West Beirut. The article first argues that taboo language is surely far more difficult than any other types of language to deal with in subtitling. Such a language is inelegant, but so confusing insofar as subtitlers are concerned, apparently due to the degree of social acceptability of the profanities by various cultures on the one hand, and to the technical restrictions related to the subtitling process on the other. The article shows that in an attempt to ensure mastery of the intricacies resulted from the use of obscene-loaded language and technical constraints associated to them, subtitlers use a considerable number of translation strategies. The article adopts a two-integrated approach: Toury's (1995) product-oriented Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS) and ‘coupled pairsʼ to analyze the original dialogue and its English equivalent. The findings reveal that the subtitlers have resorted to six translation strategies while dealing with excessive taboo language density, namely cultural substitution (adaptation), literal translation, euphemism, omission, reformulation and change in the semantic field. It might then be concluded that utilizing some of these strategies have resulted in distortions of the original dialogue, while others have managed to reach its intended audience. Finally, the article highlights that cultural considerations play a major role in determining the translation strategies and their frequency in communicating taboo language into other cultures.The present article explores one of the most unexpected and unpredictable changes of taboo language by language users and its translation into English as can be illustrated in the analysis of a Lebanese movie entitled  Audiovisual translation; Subtitling; Taboo language; Subtitling strategies; DTS. The digital and technological revolution in the 1990s has dramatically brought people closer and changed the way they seek information and education on several levels . Obviousmultimodal and multimedial texts into another language and/or culture.” Khuddro  further adds that AVT “includes both audio translation, either dubbing or voice-over mode, and visual translation for captions/supers or subtitles using television, cinema, and other devices such as computers and mobile phones that are spreading fast in this digital age.” Therefore, AVT modes, particularly subtitling, are considered to be a dramatic development in the field of Translation Studies  in most countries” . The worIn dealing with audiovisual products or materials, translators do not only work solely with texts, but they also should attempt to consider other semiotic features of communicative potential of subtitles. Similarly and as a necessary consequence, they deal with dialogues, comments, sound effects, images and atmosphere of the video . Accordi2.1It is axiomatic that subtitling is one of the most popular modes of AVT, roughly defined as transferring filmic dialogue in one language into written subtitles displayed in cinema or on television screen, with synchronization of acoustic elements and visual elements into full consideration. It usually refers, in the words of Depending on the mode of projection, subtitles can be either superimposed on the film itself (open subtitles) or displayed based on the selection of the viewer to project them on the screen (closed subtitles) . On the It ensues, therefore, that the subtitler's job is significantly more difficult than the translator's primarily due to technical competence; “use of software, line breaks, positioning on the screen, time and space restrictions, use of italics, etc.” . For tim2.2Traditionally, subtitling has been primarily the most preferred form of AVT in the Arab World, especially in Egypt, where cinema and film production emerged as a new reality at the beginning of the 20th century . HoweverBy the 1990s, there was a rapid expansion in the number of satellite channels. To fill the broadcasting hours of these channels, they resorted to foreign programmes, creating a persistent need for employing different forms of AVT, be subtitling, dubbing or voice-over . Today, 3Perhaps it is useful to provide insights into dysphemism. It is true without a shadow of a doubt that dysphemism belongs to an offensive language and taboo words. By definition, dysphemism according to It must also look at offensive language and taboo words as part and parcel of the very nature of culture despite the fact that the social acceptability of these words varies depending on the type of society, cultures and beliefs, religion, history and social structure . BattistIt ensues, therefore, that it is probably true that conservatism is a quintessential part of Arab cultures, but a rare exception to this state of affair might be observed in some Arab cultures, e.g., the Lebanese culture, which might be frowned upon as progressive.4Due to the invariable difficulties of translating a stretch of an utterance between remote languages and cultures, the translator should be optimally fastidious to properly overcome these difficulties. Hence, devising an appropriate strategy turns out to be not only feasible and necessary, but is also a dire need. Subtitle-wise, In addition to these strategies, 5Product-oriented Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS) and West Beirut, and to push further investigation ahead to ascertain whether or not the subtitling strategies employed by the subtitler in translating the movie from Arabic into English are effective. It also attempts to find out whether or not the subtitler has succeeded in conveying the original sense of the offensive language and taboo words in the movie in light of various kinds of technical, linguistic and cultural restrictions.The overall objectives of the study are to identify the obscenities in the Lebanese Movie 5.1West Beirut and its English subtitles with a particular focus on offensive and taboo references. It also sheds light on the strategies that subtitlers have employed in subtitling such language, usually replete with cultural and technical constraints.This case study investigated in the current paper is a Lebanese film entitled West Beirut is a 1998 Lebanese film written and directed by civil war-meister Ziad Doueiri with an eye on daily details of the war that sent Lebanon plunging into anarchy, violence and bloodshed. The blockbuster is a highly autobiographical account for the grinding civil war that erupted in 1975. As a cliff-hanger, the film is an exposé of the war, teaming with obvious stories about the war in Beirut which was partitioned into the Muslim West Beirut and the Christian East Beirut. The film shows the chronic economic, social and political malaise due to that partition and how people were suffering from changes in an unfamiliar milieu. The film was characterized by the use of offensive language and taboo words by the film's characters throughout the events. An English subtitled version of the film is available on Netflix, an American media-services provider and production company in California, the USA.5.2This study may be considered important as it copes with a very problematic area of culture that has a bearing on offensive language and taboo words. Unlike previous studies e.g.,  that deaIt goes without saying that few studies e.g.  investig6In this section, we shall go through illustrative examples of the strategies adopted in the film with a fine-tooth comb in order to diversify and corroborate our argument. The analysis of the English subtitles shows that offensive and taboo utterances have fallen within the scope of a set of references, mainly related to animals, prostitution, sexual organs and relations, faeces, slang and vulgarities. For the sake of the study, a taxonomy of the strategies apparently utilized in the film is made, comprising of a set of strategies: cultural substitution (i.e. adaptation), literal translation, euphemism, omission and change in the semantic field see .6.1In carefully scrutinising Text 1, the commonly adopted strategy  has largely been used to deal with cultural expressions germane to a particular culture and absent from the other. Such expressions are akin to prostitution, threatening, sex and insulting others using offensive references that have no equivalence in the TL and culture, as can be clearly seen in the following example:In this example, the speaker shouted an insult at the addressee aggressively ‘فزرة اللي تفزرك’ (lit. ‘May your body protrude seamlessly’) usually used in response of insouciance on the part of the addressee. In terms of strategy, conspicuous meticulous attention to such culture-specific item is paid whereby the translator has employed cultural substitution, i.e., ‘goddammit!’ to inflict on the target language audience humiliation. Similarly, Text 2 shows cultural substitution as a strategy for peculiar attention-grabbing insult in Arabic.A fairly obvious claim to make is that the speaker in the utterance above has shouted in a very loud voiceابن الكلب  to express a twinge of furious feeling in view of ‘charges ten bucks a roll’. In this example, cultural substitution is apparently used to deal with such revulsion by employing ‘a bitch’  in English, a strategy that would seek to attain natural attitudinal values.6.2As can be observed from the analysis of the data, literal translation might be said to constitute another frequently occurring strategy. To build up a more accurate and detailed picture of how this strategy is employed, consider the following example:In this example, the speaker bawled الله يخرب دياركم متل ما خربتوا ديارنا (lit. ‘May Allah destroy your homes like you did to ours.‘) with such a drawn-out voice to express the state of scumbag. The Arabic utterance occurs at turn boundaries of the text usually with a view to showing an appeal to Allah, to distinctively express the meaning of ʻangerʼ and annoyance that can functionally mean ‘there'll be hell to pay’. The subtitler has resorted to literal translation strategy as there is no formal equivalence in English for such an expression, thus unlikely to be propitious in a general sense. The sense of the SL has been, however, maintained and the intended message has been conveyed.In text 4 above, straightforward literal translation is likely to be appropriate as the denotative meaning is captured nicely as ‘raise’ denotes looking after a child. Nevertheless, in no way can it be claimed to do the trick— the translation of idiolectأهلك (lit. ‘your parents’) into mere ‘parents’ falls short pragmatically. To restore meaningfulness, perhaps ‘mum' and ‘dad’ or simply ‘folks’ can be an option.6.3Based on the data analysis, euphemism is another commonly used strategy for subtitling taboo words. As pointed out earlier, euphemism, according to Gritting his teeth, the speaker adeptly rubbed off on and berated the addressee. A close look at this example shows that the Arabic circumlocutionary euphemism is used by the speaker with a view to groaning about rousing early in the morning. In Arabic, “the native speakers’ recourse is to use some euphemistic formulas to mitigate that horrible meaning” : 18 and More to the point, language variety plays an active role in toning down the original utterance. Modern Standard Arabic, for example, has a propensity to be more euphemism-like whereas slang tends to be dysphemism-like see also . The LebIn Text 5 above, the speaker shrieks obscenities at the addressee, but the translation was softened using gentler words— first letter with two asterisks, i.e., ط∗∗ is ameliorated into a less provocative attitude.6.4Due to lack of equivalence and the high degree of obscenity, this strategy might be used. This process relies crucially on shifts across various semantic fields in a particular context, leading to the production of a type of euphemism that is very specific to the context of translation. This device sacrifices the semantic content of the offending item in favour of a substitute, often derived from a different semantic field, which completely avoids the offensive reference.For the sake of elaboration, consider Text 7 below:In pursuit of effective discoursal thrust, the SL speaker has a lackadaisical attitude towards the addressee, and talks disparagingly about the overall unpleasant situation. It is noteworthy that the vernacular Lebanese Arabic صرمايتي (lit. ‘my shoes’) has been omitted in the English subtitle. This might be because of the high degree of profanity in this word or lack of equivalence in the TL. Furthermore, a substitute, i.e., ‘ass’ derived from a different semantic field has been used.A cursory reading of text 8 shows a clear idiolectal feature underlying a sacrilege to offend the intended addressee hurling epithet i.e., شخاخ (lit. ‘exuding urination’). The semantic import in the TL accounts for denotative and connotative layers of the source text. To relay the necessary pragmatic thrust, the idiomatic ‘he is pissing himself’ might be an option.6.5Following an interpretive approach associated with a group of scholars known as the Paris School, In this example, the Arabic utterance that literally reads ‘You're writhing in excruciating pain!’ is so offensive. The subtitler opted for a kind of reformulation strategy to translate the Arabic sentence into English, mostly because there is no equivalence for it in English.For more illustration, consider Text 10 below:Giving a chortle, the speaker snubbed her husband in public describing him like an irresponsible imbecile. Such speaker's rudeness encroaches on her husband's negative face. It is worth noting that the subtitler has adopted a subtitling strategy that transcends reformulation whereby the sense of the original is retained in accordance with the TL socio-textual conventions. Orchestrating underlying socio-textual practice such a way in Arabic is particularly noteworthy as it has a pragmatic meaning potential of ‘idiot’.7Thus far, the discussion makes a plea for greater consideration to the subtitling of Arabic profanities into English and all difficulties and problems involved. The study revealed that both languages cut linguistic and cultural realities quite differently. Indeed, the obscenities are not understood the same way. In Text 8 above, whereas أزعر (lit. ‘troublemaker’) is much used in Arab culture, English employs an entirely complex cultural component , very much alien to Arab culture.West Beirut. It mainly aimed at revealing the strategies the subtitlers have opted for in transferring taboo references into English.A workable taxonomy of the problems and the ensuing strategies in pursuit of optimal translation for subtitling profanities from Arabic into English were carefully investigated. Taking our cues from Toury's DTS and “coupled pairs”, we described the actual subtitling of taboo expressions impinging on a textual analysis and a comparison of the ST and TT. This article examined English profanity-loaded sequences drawn from the Lebanese movie In terms of analysis, it can be concluded that translating such expressions is particularly challenging for subtitlers as they are culturally-specific and often do not have direct equivalents in English. To overcome this difficulty, the subtitler adopted a variety of translation strategies, namely cultural substitution, literal translation, euphemism, omission, reformulation and change in the semantic field. Some of these strategies, such as cultural substitution and literal translation helped the subtitler to maintain the sense and the effect of the ST in spite of the technical and cultural restrictions imposed on her/him. However, the rest of strategies such as omission and change in the semantic field have contributed to the loss of the ST sense and its intended impact. Overall, it could be argued that the subtitler has partly succeeded in maintaining the sense and effect of the SL through using these strategies. Arguably, English culture is more tolerable insofar as obscene language is concerned than Arabic culture. However, the English subtitles have often failed to present an accurate representation of the original characters and the nature of their interaction in the film.A final conclusion is that the task of the subtitler is found to be fraught with peculiar perils, not only because of culture-specificity of taboo and obscene language, but also because of the strict limitation in employing subtitling strategies imposed by subtitling conventions, a point of interest for further studies.Mohammad Thawabteh and Amna Shqair: Conceived and designed the experiments; Performed the experiments; Analyzed and interpreted the data; Contributed reagents, materials, analysis tools or data; Wrote the paper.Amer Al-Adwan: Performed the experiments; Analyzed and interpreted the data; Contributed reagents, materials, analysis tools or data; Wrote the paper.The Open access funding was supported by the Qatar National Library.Data will be made available on request.The authors declare no conflict of interest.No additional information is available for this paper.


