfo for all articles on reablement. There were no restrictions on publication dates. Due to the exploratory nature of our study and our main interest in reablement, the search term for all databases was “reablement OR re-ablement”. This resulted in papers published in English by researchers primarily working in high-income Western countries . We examined the full texts of potentially eligible articles, and then used reference tracking to scrutinise reviews, updates, and protocols for additional potentially eligible articles.time-limited offerhome-based interventionintervention implemented to improve a person’s functional ability and improve or develop their social participation .Two authors (AC and SK) jointly examined all resulting articles for eligibility. Disagreements were resolved through consultation with a third reviewer (RGJW). For an article to be eligible, it had to focus on any of the most common aspects of ‘reablement’ as currently defined by most local government officials or health- or aged-care organisations:The resulting original contribution had to be a complete research article, study protocol, or editorial published in an academic journal or book, and therefore not a conference abstract or poster. We did not apply restrictions on study designs  or publication dates.Starting with the earliest articles published, we examined the titles and abstracts for themes and patterns, commonalities, and differences in how ‘reablement’ was described and defined. In order to inform our analysis, we aimed to identify several shifts in terms of how reablement programmes have developed, which components they share, how reablement is organised and delivered as a service model, and how/why reablement is offered by healthcare authorities and to whom. This thematic analysis provided flexibility and allowed us to manage a large initial dataset; it was also an efficient way for us to determine the conceptual shifts in how reablement programmes have developed over time. Once we determined these predominant themes and patterns, we reviewed all of the relevant articles in full.To validate the findings from our qualitative analysis, we also performed a quantitative analysis of the eligible articles using VOS viewer software version 1.6.11 . Here, wFigure Based on the collected literature, we divided the conceptual shifts about reablement into the following categories: historical focus (pre-2000); the emergence of ‘restorative care’ for older people (2001–2005); the transition from ‘restorative care’ to ‘reablement’ (2006–2014); and the boom of reablement services (2015–2019).Physiotherapy that was simply titled “Disablement and reablement” [Our literature review indicated that the meaning and conceptualisation of ‘reablement’ has changed since the beginning of the twentieth century; in practice, it has both run parallel to and deviated from its sister practice, rehabilitation. Notably, after World War II, the emphasis of clinical rehabilitation began to broaden from a patient’s recovery of ambulation to a focus on “the comprehensive restoration of an individual’s physical, mental, emotional, vocational, and social capacities” , 11. Aroblement” . The autblement” .The publication of this editorial at the end of World War II suggests that the author’s conceptualisation of reablement was inspired by the need to support and train ‘dis-abled’ patients – most likely injured soldiers returning from the frontlines – in restoring their functional abilities and ‘re-settling’ them both at home and in the workplace. The term ‘reablement’ also started to be used to describe physiotherapeutic training for patients suffering from specific health conditions or diseases, such as cerebral palsy and rheumatoid arthritis , 14. TheReviews in Clinical Gerontology was the first to mention a focus on older people: “‘We are trying to improve this patient’s quality of life’ is the often stated goal of much therapeutic effort made for elderly people” [Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, there was a continued emphasis on the restoration of functional ability and “resettlement in work and home” –19 as we people” , continu people” . This arJournal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) titled: “Evaluation of restorative care vs usual care for older adults receiving an acute episode of home care”. The authors suggest that “a primary goal of health care for older, particularly multiply and chronically ill, persons should be to optimize function and comfort rather than solely to treat individual diseases” [By the turn of the millennium, this idea of ‘resettlement’ and ‘restoration’ as a specific intervention for older people receiving homecare had transitioned into ‘restorative care’. In 2002, Tinetti et al. published what could be considered a landmark paper in the iseases” . The resiseases” .The intervention included training relevant health professionals  as well as reorganising this home-care staff “from individual care providers into an integrated, coordinated, interdisciplinary team with shared goals”, which required a “reorientation of the focus of the homecare team from primarily treating diseases and ‘taking care of’ patients toward working together to maximize function and comfort” . FurtherAlthough the authors cite several studies from the 1990s that focused on goal-setting in clinical medicine for the so-called ‘frail elderly’, this intervention appears to be the first well-defined programme that reflects the central aims of reablement as it is presently being operationalised and implemented