Environmental sustainability in agriculture is a key component of discussions to address the current climate crisis; unfortunately, many people (including researchers) presume that only certain types of agriculture  are environmentally sustainable. Non-farmers also fail to acknowledge that many farm practices, including grazing animals, mitigate climate change. Farmers’ perceptions about environmental sustainability are important because their livelihoods, and those of future generations, depend on their commitment to sustainable environmental practices. The purpose of this qualitative research was to understand Canadian farmers’ perceptions of environmental sustainability, how they are implementing strategies that contribute to sustainable food production, and the challenges they face. Fifty-two farmers, representing 48 farms and over 1000 years of farming experience, participated in comprehensive in-depth interviews. Four farms were in British Columbia; 13 in the Prairies; 26 in Central Canada; and five in Eastern Canada. A wide variety of farm types  and sizes (2 to 6500 acres) were included in the study. Farmers’ perceptions of environmental sustainability coalesced into four main themes: (1) definitions of sustainability and environmental sustainability, (2) current practices, (3) farming as an identity, and (4) challenges. Many participants explained that they already use sustainable practices and technology, contrary to prevailing opinion that entire food systems need to be transformed to be sustainable. As new agricultural policies and educational curricula are developed, information provided to students, policy makers, and the public must be accurate, balanced, evidence-based, and respectfully consider all perspectives, especially those of farmers. As the need to mitigate climate change becomes more urgent, sustainability has become a popular topic. Some researchers have assigned three pillars to sustainability: environmental, social, and economic . SustainSimilarly, there is no single definition for sustainable agricultural practices (SAP) , but theMany researchers have examined farmers’ motivations and barriers to SAP. Ranjan et al.  synthesiBarriers to the adoption of technical innovations for sustainable development in the agricultural sector can be described as external  or internal  ; howeverIt is also problematic when only certain food production techniques , and/or the scale at which foods are produced and sold , are deemed sustainable. For example, Thompson et al.  investigFarmers are experts in their field and knowledgeable about sustainable land practices; however, their voices are not often heard . FortunaDespite this increase in knowledge transfer, most non-farmers do not understand the complexity of agriculture, and the challenges farmers face. Ninety-one percent of Canadians claimed they knew “little or nothing about modern farming practices” , p.8. WiIn relation to the sustainability of food production, Canadians are concerned about climate change and the rising cost of food . The CanAs new policies like these are developed, it is important to learn about farmers’ perceptions, not only because they are experts, but also because they are ultimately in control of the practices they use . PerceptIt is also important to research sustainability in Canada’s food systems as the topic gains popularity in education systems. For example, Ontario’s new elementary science curriculum explores the topics of food systems and climate change ; howeverThe purpose of this study was to understand Canadian farmers’ definitions and perceptions of sustainability, how they are implementing strategies to achieve sustainable food production on their farms, and the challenges they face in doing so. While interview questions addressed environmental, social, and economic aspects of sustainability, this paper will focus on the environmental aspect to allow sufficient opportunity for their voices and own words to be heard. The economic and social components will be reported separately.In this descriptive qualitative study , the resThe Letter of Information–including the risks and benefits of participating in the study; assurances that participants could withdraw at any time and/or not answer all questions; as well as details on data security, confidentiality, and storage–was read to each participant at the beginning of their online/telephone interview. Participants then provided informed verbal consent, which was documented by the interviewer. A semi-structured interview guide , developAll interviews (except one) were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim by the graduate student researchers and undergraduate research assistants, independently coded by the researchers, and analyzed concurrently throughout data collection using the constant comparative method . InitialThe researchers also engaged in reflexivity on how their backgrounds and knowledge of the phenomenon (or lack thereof) influenced both processes and outcomes . The stuThemes and sub-themes that were identified from transcript data are supported by representative quotations from one or more of the participants to add trustworthiness and transparency to the findings . IncludiFifty-two farmers across Canada were interviewed online via Zoom  or by telephone. There were 48 interviews in total (four interviews had two participants each). Years of farming ranged from two to 50, representing, in total, over 1000 years of farming experience. Participant characteristics can be found in Compared to recent census data, where more than half (60.5%) of Canadian farmers are 55 years of age or older , only 20Of the 48 farms represented in the study, four were in Canada’s most western province (British Columbia [BC]); 13 were in the Prairie provinces ; 26 were in Central Canada (Ontario [ON]); and five were in Eastern Canada (Nova Scotia [NS] and New Brunswick [NB]). Farms were categorized by size according to the number of acres owned and rented : small (less than 99 