I recruit ancient Buddhist texts in conjunction with contemporary cognitive science scholarship to offer a hypothesis for the cognitive mechanisms responsible for this.The creditions model is incredibly powerful at explaining both how beliefs are formed and how they influence our perceptions. The model contains several cognitive loops, where beliefs not only influence conscious interpretations of perceptions downstream but are active in the subconscious construction of perceptions out of sensory information upstream. This paper shows how this model is mirrored in the epistemology of two central Buddhist figures, Dignāga (480–540 CE) and Dharmakı̄rti (c. 550–650 CE). In addition to showing these parallels, the paper also demonstrates that by drawing on Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti's theory, we can extend the explanatory power of the creditions model. Namely, while creditions explain how beliefs influence both the conscious interpretation and subconscious construction of sensory information, Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti suggest beliefs can even be  Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti's epistemology advocates a sharp divide between perception and inference. On their view, perception is our direct encounter with the world, namely  through the senses. They understand perception as largely causal, with external objects affecting the senses to produce a perception. Inference, on the other hand, uses perceptual information to adduce non-perceptual facts.The classic example of inference is that of fire from smoke. Because smoke is necessarily created by fire, the perception of smoke warrants an inference of fire. Thus, even when a fire is occluded from our sight, one is justified in concluding there is a fire present after seeing smoke rising. Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti argue that these two epistemic instruments (perception and inference) give an exhaustive epistemology, explaining all instances of warranted knowledge.Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti's differentiation between perception and inference has led some authors to conclude that their theory is a species of sense-data theory. That is, while we perceive colors, shapes, sounds, or textures, we use this information to infer the presence of common-sense objects and medium-sized dry goods. On this view, one never even directly perceives smoke. Instead, one perceives gray forms that are inferred to be “smoke,” and based on this inference, one further infers fire Arnold, , p. 129.vikalpaka) constructs, reified “universals” (sāmānya). As such, they are the referent objects of inferences. Reality itself, on the other hand, is composed of discrete particles that only last for a moment. These are particulars . On this theory, we could think of reality like a buzzing soup of static and white noise. Our tendency to construe enduring, extended objects out of this soup is like a case of ongoing apophenia, the recognition of patterns in otherwise random data.There are some aspects of Dignāga's and Dharmakı̄rti's thought that suggest a sense-data theory. Like Ayer, they do argue that we do not perceive medium-sized dry goods, like tables, chairs, peoples, and trees. They consider such objects to be merely conceptual (arthakriyā). Dharmakı̄rti gives an analogy to a jewel to make this point. Two people see some shimmering light, and both think that it is a jewel reflecting light. Both cognitions are erroneous (bhrānti), since (according to Buddhists) no universal “jewel” inheres in the world. Nevertheless, in one case the light is produced by a lamp and in the other by a group of particulars that collectively have the qualities we would expect of a jewel. In the latter case, then, the cognition is informative (sam̱vāda) despite being erroneous, since we can use that cognition to reach particulars that behave in the way we expect of a jewel, even if no jewel is there really , and a color, which is a universal”  notion of inference. As a logical positivist, Ayer agrees that the ultimate arbiter of our cognitions is their efficacy, and not whether they represent “real” things. Nevertheless, Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti's theory of conceptual construction does is perceived according to Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti? They argue perception perceives particulars. Yet, as Dignāga states, because particulars are completely unique and momentary, they are “ineffable” (avyapadeśya). Thus, we cannot say anything about perceptual content, since any such saying is conceptual. This may seem mystical at first. But if we understand perception causally, it becomes less so. “Perception” just means the causal interaction between the senses and the world. It has no content to speak of. Such content only arises to awareness once conceptual processes have done their work   Gnoli, .2For anyone familiar with the creditions model of belief formation, Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti's theory will appear familiar. In the creditions model, awareness of perceptual information only comes at the end of a multistep process. Such information is first parsed through pre-linguistic, “primal” beliefs that are predictive. Like in Dharmakı̄rti's jewel analogy, such beliefs might predict finding a jewel based on the perception of shimmering light. Also like in Dharmakı̄rti's analogy, these beliefs can be refined based on their efficacy. So, if someone sees a shimmer but does not find a jewel, such shimmers will be less likely to produce the assumption of a jewel in the future.Rüdiger Seitz describes two ways in which these primal beliefs can be updated. The first is through the processing of prediction errors. The person who does not find a jewel updates their valuation processes spontaneously so that they make better predictions. This occurs below the level of awareness. However, these processes can also be updated via conscious awareness. Because beliefs can be semantically encoded into language, we can become aware of them. By reflecting on these beliefs, the brain can affect valuations, changing beliefs and the processing of perceptual information . Dharmakı̄rti explains yogic perception is the product of sustained meditation. He claims that by meditating on some universal, holding it in the mind's eye, the meditator will eventually have “a nonconceptual clear appearance constructed by the power of meditation.” Although this is not an instance of sensory perception, Dharmakı̄rti argues that its clarity is qualitatively indistinguishable from “seeing” something “as if it were right in front of them”  the coupling of the visual cortex with other cognitive systems, (2) the downregulation of prefrontal systems, letting imagery bubble up from the bottom up, and (3) the creation of vivid imagery from the top down. It is not unlikely that all these procedural alternatives are possible, meaning that visual hallucination is overdetermined by meditative practice. Indeed, there are many different types of meditative practices, each of which may exploit these pathways differently.how we see but generate what we see.Our analysis thus reveals that higher-order cognitive processes, like reflection, might not just transform how perceptual information is processed, but may generate perceptual content itself. In other words, belief may not just manipulate Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti's theory thus shares many affinities with the creditions model, particularly concerning how belief formation develops under normal circumstances. Both theories argue that perception is causal and subconscious, that perceptual awareness is highly entangled with beliefs about the world, and that these beliefs are fallible, formed by abductive processes that are patterned by experience.belief formation, regardless of whether those beliefs constitute knowledge. For example, fixation on concepts like “ghost” might not just cause someone to interpret perceptual data as ghosts, but produce the perception of a ghost, reinforcing their belief in ghosts.Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti, however, present an additional picture of how this processing can flow in special circumstances. That is, beliefs do not just organize perceptual information upstream nor merely interpret that information downstream. In rare cases, beliefs can generate perceptual information itself. Dignāga and Dharmakı̄rti argue that it is only in some cases that this process is epistemic, when these starting beliefs are “true.” But if we bracket epistemology, meditative hallucinations may be instrumental in The hypothesis at this point is speculative. Future research could use fMRI imaging to gain a closer look at how meditation affects the visual cortex, and whether that activity is highly correlated with visual hallucinations. Such research should be sensitive to the meditative practices involved, particularly whether they are the type of concentration-demanding practices described by Dharmakı̄rti.If meditation does prove to be generative of perceptual content in the fashion hypothesized, then it offers another important clue into the phenomenon of belief formation, especially of the religious sort. That is, religious beliefs might not merely arise as ways to make sense of aberrant sensory experiences (as in Seitz's and Gerrans' model), nor do they merely persist as intuitive explanations of our sensory world Sperber, . If thisThe author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and has approved it for publication.via the Volkswagen Foundation, Siemens Healthineers, and the Betz Foundation. Siemens Healthineers were not involved in the study design, collection, analysis, interpretation of data, the writing of this article or the decision to submit it for publication.This paper is funded by Dr. Rüdiger Seitz, The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.


Resilience research in family caregiving in chronic neurological conditions is growing, but multiple sclerosis (MS) caregivers are noticeably absent from this body of work. MS caregivers represent a unique population due to the disease’s early onset, prolonged life expectancy, and heterogeneity. As such, this study aimed to explore MS caregivers’ conceptualizations of resilience, examine MS caregivers’ experiences of resilience development, and determine which assets and resources influence resilience in this role.Twenty-four Canadian MS caregivers were recruited. Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with questions derived from an ecological resilience framework. Data were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis.Themes constructed a cyclical resilience model, beginning with encounters with hardship and extending to thriving adjustment. Subthemes included reports of additive challenges, impactful individual and community resources, and multi-level adaptive pathways. Within this cycle, the achievement of healthy adjustment exerted a positive feedback function and informed future responses to lifelong challenges.Despite the salience of resilience processes within caregiver testimonies, inadequate resources at societal levels were evident. These findings afford researchers and decision-makers relevant information for designing and implementing resilience-building interventions for MS caregivers that attend to contextual factors and current systemic support deficiencies. Multiple sclerosis (MS) is a complex chronic disease estimated to affect over 2.8 million individuals worldwide  were contacted via email. Out of those contacted, most (n = 417) did not respond further. A total sample of 24 participants was obtained.Participants were recruited from a longitudinal online survey study of resilience in MS family caregivers conducted by our research team. The inclusion criteria for the current study were: (i) 18 years or older; (ii) currently providing physical, emotional, or informational assistance for a family member or close friend with MS; (iii) a resident of Canada; (iv) and fluent in English. Individuals who reported difficulty with memory, calculation, or reasoning that significantly interfered with their daily functioning were excluded. Baseline survey participants who expressed interest in the interview component  to report neurological disability level. Additionally, years of caregiving, and the average minutes per day spent in caregiving activities were collected. Resilience was measured using the 25-item Connor-Davidson Resilience scale  over the span of the previous month. Total scores range between 0 and 100, with higher scores reflecting greater resilience levels. This scale has demonstrated good consistency, reliability, and validity  scale  were mostly middle aged, with just over half reporting as female. Most caregivers in the sample were spouses. With respect to the disability level of the care-recipient with MS, participants reported a median PDDS score of 5 . The duration of caregiving ranged from one to 30 years. The amount of time per day dedicated to providing assistance ranged from 10 minutes to 10 hours. The mean CD-RISC score was 67.0.Following a synthesis of current caregiver and resilience literature referenced below, a semi-structured interview guide was developed (see Appendix 1). The guide was based on questions utilized in a qualitative focus group study designed to examine resilience and related factors in MS caregivers and other MS stakeholders  or telephone (n = 2), according to participant preference. While face-to-face in-person interviews are commonly preferred for building rapport and attending to nonverbal cues  for coding by the first author. A six-step reflexive thematic analysis was conducted . Within the MS caregiver role, the presence of continuous struggles and accumulating losses places resilience along a fluid spectrum, determining caregivers’ future experiences of adversity and their health outcomes. Therefore, we conceptualize MS caregiver resilience within a cyclical paradigm.In accordance with the three facets of resilience , this cycle operates synergistically with multiple influencing factors, including resilience resources and adaptation components I think people vacillate between having to get through a difficult physical problem and the emotional need to bear down and work through it. And prepare for it again in the next hour or the next day or next spring. (Daryl)With that said, participants alluded to resilience as a more fluid construct, conceptualizing resilience as a flexible process, involving long-term grit and continuity. This notion tended to incorporate the role of emotions and their provisional nature within the resilience cycle:[MS] is a loss of one thing after another after another after another. You know, the loss of being able to walk, you know the loss of being able to have a partner that can assist with household chores, that can assist with childcare, that can support you. (Laura)Across all participants, emotions of grief were experienced because of the loss associated with the navigation of MS as an incurable disease possessed by a loved one. Emotions of grief originated from loss due to missed opportunities, advancing