worldwide; in other words, while the restorative-care model was not explicitly called ‘reablement’, it contained similar features and aims, and seems to have provided the philosophical foundation for many of today’s reablement programmes. Tinetti et al.’s research also built its findings on the authors’ earlier study, “The design and implementation of a restorative care model for home care”  as well During this period, researchers in the United Kingdom also published a report that described 33 services that were part of the NHS Modernisation Agency’s Changing Workforce Programme project . These sJournal of Integrated Care, it was stated that homecare reablement had been widely accepted in the UK, and referred to “services for people with poor physical or mental health to help them accommodate their illness by learning or re-learning the skills necessary for daily living” [The foundational aims of ‘restorative care’ services for older people seem to have transitioned to being called ‘reablement’ more broadly in the late-2000s, and our search identified 24 relevant articles from this time period. In the United Kingdom, this transition was reinforced by a retrospective longitudinal study of ‘homecare re-ablement’, “Research into the longer-term effects of reablement services” , which w living” .Other British researchers emphasised progress in developing “outcomes-focused services for older people and the factors that help and hinder this” . The autBritish Journal of Community Nursing stated that reablement is “generally provided by local authorities as part of adult social care provision with a focus upon promoting self-care skills and rebuilding confidence” [During this time period, a greater focus on professional practice was beginning to develop , and a pfidence” . Reablemfidence”  and did fidence” .By 2011, British experts reiterated the burgeoning ‘reablement philosophy’, which states that “the focus is on restoring independent functioning rather than resolving health care issues, and on helping people to do things for themselves rather than the traditional home care approach of doing things for people that they cannot do for themselves” . Other rA 2012 British article – which claimed to be the first in-depth study of the experiences of home-care reablement service users and carers – described reablement as “a short-term, intensive service that helps people to (re-) establish their capacity and confidence in performing basic personal care and domestic tasks at home, thereby reducing needs for longer term help” . The autBy 2013, Australian researchers began to describe restorative home-care services as “short-term and aimed at maximizing a person’s ability to live independently. They are multidimensional and often include an exercise program to improve strength, mobility, and balance” and “the intervention should ultimately “create independence, improve self-image and self-esteem, and reduce the level of care required through the delivery of an individualized program” . The linHowever, it appears that a semantic debate was still occurring in Ireland and the UK. An Irish intervention protocol described ‘reablement’ (in scare-quotes) as “an innovative approach to improving home-care services for older adults in need of care and support or at risk of functional decline” , and theCaring for Our Future: Reforming Care and Support, provided a definition of reablement in which “users receive homecare but are supported to increase their ability to manage tasks independently, in order to reduce the amount of homecare they will require in the longer term” [Nearly all of the articles during this time period also cite a growing political interest in cost-savings. For example, although the emphasis in the UK remained on providing services to adults of all ages , the white paper, er term” . The auter term” . During er term” .In Scandinavia, reablement programmes started to be offered in the 2000s; the first was established in Östersund Municipality, Sweden, in 1999 and – inspired by the Swedes’ positive experiences – soon began to develop in neighbouring Denmark (2008) and Norway (2012) under different names. The study protocol for a randomised controlled trial (RCT) of reablement in community-dwelling adults described it as “an approach to improve home-care services for older people needing care or experiencing functional decline. It is a goal-directed and intensive intervention, which takes place in the person’s home and local surroundings with a focus on enhancing performance of everyday activities defined as important by the person” . A subseN=19) and the United Kingdom (N=12), and they include both quantitative and qualitative studies conducted in these countries as well as a few collaborative studies conducted by researchers from different countries. There are no articles from Asia, South/Central America, or Russia and only one from continental Europe. If reablement-like programmes have been or are currently being offered in these regions, they are most likely called another name. We have summarised the regional studies and organised these results alphabetically by region in Table Our search identified 56 articles from this time period; the majority were published by researchers from Norway N=9 and theWe created a term map based on text mining the abstracts of the final eligible articles; see Fig. Based on the number of occurrences of terms emerging in Fig. We conducted an exploratory qualitative literature review and quantitative analysis to examine how the concept of ‘reablement’ has been