acres), medium (100–999 acres), and large (greater than 1000 acres). All farms in British Columbia were small , with no acres rented. Participants in the Prairie provinces had mostly large farms ; 10 (77%) of them had rented acreage . Most farms in Ontario were medium in size . Thirteen of these farms included an average of 132 rented acres (range: 1–400). The five farms in Eastern Canada  were a mix of small, medium, and large.Participants with small farms (n = 11) produced vegetables, fruit , and hops, as well as cut flowers and shrubs/trees. A few raised animals . Medium-sized farms (n = 22) primarily had dairy cows, beef cattle, broiler chickens, laying hens, and sheep. These farms also produced grains, forages, and legumes. Some farms in this category produced fruits  and vegetables (field-grown and greenhouse). Large farms (n = 15) produced a variety of crops , as well as forages/cover crops . A few also had laying hens, broiler chickens, dairy cows, and beef cattle.Participants’ perceptions of environmental sustainability coalesced into four main themes and associated sub-themes . Theme 1“It’s like a milk stool I use, you know, it’s a tripod. You need all three pillars ” (NS45F). A farmer from Central Canada expanded on this: “If you don’t have all three legs, it’s going to fall over” (ON30F). Five other participants echoed this sentiment, recognizing that long-term sustainability requires each ‘leg’ to be strong.Many participants found it challenging to define sustainability in general. A descriptive analogy was provided by a farmer from Eastern Canada: “to do the best we can to protect the resources around us to the best of our abilities” (ON39F). Another aspect was to aim for balance, as expressed by this grain farmer from Manitoba: “Everything that we do has to be balanced so that you are replenishing, whether it’s seed, fertilizer, the soil, the moisture” (MB17M). Three sub-themes were also identified: minimizing impacts and waste, protecting biodiversity, and preserving land for future generations.When defining environmental sustainability, the overall goal was to “not really relying on many other inputs from other sources [outside of the farm]” (ON12M). An apple grower explained that environmental sustainability means “minimizing the impact of my practices on the environment… minimizing sprays, minimizing disturbance to the soil” (ON15M). A specific dimension of minimizing impacts was minimizing waste. Farmers described the controls used to minimize their waste and outputs from livestock, watering, and other operations. A sheep farmer explained, “We’re always keenly aware of how we feed our animals, and what happens to their manure and their urine” (ON26F). Greenhouse operators also talked about minimizing waste, as explained by this participant: “Environmental sustainability definitely comes down to controlling our outputs–wastewater, waste leaves, and waste crop–so they do not affect the environment” (ON31M).Participants defined environmental sustainability as limiting their impact on the environment by, for example, maintaining a balance between inputs and outputs, or operating within a “closed-loop” system, as described by one beef farmer: “We want a productive and healthy ladybug population because they attack a primary bug that eats and destroys crops. So, we wanna make sure that certain insects and wildlife are protected” (ON25M). Participants also highlighted their land as a unique and rich ecosystem that was important to enhance and protect. As a small beef farmer explained,Participants expressed appreciation for the contributions of all organisms on their farms, from the cows that provide nutrient-rich manure, to the lady bugs that combat other pests. As a dairy farmer explained, Cattle are more important than people think. Their manure is like black gold. There’s a gazillion grassland birds that need pastures and hay fields to live, and they come with the cattle and eat the bugs and everybody’s happy (ON10F).Participants also emphasized the importance of family. The desire to maintain the productivity of family farms provided a strong rationale for participants’ efforts regarding environmental sustainability. Indeed, seventeen participants (33%) defined environmental sustainability as preserving their land for future generations. A participant from a large prairie farm summed it up in the following way:I’m in it for my children. I’m not in this to make millions and get out. I’m in it for the next generation. I want to see my children do better than I did and grow food for the world. I want to leave my farm in better shape for my son, my daughter, or my nieces than when I got it (SK42M).“On our operation, we do no tillage. We’re trying to build our organic matter [in the soil]” (SK36M). Many farmers used multiple techniques in combination, or one technique that accomplished multiple goals. For example, a fruit and vegetable grower said, “the idea of cover crops is that it adds organic matter to your soil, stops erosion in the winter, and in the spring when it’s still wet, it keeps your soil down more.” (ON07M). Similar to pest and weed control practice of large grain growers, a hop farmer explained, “We do weekly scout walks to monitor pests and, ideally, through that monitoring, we can minimize our sprays” (BC43M).All participants mentioned specific techniques they were using to improve their farm’s environmental sustainability. These included practices related to soil, water, energy, and biodiversity . A large“I feel this is probably this is one of our greatest successes; the fact that we’ve adapted, we’ve become more efficient” (SK42M). Participants were proud of their proactive stance to learn about new technologies and implement them on their farms. A grain, oilseed, and pulse farmer from the prairies expressed this prevalent sentiment by saying, “Land is a resource that needs to be maintained and retained and improved continually to do what we do. So, we’re pretty early adopters of whatever technologies