physical limitations, and the impact MS as a disease exerts on their relationship with the care-recipient. MS caregivers were grieving multiple connected losses from the past, present, and future. For instance, when asked about his emotional response to the deteriorating health of his wife with MS, Eli shared that “the biggest challenge of the whole experience is that you’re not grieving for a day or a week or a month, it’s for the whole thing. Because there’s always that change and […] you’re also grieving the loss to come.” Caregivers described MS as a series of losses and, in turn, an experience of continuous grievance for exacerbated losses:I still every once in a while, have a bad day and I’ll just be down in the dumps because it’s not fair. Just things like that, we can’t go on a hike in the woods or we can’t buy that house within a matter of minutes, it’s taken us months and months to do everything. I still get upset by stuff like that. (Grace)For spousal caregivers, grief stemming from the unforeseen changes in their relationship and future together as a couple was discussed frequently. Unplanned futures were difficult for caregivers to accept:The primary challenge with the loss experienced by caregivers as a consequence of MS was that caregivers could never find solace in knowing whether their loss was complete or definite. Just as caregivers began to gradually adjust to losses spawned from their care-recipients’ latest disease progression or disability accumulation and accept the associated ramifications for their life and partnership, another form of complicated loss was just around the corner. The unpredictability and incompleteness of loss made it exceptionally difficult for MS caregivers to durably surmount caregiving challenges as, unlike in non-progressive disease contexts, another form of significant loss is likely imminent. This theme further supports reframing resilience within a cyclical paradigm, whereby resilient processes are characteristically indefinite within MS caregiver experiences.[The neurologist] didn’t give us any information on paramedical services that might be useful, like, physiotherapy, occupational therapy, things like that […] There are so many things that can add quality to life […] And it’s hard for me to find this information and these resources.Grief in caregivers coexisted with a sense of helplessness and a lamentation over a loss of control in the face on an unpredictable disease. These emotions were often intertwined with pity and frustration, as exhibited by William who shared that he was “frustrated that there isn’t a cure, frustrated that there’s no real treatment for the type of MS [his wife possesses],” and that “there isn’t anything better right now.” Feelings of powerlessness were typically heightened by difficulties linked to MS healthcare and research navigation, including a lack of definitive answers from healthcare providers, limited MS treatment options, and challenges related to accessing and coordinating support resources for the care-recipient. The limited accessibility of information and resources available to persons with MS and their families was a marked obstacle for caregiver empowerment. For instance, Tara recounted her experience with these shortcomings of the health system:I haven’t found any local resources that I really think were appropriate for us, because we are relatively young and, like, it’s crazy, because there’s so many people out with MS or people that know people with MS, and there’s just not local groups that get together. (Tara)The big issue for me with MS is there’s just absolutely no support. You know the only group in town for my husband is on a Friday morning and […] when he first got MS I brought him there and the people were so different in where they were at with the disease that he was just horrified with the progression in most of the people that were there. (Linda)Due to its early age of onset and mild to advanced disability levels As best I can, I try to see things from [my wife’s] perspective and try to approach it with empathy. I don’t always succeed at that, but at least I try to imagine what it’s like for her and see if there are ways that I could intercede or offer support or something that will help out. (Leroy)As a characteristic of the interpersonal relationship between the caregiver and care-receiver dyad, mutuality is a construct that denotes relationship quality Having somebody else to bounce off, a balance board, just to talk through ideas or talk through different – I had a really good friend that her daughter was blind because of cancer. And she was a really good friend when [my husband] was first diagnosed too. (Grace)Likewise, general social support was a core channel of community resilience. Participants shared beliefs that many of their hardships could not have been surmounted without the support of friends, family, neighbours, and co-workers. Caregivers benefited from various forms of support, but emotional support was particularly valuable. It was important that they had someone to confide in, regardless of whether that person was able to fully appreciate their struggles:I resisted [asking for help] for a really long time and I think that’s part of why I got into a crisis […] I’ve had a good support system, but I think probably it was to my detriment that I didn’t reach out to some community groups earlier because that really did help […] That’s been another resource for me.While social connection is universally valuable, participants expressed that the relationships they shared with people who genuinely had some grasp of what they were going through were of the greatest importance. It was through these intentional, high-quality, and understanding relationships that caregivers were able to overcome some of the most weathered caregiving challenges. Despite the utility of community support, participants expressed at times that they found it difficult to ask for help. Still, Laura and other caregivers, unanimously agreed that reaching out to others in times of need was essential to not only care for the care-recipient, but also to care for themselves:Staying involved helps me from getting depressed and controlling depression […] The social interaction, the groups that – you know, I organized the chess club and ran some chess tournaments and so on. That was an activity in the community and so on and that gave me a bit of a profile in the community and, you know, some social status which I think that sort of thing was very helpful. (Richard)Community initiative and involvement, such as volunteering and religious group participation, was described by caregivers as a means of personal enrichment, sustaining well-being and providing a meaningful opportunity for temporary reprieve:Look into as many services as you can find. Like, getting LHINs, like, help outside, physiotherapy, I think personal support workers coming in the house are number one.At the broader society level, caregivers seldom shared that they used societal resources beyond healthcare systems. Lorraine highlighted the role of the local health integration network (LHIN) services, sharing that the network had connected her with helpful healthcare professionals:Through connections facilitated by these services, caregivers were able to obtain additional help as they managed care-recipients’ changing disability levels. Trained external providers represented a neutral party that relieved potential sources of strain in the caregiver-care-recipient relationship as the MS care-recipients’ independence declined.There’s so much you learn you can’t control. So, don’t worry