defined and operationalised through time and space. Our scoping review shows that, in the earliest articles dating back to 1947, reablement was understood as a very specific and specialised form of rehabilitation that emphasised ‘resettling’ or ‘restoring’ a person in their local community; i.e., a social model rather than a medical model of recovery. In the earliest versions of reablement, the aim was to help disabled patients restore their functional activities and ‘resettle’ at work and home. As more formalised reablement programmes developed, particularly after 1994, they began to focus on improving independence in basic activities of daily living (ADLs) and the environmental ‘restoration’ of specifically older people. This seems to have led to the development of the ‘restorative-care model’ in the United States during the early 2000s, which incorporated principles adapted from geriatric medicine, nursing, rehabilitation, and goal attainment. At the same time, a ‘reablement’ intervention was being operationalised in the United Kingdom. Both the US and UK approaches were conceptually similar with a focus on supporting older people’s specific goals and needs; moreover, with an emphasis on involving older people themselves in the process of goal-setting, both programmes were meant to be different from traditional  forms of physical rehabilitation.By 2011, many Western countries started to implement reablement as an alternative to traditional home-care services for older people. These programmes highlighted the burgeoning ‘reablement philosophy’: “restoring independent functioning rather than resolving health care issues, and helping people to do things for themselves rather than the traditional home care approach of doing things for people that they cannot do for themselves” . SeveralAs more programmes were implemented worldwide, reablement was typically described as a “time-intensive, time-limited intervention provided in people’s homes or in community settings, often multi-disciplinary in nature, focusing on supporting people to regain skills around daily activities” , 95, 96.is or should be is reflected in the multitude of terms used to describe nearly identical programmes in different geographical regions. Even in English-speaking countries with similar service models, programmes with similar components have different names: e.g., reablement or re-ablement (United Kingdom) and the active service model or restorative home support . In Scandinavia, the Swedish version is called hemrehabilitering (home rehabilitation), while the term hverdagsrehabilitering (everyday rehabilitation) is used in both Norway and Denmark, and the terms reactivation, geriatric rehabilitation, or restorative intervention are sometimes (inconsistently) used in other countries.Much of the literature in our review states that, since formalised, community-based reablement services for older people first began to be widely implemented in the early 2000s, these programmes lack clear evidence of efficacy, there are inconsistencies in how the programmes are designed and offered in practice, and there is fundamentally a lack of research-based knowledge. This lack of shared understanding and consensus about what reablement reablement, reactivation, rehabilitation, and restorative intervention into the overarching concept of “4R interventions” to define healthcare services for older adults who need support to continue to live at home [Moreover, some countries have recently begun to merge the terms  at home , 84. By  at home .Our scoping review of the literature across time and space suggests that, despite definitions, aims, and theoretical aspirations to offer person-centred and goal-directed reablement, very few countries have been able to implement programmes that adequately support an older person’s social involvement or participation in their local community in a safe, culturally sensitive and adaptable way. Frequently, this is due to a lack of infrastructure, professional guidelines, training, and/or resources. Many articles also suggested that, despite already being implemented by national governments, there is a lack of capacity, training, and coordination/cohesion between professional groups to properly implement reablement programmes; in particular, professional training, coordination, and compliance remain problematic. However, even when programmes are implemented, the emphasis is often on improving older people’s physical ability/function and activities of daily living (ADLs) within the home to reduce the costs related to providing homecare and other eldercare services. With a lack of emphasis on individualised goal-setting and supporting social engagement, the reablement philosophy that aims to help older people ‘do things for themselves’ rather than ‘having things done for them’ has simply become a home-based form of physical rehabilitation. As such, the foundational intention to involve older people in setting their own self-identified outcomes and goals continues to be more of a theory than a practice.Due to the exploratory nature of our study and our main interest in reablement, the search term for all databases was “reablement OR re-ablement”, which resulted in papers published in English by researchers primarily working in Western countries. While this is clearly a limitation, it would also be difficult to interpret the term-map visualisations if there had been a mix of several languages; this could have resulted in multiple words in different languages with the same meaning. Moreover, this means that many