that are developed to help us in those regards” (MB32M). Reasons for improving practices included maximizing production while limiting costs and impacts on the land. Improved techniques were credited with accomplishing multiple goals at once, as explained by a beef cow/calf operator who also grows corn, soy, and wheat: “We are trying to use the most advanced technology we can to maximize our crop production and make a living doing it…As we move along, our technology is allowing us to adapt and become better stewards of the land” (ON04M).Current practice improvements and adaptations emerged as a key sub-theme under current practices, with one farmer’s comment reflecting the view of several participants: “We’re using less fossil fuels because of technology as well. We’re leaving less of a carbon footprint” (AB16F). Similarly, on another large prairie farm: “We farm probably triple, if not quadruple the amount of land that we did 25 years ago and we’re probably using the same amount of fossil fuels” (SK42M). Further, another farmer in Eastern Canada explained, “For no-till, when you’re making fewer passes, you’re saving on fuel” (NS45F).Participants from across Canada mentioned that new techniques and equipment were ways to increase energy efficiency. One participant, with a large farm in a prairie province, said, “We produce enough solar energy to cover our needs for almost a full year” (MB48M).Some farmers noted they had begun using solar power or were reducing their hydroelectricity use with updated, efficient lights and equipment in farm buildings. A farmer who raises laying hens stated, “We get the advice of soil scientists to better indicate to us what we should be placing on that land to make sure that we’re making environmentally conscious decisions” (SK42M). Others worked closely with local authorities. For example, a cow/calf farmer said, “We worked with our local Agricultural Environmental Officer through Ministry of the Environment” (ON39F). Another, whose farm abuts a conservation area and river, said, “We work through the Upper Thames River Conservation Authority” (ON03M).Farmers also described the importance of seeking improvement to expand their knowledge and learn new techniques. This included attending conferences or consulting experts: Throughout the interviews, farming was described not only as an occupation, but also as an identity with environmental overtones.“stewards and caretakers of the land”, which was expanded by a beef farmer who added, “and not exploiters of resources” (ON21M). One large grain farmer’s response aptly reflected this theme: “I think by and large farmers by default are good environmentally, they’re good stewards of the land. You know we’ve definitely reduced erosion. We’re more efficient with using technology” (AB34M). Many participants believed that all farmers are good stewards of their land because it is part of being a farmer, in that “A farmer’s livelihood depends on their stewardship of the land” (ON04M). This was a main responsibility of farming, not only to keep the farm economically viable, but also because it was important “to do the right thing” (MB48M). The conviction that they were doing what was best for the greater or common good in terms of environmental sustainability, and not simply making decisions for their own benefit, provided a solid foundation for their identity, and was clearly linked to the research topic, as a market gardener and beef farmer explained, “We are the stewards of the land. And stewardship and sustainability go hand in hand” (ON19M). Another beef farmer expanded on this by saying, “Farmers are doing the right things. They’re doing things more sustainability all the time, learning new technologies and ways of learning things, and how to do things more efficiently” (ON21M).Almost half of the participants described themselves as “We eat the food that we produce, and we do a great job of producing food” (ON24M). A dairy farmer said, “The product that we are growing is the best quality it can be, whether we are feeding the cows or whether we’re feeding humans” (ON25M). A vegetable grower also differentiated between Canadian practices and global practices: “I think here in Canada anyway we do a really, really good job” (ON22M), demonstrating pride in Canada’s regulations and standards of practice. A greenhouse operator added, “We have our own [standards] that go above and beyond [mandatory standards and guidelines] as well” (ON29M).All participants exhibited pride in their work, and they balanced the health of their land with the need to be productive. Farmers indicated they were proud of the standards on their farms, the quality of their products, and their role as stewards. A farmer raising broiler chickens explained, “one plot of land continuously farmed [by their family] since the 1700s” (NS45F).Another aspect of pride was having a farm operated by the same family for multiple generations. Three-quarters of the participants talked about this generational aspect of farming. One farmer, operating a large farm in Eastern Canada, said their son was the tenth generation on their farm, with For the last theme, all participants acknowledged that farming is a challenging profession. This included the sub-themes of economic challenges, public opinion, lack of government support, and climate change.Many noted that farming is challenging and stressful, primarily because it is a high-risk profession. Volatility in markets, range in profits, and the threat of extreme weather events or pests damaging crops often result in a huge loss of income. A greenhouse operator explained,If it’s in the winter and it’s cold out and your heating system shuts down, you could lose the crop. If it’s in the summer and it’s hot out and your irrigation system stops working, you could lose the crop. If you get a virus, you can lose the crop. If you get a pest that is deadly and spreads very quickly, you can lose the crop. (ON31M).