about it. There’s nothing I can do until it happens, so, we’ll just focus on what we can deal with. (Tracey)Accept the limitations of the person that you’re caring for […] Accept that it will happen but don’t take it out on the partner […] You know the famous quote of ‘accept the things you can’t change and change the things you can’t’. And so if there is an action you can do then that’s fine, if there’s nothing you can do then you just have to accept the fact that that’s the way it is and move on and find other things to do. (William)Through processes of emotional management and compartmentalization, participants were able to draw on intrapersonal resources to develop a mindset conducive to adaptive processes. These adaptive processes facilitated favourable adjustment outcomes within the resilience cycle and influenced how caregivers responded to future encounters with adversity within their role. By compartmentalizing their reactions to unfavourable illness-related events and openly accepting the resultant limitations placed on the care-recipient and their life together as partners or family members, caregivers managed to continue to adaptively move forward:Learning what [my husband] was capable of was - and what is his limits, and when during the day. I find those are pretty consistent with his MS. He’s more tired in the mornings so he won’t do anything before 10 and then at seven he’s done. So I’m just figuring out how he is. We’ve learned to manage a lot of stuff. (Jolene)Well so some ways I’ll adapt for my wife, you know obviously when she’s experiencing episode of flare ups, they will usually limit her physical stamina to do things or her, sometimes her physical strength. So, say chores around the house that are let’s say more laborious like vacuuming for example, […] we’ve adapted by sort of trading off the things that are harder for her to do. (Leroy)Caregivers’ accepting mentalities and sequential adaptation processes were influenced by individual and community resources. As their caregiving experience progressed and was matched by a deepening mindset of acceptance, participants commonly adopted a proactive approach, observing key indicators in MS care-recipients and sensitively recognizing their restrictions:I’m always encouraging [my husband], let’s try to get a dish here you know like when he couldn’t reach the sink to spit anymore. OK, so you know you can still brush your teeth, we’re not going to give up on this, but here just hold the dish. (Laura)About ten days before our wedding, [my husband] had a flare, and so it was just, okay, so these are the facts, this is what’s happening, and we just tried to come up with contingency plans of, like, if his legs get too weak, we can rent a wheelchair if we have to, or we can get a walker for him, and we had icepacks. (Sophia)We looked back towards my partner’s lifestyle and experiences, diet, emotional, physical, mental status. Anything that could’ve been a contributing factor […] and we wanted to find some sort of pattern in terms of is it stress, is it a diet, is it environmental factors that kind of brings out these kinds of relapses so that we know that we can work with our everyday situation to prevent any of this stuff from happening […] We changed diets ASAP, we really looked at the broader picture of just our lifestyle. (Norah)Situational anticipation—that is the ability to read the care-recipient and prevent problematic situations before they arise—was a skill that caregivers developed over time. This skill contributed favourably to magnifying the resilience cycle and promoted positive adjustment consequences. This acquired approach was followed by high-efficacy problem-solving, including actions that preserved care-recipient autonomy, incorporated creative solutions, and tackled MS via lifestyle factors:It was through these complex processes that participants were able to exhibit personal growth and preserve well-being, preparing them to adeptly rise above future caregiving challenges. In the absence of key resources and adaptive steps, participants were placed at risk of burnout and other deleterious outcomes, and the resilience cycle was temporarily disrupted.if MS caregivers achieve resilience, but rather how they participate in the ubiquitous process. This focus aligns with contemporary assertions that resilience is made of ordinary rather than extraordinary processes; and is a natural process of caregiver adaptation  has identified loss in caregivers as ambiguous  may be realized. Such populations ought to be targeted via innovative intervention mechanisms which favour telemedicine approaches to minimize accessibility barriers and promote continuity of caregiver support services (Dal Bello-Haas et al., how MS caregivers experience resilience and pinpointed key challenges, resilience resources, and adaptive mechanisms. Additionally, we sampled MS caregivers of care-recipients with a range of disability levels to ensure sufficient representation of the caregiving experience within a multi-course disease with moderate to severe disability presentations.This study contributes much that is novel to the MS caregiving literature. By focusing on the distinct and understudied MS caregiver population, we offer an unprecedented perspective through which we examined resilience. Via in-depth individual interviews of a robust qualitative sample size Boddy, , we idenAlthough this study obtained valuable insight into MS caregivers’ experiences of resilience, it was not accomplished without limitations. Firstly, as qualitative researchers mindful of potential sources of bias, it is possible that more resilient caregivers were more inclined to participate in this genre of research. Thus, experiences of resilience oppositions may not have been as readily discussed. Furthermore, because participants were managing diverse life stages and possessed various needs, it was less possible to establish key areas of resource deficiencies and successes. As such, longitudinal experience-based research may offer more comprehension of the relationship between transient forms of adversity at progressing life stages and cyclical resilience.Additionally, this research was conducted in a sample of Canadian MS family caregivers with minimal diversity. As a product of little geographic distribution and limited ethnic and cultural diversity within this sample, the influence of regional and sociodemographic factors on perceptions and experiences of resilience could not be determined. Still, this dataset was indicative of the importance of some factors for resilience development, such as age, biological sex, care-recipient disease severity, socioeconomic status, and employment status, and this may represent an interesting avenue for future research. Moreover, most of our sample consisted of spousal caregivers and other family caregiving relationships were underrepresented. Thus, the patterns observed in these data may be more reflective of the spousal MS caregiver experience. Lastly, interviews were centred on dyadic relationships between caregiver and care-recipient, viewed through caregivers’ individual perspectives. Although mutuality and broader community social networks are discussed in the themes presented herein, we did not directly explore the implications of family functioning for caregiver resilience development. However, it is worth noting that the “family” of individuals living with disabilities often extends far beyond biological relationships (McDaniel & Pisani, In MS caregivers, we demonstrate by applying the ecological framework (Windle & Bennett, Click here for additional data file.