countries are not represented in our search because researchers may have published articles in their native language, or they may use different terminology and/or may not describe ‘reablement’ as the concept is generally understood; i.e., the most common (and specific) features are that participants are age 65+, programmes are of a short duration  and are provided by paid health professionals, such as physical/occupational therapists or homecare workers, in the participant’s home. A more precise study of how the etymology of different words relates to their specific geographical and/or cultural contexts would be extremely interesting; however, it is beyond the scope of this review. Rather, we have attempted to describe a particular genealogical development and historical trajectory that can be seen in the literature identified in our search.A limitation of the qualitative analysis was its interpretive approach to reviewing the literature. While we attempted to analyse the texts systematically and objectively with a focus on how ‘reablement’ has been/is being described in specific time periods and geographic regions, it is possible that our analysis reflects certain personal and professional biases. However, we believe that this risk of bias in the qualitative review was mitigated by its overall coherence with the quantitative analysis and term visualisations. Furthermore, our intent with this scoping review was to trace the development of ‘reablement’ as a concept; thus, a more in-depth analysis and discussion about cultural needs for collective enablement or other societal constructions more broadly understood is certainly warranted but beyond the parameters of this review.restoration and recovery, old age is often treated as a disability. Our review suggests that, rather than attempting to carefully and methodically implement the first contemporary restorative-care model from 2002 , reablement programmes have been rapidly implemented since the mid-2000s to reduce costs in the eldercare sector without clear evidence for the full scope of their potential effects and outcomes; our review indicates that the long-term efficacy of reablement initiatives still remains weak and inconsistent. Furthermore, in most Western countries, reablement programmes for older people have become interchangeable with standard forms of physical rehabilitation.With an emphasis on the older individual’s continuing ability to participate in, contribute to and be productive and valued in society, reablement programmes for older people could be an opportunity for governments to promote a more inclusive and balanced discourse about ‘healthy ageing’. However, with a practice that focuses on both more physically independent at home and socially involved in their communities. But until legislators, health professionals, and older people can collectively reach consensus about how person-centred and goal-focused reablement can be more effectively implemented and supported in professional practice, it will be difficult to determine a conceptual description of reablement as a service that is unique, separate, and distinct from more conventional forms of physical rehabilitation. If reablement continues to lack personalisation and fail to recognise older people’s self-defined goals, then these programmes will continue to be less effective and beneficial than they could be. Thus, our review leads us to question the sustainability of reablement programmes in their current iteration – particularly with regards to the ongoing and increasing public-health challenge posed by ageing populations in many Western countries.As a concept, reablement should be a person-centred approach to home care that recognises the heterogeneity of older people and supports them in their self-defined goals to be


Demographic diversity might often be present in a group without group members noticing it. What are the epistemic effects if they do? Several philosophers and social scientists have recently argued that when individuals detect demographic diversity in their group, this can result in epistemic benefits even if that diversity doesn’t involve cognitive differences. Here I critically discuss research advocating this proposal, introduce a distinction between two types of detection of demographic diversity, and apply this distinction to the theorizing on diversity in science. Focusing on ‘invisible’ diversity , I argue that in one common kind of group in science, if group members have full insight into their group’s diversity, this is likely to create epistemic costs. These costs can be avoided and epistemic benefits gained if group members only partly detect their group’s diversity. There is thus an epistemic reason for context-dependent limitations on scientists’ insight into the diversity of their group. In philosophy of science, social epistemology, and the social sciences, there has been much work on diversity in social groups DD)When considering the issue, researchers tend to distinguish between two kinds of diversity: While CD and DD are distinct, they can overlap in ways that are important for investigating the epistemic impact of diversity. For instance, DD frequently results in CD because membership in different social groups  often comes with different task-relevant information, perspectives, or experiences. Relatedly, while, for example, political diversity  is primarily an instance of DD , it is also often an instance of CD, namely whenever it involves task-relevant informational differences. But political diversity isn’t always CD mediated