This brief opinion-based editorial addresses what the authors perceive to be a fundamental issue in the application of sport science, and these issues are reflected by the question “Are you doing any sport science?” As sport science has grown within the United States, organizational sport science budgets have grown, with increasing interest in developing various sport science initiatives. While it is indeed an exciting time for sport science, the authors suggest that, too often, sport science pursuits are driven by commercially available technologies and viewed as an “add-on” instead of pursuing an integrated systematic approach to informing the training process.  Journal of Functional Morphology and Kinesiology’s Special Issue “Applied Physiology and Performance #2” aims to address a current issue within the present landscape of applied sport science within the U.S. This brief introductory editorial to the The field of “sport science” appears to be rapidly growing within U.S. collegiate, international, and professional sports ,2. Jobs To our knowledge, prior to the late 2000s, the only truly full-time applied sport science positions within any U.S. sporting organization were at the U.S. Olympic Training Center (USOTC). Examples of a few of these sport scientists  include Dr. Randy Wilbur , Dr. Bill Sands , and Dr. Mike Stone . Several other countries  also invested in sport science  through national- or state-level Olympic training centers prior to sport science becoming more popular at other sporting levels within their respective nations . A lack of mandatory sports coach education in advanced and high-performance sports ,4;Individuals who are not really sport scientists calling their work “sport science”  ,5;The widespread use of unvetted technology ,6;Technology and devices driving the system rather than questions being asked and answers to problems being sought ,6;The organizational structure of many sport organizations making integration and communication difficult  ,2,7,8,9;Supervisors of sport scientists and sport science initiatives rarely having a background in the area, leading to a poor understanding of what a sport science program can or should do ,3;Sport scientists who are able to obtain full-time employment in that capacity must create, explain, or defend their job on their own .While it is an exciting time for the profession, this apparent “sport science boom” is also an important time for the field to display the worth of a highly scientific approach to athlete development and performance to various stakeholders and management . Several articles have previously addressed systemic and structural issues that can make this complicated and potentially difficult. A few of these challenges include the following: In addition, limited opportunities exist for sport science to inform sports policy due to access and funding issues. Additionally, no professional standards exist for sport scientists.A concerning question we often hear or receive that perhaps reflects the challenges listed above and that identifies a current sport science problem is “Are you doing any sport science?” Based on our experience, this question really aims to ask “What measurements do you make?” A typical response to this question lists the various assessments, measures, and monitoring strategies one (or a staff) uses. We believe that the specific language and framing of the question “Are you doing any sport science?” encapsulates how sport science is too often viewed as separate from or an add-on to the training process. Particularly concerning is how often the answer to this question is met with a list of commercially available devices and technologies and often neglects the specific measures and, most importantly, the goals and purpose(s) of the various assessments. The stage and  age of the athlete;The expertise of those involved;The available resources;Coach/athlete receptiveness.We argue that training-process-driven sport science should be at the forefront of a high-performance model. This approach begins with (1) a diligently scripted, evidence-led plan; (2) high-level coaching and implementation; and (3) frequent monitoring at various “levels”, allowing the athlete’s development and performance to be guided. Within that process, the approach to assessments and monitoring heavily relies on the following: Certainly, assessments aimed at answering specific questions that are somewhat removed from day-to-day training and coaching considerations also have an important place within sport science ,11 . This is a clear diversion from people- and process-driven sport science approaches. Analogous to a fast food restaurant, sports organizations are pulling up to the Sport Science Café drive-through  still exist; however, the processes for constructing houses have evolved greatly over the past 200–250 years. There was nothing wrong with those 19th century tools; however, humans have developed technologies that increased the building speed to a pace that was not possible in the 1800s. In comparison, a large number of homes can now be built in planned housing developments very quickly. Despite these improvements in efficiency, one may argue that today’s rapidly built homes lack the individualization that previous methods offered, and some materials can be less sturdy than older methods. High-level coaches used scientific approaches in which measurements helped inform their coaching well before today’s current technological offerings. One outstanding example is swimming coach “Doc” Counsilman. J. E. “Doc” Counsilman (1920–2004) epitomized the use of a scientific approach . Doc wasIn 1948, he pioneered the use of underwater photography in analyzing stroke mechanics.In 1949, he developed a protocol for the use of weight training in the conditioning of competitive swimmers.In 1949, he introduced interval training for competitive swimming and invented a pace clock that permitted the application of interval training routines specific to competitive swimming.In 1969, he used underwater photographic analysis to show the curvilinear pulling patterns of swimming strokes as well as the role of lift (Bernoulli effect) in the propulsion produced by these curved line sculling motions.In 1979, he pioneered the use of underwater photography for investigations into the acceleration phases in swimming.He was quite innovative and creative in combining science and sport. A few of his innovations include the following:As a tribute to Doc, the USOC created the “Doc” Counsilman Award. This annual award recognizes coaches who use scientific techniques and equipment as an integral part of their coaching methods or creates innovative ways to use sport science.Advancements in exercise and sport science have led to more automated and efficient processes. For example, a metabolic cart has replaced the Douglas bag; video software has replaced having to painstakingly assess pictures frame by frame for biomechanical analysis; and so on. We are very thankful for the continued advancements in instrumentation and technology as it has made our lives much easier, but we also recognize that more automated processes likely result in less “fingerprints”—perhaps, at times, less human interaction and less attention to detail. Thus, by relying too much on technology, the sport scientist may more easily ignore the nuances and subtleties of data collection, data handling, and data processing, and reduce the volume of interactions with those whom they are charged to help. A consideration for developing student sport scientists involves our typical instructional force plate laboratory activities that we teach (or have taught) at our respective universities. While we very much appreciate automated commercially available force plates with software designed to effectively and efficiently perform analyses of sport movements , we believe the better learning experience entails the student collecting force data and analyzing the data in a non-automatic manner  or MATLAB ). Using these programs, often the student must analyze each trial individually in a more “by hand” manner. While many university class-based labs likely still involve this scenario, we are concerned that students may be introduced to force plate technology via a sport science internship within the university’s athletic department and receive a less formal education and training experience that may emphasize speed over understanding. Force plates, or other devices containing force transducers, dynamometers, strain gauges, etc.;Barbell velocity devices;Global Positioning Systems (GPS);Devices for assessing heart rate and heart-rate variability;Devices for assessing sleep;Surveys obtaining subjective assessments of well-being, soreness, recovery, injury, etc., collected by a computer application or by pen and paper.It is worth noting that the majority of popular commercially available sport science products are in some way related to an athlete’s physiology, biomechanical aspects, workload, fatigue, preparedness, etc. Thus, a need exists for those using these instruments to have a strong background in physiology or biomechanics as well as a sound understanding in basic research design and methodology  ,11. For These instruments provide measurements that attempt to quantify aspects such as force (strength), explosive