by the corresponding CD , they nonetheless start expecting CD and social similarity/dissimilarity with others. And these expectations, the argument continues, can significantly enhance information processing in the group  to the theorizing on diversity in groups in science, I contend that in one common kind of scientific group, if group members have full insight into the DD of their group, this is likely to create epistemic costs. I argue that these costs can be avoided and epistemic benefits gained if group members only partly detect the group’s DD. There is thus an epistemic reason for context-dependent limitations on scientists’ insight into the diversity of their group.Here I want to take a closer look at the CD-independent view. While I’m sympathetic to the proposal, I shall argue that in recent research on the CD-independent view – specifically in Carter and Phillips  and Steeirrelevant to group tasks, whereas CD (as I use the term here) only captures task-relevant differences in information, perspectives, etc.  or CD  needn’t always involve tracking pre-existing properties of individuals but might involve socially constructing or conferring them Ásta . By usinP is epistemically beneficial in a particular way W for a subject/group S in context C if P facilitates the acquisition of true beliefs of interest for S in C.Secondly, when considering the epistemic costs and benefits related to DD detection, one needs to make assumptions about what ‘epistemic benefits’ are. This will depend on one’s preferred epistemic commitments . Here I adopt a veritistic version of epistemic consequentialism, according to which a practice P is epistemically beneficial in some way W in C, this is not to say that it is epistemically good all-things-considered. For it might still be epistemically costly in other ways and other considerations  might outweigh the epistemic benefit(s) of adopting P in C. Relatedly, the epistemic reason for context-dependent limitations on scientists’ insight into the diversity of their group that I shall introduce is defeasible; it might be overridden by other considerations. Having said that, as will become clear below, it is significant and should be taken into account when reflecting on how to design epistemically successful groups in science.Finally, notice that even if detect the group’s DD. Phillips et al.’s arguments for this proposal, i.e., the CD-independent view, have also been related to the theorizing on diversity in philosophy of science Even in the absence of CD, when people notice DD in their group, this can be epistemically beneficial in that it reduces group members’ unwarranted attributions of credibility and trust to identity-similar others while also making them more tolerant of disagreement, more confident about articulating dissent, and more focused on a given task. The reason has to do with “similarity-attraction”: studies suggest that people are attracted to, seek alignment with, and expect agreement from similar subjects, which can incline them to take identity-similar group members to be more credible and trustworthy than identity-dissimilar members even when this is unjustified  and (2) provide plausible motivations for the CD-independent view, in the remainder I shall argue that some recent research that is built on these points is problematic. I begin by scrutinizing philosophical work by Steel et al.  before cIn philosophy of science, Steel et al.  argue thSteel et al.’s : 14f arg(P1) DD in a group can lead group members who detect it to expect CD, and this CD expectation is epistemically beneficial in priming the group members to potential intersubjective disagreements, causing them to assess information more carefully and be more susceptible to new ideas.(P2) The CD expectation mechanism (wherein group members transition from DD detection to CD expectation) involves a “tendency to stereotype in which noticeable markers of social identity are treated as accurate predictors of beliefs, knowledge, perspectives, and so on”  Such stereotyping can be epistemically unjust (ibid: 16).(C) So, DD can result in epistemic benefits that can be epistemically unjust.Steel et al. take the support for (P1) from Phillips et al.’s empirical work. And they add (P2) as an intuitively plausible assumption without providing further support.not implicate stereotyping, that DD detection triggers expectations of CD that strengthen epistemic performance: it is only then that these expectations also involve the type of motivational mindset that prompts people to uncover and appreciate unique information, conduct a careful analysis, and invest effort in perspective taking when processing claims (ibid).can produce the epistemic benefits appealed to in (P1). They do, however, indicate that this assumption is in need of support.There is reason to be cautious about this assumption, however. For instance, Carter and Phillips  note thaneutral stereotyping. Call a tendency that is the same but additionally also involves (a), (b), or (c) (and might implicate positive stereotypes) loaded stereotyping.Consider now (P3). Steel et al. : 16 makeN = 97), which Steel et al. explicitly take to be epistemically beneficial per se and important to preserve ? Steel et al. rest content with the intuitive plausibility of the point. Yet, there is reason to doubt it. For instance, in a set of studies, van Dijk et al.  found theversed” : 8. The can be both epistemically unjust and epistemically beneficial. But since Steel et al. haven’t offered argumentative support for this claimThe data don’t yet preclude Steel et al.’s claim that DD detection implicating stereotyping To further investigate the nature of epistemically beneficial DD detection and its link to stereotyping and social categorization more generally, I will now consider Phillips et al.’s proposal on how DD detection yields CD-independent epistemic gains. As it turns out, this proposal too is not unproblematic.necessary prerequisites for eliciting beneficial information and decision-making processes that enhance group performance [emphasis original]” (9). Importantly, for Carter and Phillips, in each particular group in which DD has CD-independent epistemic benefits, the required social categorization in the group is one “whereby individuals make in-group and out-group distinctions so that out-group members are viewed as more different from the self, and in-group members are seen as more similar” (ibid: 6). That is, individuals of a diverse group need to classify specific group members in terms of their specific in-group vs. out-group features via “salient characteristics such as age, race, gender, and organizational membership, as well as other dimensions that may be meaningful within the given social context” (ibid: 3).Carter and Phillips  “argue tnecessary for the CD-independent epistemic benefits of DD, however. But independently of whether social categorization is assumed to be necessary for or just to plausibly explain the CD-expectation mechanism, I shall now argue that there is an alternative basis of CD-expectations and the related epistemic benefits of DD. Specifically (pace Carter and Phillips), for CD-independent, DD-detection related epistemic benefits to arise, group members don’t need to identify each other in terms of their specific demographic characteristics and draw individual specific similarity vs. dissimilarity distinctions among each other. Relatedly, the emergence of epistemically beneficial CD-expectations can plausibly be explained without assuming an involvement of loaded  stereotyping of specific individuals. Carter and Phillips’ proposal seems natural. It arguably also underlies Steel et al.’s view that CD expectations based on DD detection are “plausibly explained by a human tendency to stereotype” others : 15; aftL, knows of it. L then informs the group that the group is demographically diverse in the mentioned respects but doesn’t yet tell them about the specific distribution of that diversity in the group. So L doesn’t tell the group about each individual’s particular sexual orientation, religion, political identity, and so on. Assuming that the group members accept L’s claim about their group’s composition, what are the likely epistemic effects?To see this, consider a group of people who display what I earlier called ‘invisible’ DD, that is, they exhibit demographic differences that are difficult to recognize in face-to-face interactions and result from self-identification  in terms of sexual orientation, religion, political identity, socio-economics status, academic discipline, etc. . And while the group members might, independently of what Yet, among group members, there should still be a reduced concern about their social relationships and so greater task-focus as well as an increased expectation of disagreement, contributing to an uncovering of unique information, careful analysis, and effort in perspective taking, boosting problem-solving and creativity. This is because each group member now knows that the group as a whole is demographically diverse and so they have reason to expect differences in opinion in social interactions. The CD-independent epistemic benefits of DD mentioned above should thus still arise. After all, for all that each individual can tell the subject they are interacting with might be either an out-group or an in-group member with respect to the demographic features at issue. Since they can’t tell either way, the uncertainty induced should diminish subjects’ relationship focus, increase their attention to the task, and prime them to potential disagreements, sharpening their information processing.There is empirical support for this. Levine et al.  asked suInterestingly, in the homogenous-group condition, even those with superior pricing skills were likely to commit pricing errors, buying and selling above true value, and traders were more likely to accept speculative prices. In contrast, subjects in the diverse-group condition reliably priced assets closer to true values ; they were less likely to accept inflated offers and more likely to accept offers that were closer to true value ; andspecific DD detection, which occurs when group members learn that their group is demographically diverse in various ways and they also have an insight into the specific distribution of that diversity in the group .The discussion of Carter and Phillips’, and Steel et al.’s views on the features of epistemically beneficial DD detection is instructive. It provides a rationale for distinguishing two different types of DD detection:Both (1) and (2) should be distinguished from (i) the presence and (ii) the use of DD within a group. For DD might be present in a group and the members of that group might register and use information from demographically diverse sources in their group  without yet being aware that the group is indeed demographically diverse. This point is highlighted by the fact that the diversity at issue might be invisible.presence, use, and detection of DD in a group help refine the investigation of the epistemic impact of diversity. They enable us to ask, for instance, whether