strength (rate of force development) and power, training workloads, fitness capabilities, and outside stressors. The list above is purposeful in that these are currently popular technology areas in which teams and athletic departments are spending money on, often at very high price points.It is important to appreciate some of the more “established” and, perhaps, admittedly, boring measurements that are, for good reason, cornerstones of measurement in sport science. If the answer to the question “Are you doing any sport science?” was “Yes, we frequently measure hydration, body mass, load and reps performed, distance, and time run and periodically measure body composition, anthropometrics, sprint times, and jump heights”, some, sadly, may immediately view that as “They are not doing sport science” because these measurements are not the “trendy” go-to examples of sport science. Like the methods of the 1800s carpenter, there is nothing wrong with a simple sport science program if it suits the needs and budget of the sport organization.Similar to the above commentary, providing graphs and charts—even fancy ones—does not equate to “doing” sport science. However, the ability of the sport scientist to communicate is undoubtedly an incredibly important skill. Often, the person leading sport science initiatives is not the person writing and leading the training prescription. A coach has an obligation and responsibility to interact with the sport scientist to enhance their own awareness of the local training process. Certainly, data visualization can be a helpful way to communicate data, but recently, we have observed that the use of athlete management systems is too often replacing relevant conversations with coaches and stakeholders. Managing, handling, and communicating data are core sport scientist challenges; establishing ways to better handle, share, and communicate data is not a new concept. Strength and conditioning coach Bob Ward created a reporting system with computer-driven analytics for the Dallas Cowboys all the way back in the mid-1970s. He and Dr. Ralph Mann also conducted on-field player tracking, a precursor to GPS. Pioneering sport scientist Dr. Bill Sands created and utilized aspects of an athlete management system (AMS) over 30 years ago, building computer-based reporting systems, writing code, creating AI capabilities, etc., years before commercial AMS options were available. Dr. Sands has written and presented on his system and its specific aspects many times over the years. AMS help in three key areas: (1) providing a place for various data streams to be stored, (2) providing tools to analyze information and to construct results (answers to relevant questions), and (3) communicating findings to stakeholders . Like any tool, an AMS can be used poorly. An all too common scenario involves data from wearable devices streaming into an AMS via an application programming interface (API), and preset calculations and graphics being produced automatically such that the coaching staff can log in and view those calculations and graphics at their convenience without communicating with a sport scientist. Though this automated process may be largely motivated by budgetary limitations in many organizations (demonstrated by strength coaches using technology so that sports coaches can attract recruits), it lacks “fingerprints”—the context and meaning behind the results are largely absent and may not be received in the intended manner. The coach may not use the AMS.The coach may misinterpret the results presented or misunderstand their significance.The sport scientist may not provide relevant information to the coach.The coaching staff and athletes may view the sport scientist as an “outsider” when there comes a time to meet and discuss certain processes.When only working “within the AMS”, issues with data hygiene may be overlooked.In addition, we have personally observed that data reported in this way can be distracting to the coach’s training process. Some primary pitfalls of solely relying on an AMS and neglecting in-person communication and discussion include the following: https://hiitscience.com/content-is-king-but-context-is-god/ (accessed on 10 August 2022).A common example within team sports is the use of AMS reports in which workload data (often GPS data) are framed in a context emphasizing competition to the coach. This is perceived by the sport coach by the philosophy “more work = better”. Sadly, sometimes in this scenario, a less fit or a less efficient athlete is applauded for working at a high exertion, but a fitter or more efficient (often more skilled) athlete is scolded for working at a lower level of overall exertion. In this scenario, the context of the game’s situations and the opportunities afforded are misinterpreted. For example, does the athlete have a reason to work hard or does the athlete wait patiently for a good opportunity within tactical constraints, and then quickly select and pursue a meaningful action with vigor? Additionally, tactical (soccer midfielder vs. defender)  and posiAMS reporting goes wrong when technology is used in an effort to “do sport science”, and then the reporting is carried out in a manner only to show recruits, fans, the coach, and the administration that “we are doing sport science”. Sport science is applied to achieve a goal, so what then is the goal? The goal is none other than to produce recruitment videos, not to carry out sport science!Perhaps Athlete data from teams almost always involve a biased (not randomly assigned) sample;Athlete data are seldom normally distributed;Athletes have differing genetic profiles, training backgrounds, and experiences that are often much more pronounced between athletes; these may be inconsistent with the backgrounds of subjects from the general population;Trained athletes are closer to their genetic ceiling and, thus, can experience less noticeable (but still very important) adaptations;Smaller gains can be overshadowed by outside stressors, effort, coaching, environment, etc.;The same training program, especially a more “mixed methods” training program, performed multiple times by the same athlete can produce differing results;Challenges exist with classifying the levels of an athlete, as it pertains to both adaptation as well as performance level within their sport.It is important for sport scientists and those making measurement-based decisions to appreciate the subtlety and nuances of carefully collected sport science data. A classic example, provided over the years by Dr. Bill Sands, Dr. Mike Stone, and others, is that, if 20 athletes undergo a training program, 17 of the athletes improve substantially, 1 athlete demonstrates trivial changes, and 2 athletes perform worse. A traditional analysis may show statistically significant alterations and may excitedly move forward to report the results to coaches . What if the two athletes who performed worse were the two Olympic hopefuls of the group? Their coach would likely consider the training program a failure. To resolve this issue and to apply “fingerprints” to the situation, a sport scientist may choose single-subject techniques to analyze the data and to provide appropriate context. These methods have long been an important topic of interest in applied sport science, as have the challenges of mean group data. Some important considerations include the following : AthleteThus, the idea of single-subject, case-based approaches is widely accepted in applied sport science, particularly in terms of day-in and day-out training environments  . Howeverwhat the measurement is used for. This is not to suggest that all data should be constantly immediately acted upon. A helpful process for assigning “immediacy” is by categorizing three monitoring buckets reflecting different time frames: (1) fatigue management (short-term); (2) program efficacy (medium-term); and (3) long-term projects such as collecting norms, calculating development trajectories for talent ID and development purposes, or adapting league rules due to perceived needs. Sport science is the integration of planning, coaching, training, and measurement underpinned by an understanding and appreciation of both sport and science. Sport science is a human process and should not be completely reliant upon technology; a major aspect is integrating the scientific process into the athletes’ training processes. This is carried out by sharing ideas and observations with others and, thus, influencing the athlete to enhance elements of their training process. Automated processes involving technology, machine learning, algorithms, etc., can be useful tools used to influence processes, but it takes humans to guide athletes and to design or re-engineer processes when analyses suggest that there is a problem. Many follow-up investigations may be required to solve a given problem, which often requires resources and relies more on well-trained humans than technology. Sport science requires a problem-solving process—a willingness to provide and accept a solution within the organization; it is not empty data collection carried out for publicity.Simply making measurements does not equal sport science, but sport science cannot exist without measurements. Measurements are a critical initial step; however, just as important is