and, if so, how the impact of the presence of DD in a group is affected by group members’ noticing that the group is demographically diverse. We can thus distinguish first-order questions about the epistemic impact of diversity, that is, questions about the epistemic effects of processing information from diverse sources, from second-order questions, questions about the epistemic effects of processing information about a group’s diversity itself. Keeping these two types of questions apart and exploring the interplay between the types of effects that they pertain to will be important to attain a comprehensive picture of the epistemic impact of diversity.The distinctions between (1) and (2) and between the Notice too that given the difference between the two kinds of DD detection, DD in a group might result in different kinds of epistemic effects depending on what type of DD detection occurs. One of them might be more epistemically beneficial in one context or group than in another. The distinction should thus be kept in mind when exploring the epistemic impact of diversity. To illustrate its explanatory fruitfulness further, I will now apply this distinction in the theorizing on the epistemic effects of DD in groups in science.have been brought together to collaborate by a steering committee,don’t yet have extensive experience working in demographically highly diverse environments,aren’t yet familiar with each other, anddisplay various aspects of DD that is task-irrelevant and invisible but known to the group’s steering committee.To make the discussion more tractable, I shall focus on a particular kind of group of scientists, namely groups of scientists whoSo while the selected scientists do also vary in visible DD , they mostly differ in that they belong to, say, different sexual , religious , and political  orientations as well as academic disciplines . And all these aspects of their social identity are both difficult to notice by each group member and not pertinent to the performance of the task that the group is given.some degree of such invisible DD  for short.As noted earlier, scientific groups often do contain at least Since the members of DDS groups don’t yet notice most of their group’s diversity, what would be the epistemic effects if their steering committee facilitated either specific or partial DD detection within the group? To address the question, I shall develop the following argument:C, which involves social environments in which individuals’ social expectations are shaped by competition, threats to group identity, and/or strong social fault-lines, specific DD detection is likely to create significant epistemic costs whereas partial DD detection helps avoid these costs and can also result in epistemic benefits.(P1) In DDS groups operating in social condition C.(P2) DDS groups often operate in (C) So, DDS groups often operate in a condition in which specific DD detection is likely to create significant epistemic costs whereas partial DD detection helps avoid these costs and can also result in epistemic benefits.Notice that the argument is neutral on whether partial DD detection is overall, all things considered, more epistemically beneficial than specific DD detection. It is compatible with the view that the overall benefits (epistemic or otherwise) of specific DD detection outweigh those of partial DD detection. Despite these qualifications, if correct, the argument will still provide one hitherto unexplored epistemic reason in favor of adopting partial rather than specific DD detection in DDS groups that should be considered when theorizing about the epistemic impact of diversity in science.What, then, is the support for (P1) and P2)? As for (P1), Phillips et al.’s points (1) and (2)  underlie people’s CD expectations is likely to activate intergroup bias, inclining group members to display a lack of trust and failures to adequately attend to out-group members, contributing to interpersonal conflict, avoidance behaviors, and so on. All of which weaken the epistemic performance of the group .8Importantly, however, a group in et al.’s  study prTurning now to (P2), in what kind of social environment(s) do DDS groups operate? Two points are worth noting. Firstly, it is well known that scientists frequently compete for funding, recognition, and authority  “perceived social science/scientists as significantly less competent than natural science/scientists” .In sum, there is ground to suspect that scientists often operate under conditions of competition and harbour various inter-group biases against other members of their own and other fields. That is, individuals in scientific groups often operate in condition partial DD detection approach to diversity.Both (P1) and (P2) are now in place and so (C) is supported. That is, DDS groups often operate in a condition in which specific DD detection is likely to create significant epistemic costs whereas partial DD detection can avoid these costs and also produce epistemic benefits. The argument for (C) provides steering committees of DDS groups with an epistemic reason for facilitating partial DD detection and limiting the opportunities for specific DD detection in the groups. Call this the visible diversity and the partial DD detection approach concerns invisible DD. Hence, they provide little support for this approach.Focusing on a key assumption underlying the partial DD detection approach, whether or not DD detection in DDS groups will generate epistemic benefits remains an open empirical question. This is because not just any DD is likely to trigger the type of mechanisms leading to epistemic benefits discussed, including expectations of CD and disagreement. The kinds of DD that are of interest are only the ones that have a significant impact on people’s social experiences and so provide a reason to expect CD and disagreement. Furthermore, the studies mentioned in section unrelated task of deciding which company was best to acquire. And when a member of the demographic majority expressed a different view, in homogeneous groups, many subjects also had more negative feelings toward disagreement and engaged less in the task than in diverse groups. Since in this study an invisible aspect of diversity  was made salient that has arguably a minor, if any, impact on people’s social experiences and CD, the experiment provides evidence that DD detection of that type can still produce the kind of CD-independent epistemic benefits discussed. The study by Levine et al.  are typically already well known to others, or become quickly salient in face-to-face interactions: in most scientific groups, even when it comes to invisible DD in DDS groups, scientists are likely to inadvertently signal their invisible social identity to their collaborators via the content of their contributions, style, conduct, language, etc.invisible diversity in the first place. And, importantly, there is evidence that many scientists deliberately and successfully conceal aspects of their invisible social identities , and increasingly collaborate on research without having met in person; for instance, via online platforms or social networks  where various cues of social identity salient in personal interactions can more easily go unnoticed  or extensively . It is not necessarily also about whether to deprive group members of an otherwise for them easily attainable awareness of their diversity – let alone prevent them from expressing their social identity if they wish to do so. Having said that, suppose the members of a DDS group are informed about the above-mentioned considerations on the epistemically negative effects of social categorization in the context of DD detection. It isn’t unreasonable to assume that these scientists may then themselves, aware of the pernicious effects of their own implicit biases and stereotypes, want to adopt policies at work that help them avoid revealing their own invisible individual-specific social identities and detecting each other’s. As part of that effort, they might ask the group’s steering committee for assistance. This may result in their adoption of the partial DD detection approach and in limitations of their opportunities for specific DD detection that are fully compatible with respecting the scientists’ right to express (and be perceived as) who they are. Only these and related consent-involving cases of limiting scientists’ insights into their group’s diversity are at issue here.Hindering scientists in DDS groups from full disclosure of their invisible social identities so as to undercut the epistemic costs of specific DD detection is both unnecessary and potentially counterproductive. For the problem of intergroup biases that the partial DD detection approach is meant to avoid could alternatively and simply be solved by introducing social norms in DDS groups that encourage tolerance towards different sexual orientation, religious, political etc. identities among scientists. Indeed, preventing the detection of these identities reduces scientists’ opportunities to develop this tolerance at their work place: to become more tolerant, one needs to be exposed to and notice different social identities so as to receive corrective, stereotype-disconfirming evidence. The partial DD detection approach thus seems to undermine attempts to fight biases and stereotypes.Unfortunately, specific social norms encouraging tolerance and social justice in DDS groups are perhaps unlikely to effectively keep, for instance, implicit biases and stereotyping in check. This is because these cognitions operate largely outside a subject’s awareness and direct control. Adding to the problem, with respect to many of the demographic dimensions at issue here, for instance, one’s political orientation, such norms would perhaps also be in tension with the moral framework that scientists encounter outside of academia. For example, while bias and discrimination on the basis of gender or ethnicity are in Western societies criticized – indeed illegal – when ‘hard’ scientists disrespect ‘soft’ scientists  of social biases and stereotypes: just as the common procedure of blinding CVs so that applicant names can’t trigger unconscious gender and/or race biases skewing decision-making, ‘blinding’ DDS groups so that their members can’t detect certain social-identity cues of each other is meant to undercut interferences by unconscious biases and stereotypes and to facilitate egalitarian responding. That is, the partial DD detection approach in fact itself also helps directly counteract the pernicious influence of biases and stereotypes.Moreover, when the partial DD detection approach involves preventing the detection of invisible, individual-specific social identities, this might indeed reduce group members’ opportunities to develop tolerance towards these social identities. But notice that the approach is also explicitly aimed at I have argued that while DD can be epistemically beneficial even if it doesn’t involve CD, the epistemic benefits at issue depend on DD detection in different ways than assumed in recent work on diversity. Steel et al.  suggest