“It costs money. And you don’t get an immediate return. So, if you’re not a second or third generation farmer, you have to make big payments. Sometimes you have to weigh your options, right?” (ON22M). Additionally, interventions such as riparian strips may necessitate the conversion of profitable land into unusable land. Several participants mentioned that if there was more support or funding from the government, they would be able to implement more environmentally sustainable measures.Almost all participants described economic constraints as the largest challenge when considering environmental sustainability. Although farmers want to do what is best for their land, it is difficult to invest in new measures because, as a vegetable grower explained, I think there’s a disconnect, especially the newer generation because they’ve lost any connection [with agriculture] they may have had. (AB34M)Outside of economics, the biggest challenge was public misperception of agriculture. Many participants expressed concern that the public is disconnected from farming, both in terms of location and personal networks. As a grain farmer explained, ““We’re all doing a great job with [increasing sustainability]. We just have to get the general public to understand that, so they don’t impose ridiculous regulation on us” (ON04M). Confusion compounded their feelings of frustration, as expressed by a dairy farmer:Farmers reported that although most Canadians do not farm, they still have strong opinions about how farmers should operate. Many participants reported feeling frustrated that they were taking care of their land, but still vilified by the public: If you spray a pesticide, you eliminate the pest, and you save that whole crop. Of course, if the regulatory or the consumer environment doesn’t like that idea, not because it isn’t safe–it’s been proven to be–but if the feeling is they don’t like it, then what do you do? (ON25M)“We seriously need real support, and we need [the government] to understand what we’re doing” (ON26F). An oilseed farmer from the prairies explained how this additional support was directly linked to environmental sustainability: “They encourage us to use proper equipment to work the land, but the government isn’t throwing enough money back at the farmers to go get those extra pieces of equipment that would provide those opportunities” (AB16F).Participants commented that misinformed government regulations can hinder farming practices. One participant from the prairies described a date, set by their provincial government, for when they can apply synthetic fertilizer or manure each year, regardless of the weather or field conditions. Regulations were reported as challenges, not benefits, and contributed to feeling a lack of support, as voiced by this sheep farmer: “All our erosion control structures and grassed waterways are designed for a 1-in-50-year weather event. Well, sometimes [climate change] pushes it, as we’re getting more severe weather” (ON03M). Additionally, some participants discussed unique challenges to interventions, such as the difficulty implementing no-till in thick clay soil, or experiencing cooler soil due to no-till, which impeded germination.Climate change and severe weather events were also reported as challenges. A farmer with laying hens explained, It is a huge concern to us when we see huge operations abusing the land, not having enough land for their manure and waste products, but that’s just the nature of [any profession]” (ON20F). Two participants, one from a prairie province in Western Canada and the other from a farm in Central Canada, had opposing views on the Verified Beef Production Plus Program:While most farmers had similar answers to the research questions, there was some variation in opinions. It was noted that not every farm operation was engaged in best practices. One farmer, for example, said, “In my opinion, McDonalds is using the word ‘sustainability’ because it’s a catch phrase these days. They require you to be a member of a verified beef program, for example, where you have to give your cattle certain shots, vaccinations, and that kind of thing and we don’t do that (AB14F).I just today signed up for the Verified Beef Plus Program which allows you to use that logo so that producers and feedlots who are looking for those calves where the cow-calf producer has followed you know due diligence, codes of ethics, and sustainable practices (ON10F).“best way to increase environmental sustainability, increase carbon levels in your ground, and the whole biodiversity is to have cattle or other ruminants on your farm” (ON18M). Although he admitted that the cattle industry is getting a bad reputation, he confidently stated that, “If it’s done properly, it can be the best way to improve environmental sustainability” (ON18M). Many farmers said that choosing a technique or system is a trade-off and every approach has pros and cons. A corn/soy/wheat/bean farmer explained, “Without no-till farming, we’re going to have more erosion, and [to do no-till] we need herbicides to control the weeds” (ON23M). Another corn/soy/wheat/beef farmer said,Similarly, some farmers expressed frustration with organic farming, especially when they felt it was falsely advertised as better than conventional farming; others were passionate organic farmers. An organic grain farmer explained that the There is pros and cons to both organic and conventional food production. The one downfall [to organic] is that there is the mechanical cultivation. You do have to cultivate, and you do have to plough, which burns more fossil fuels (ON12M).Most farmers are experts in managing their land and adapting to changes; however, they are not often given a platform to explain their practices  and theiParticipants’ definitions confirmed previous observations that environmental sustainability encapsulates more than reducing greenhouse gas emissions or eliminating pesticides; there are geographical and socio-economic nuances, as well as intricacies such as the beneficial role of ruminants in some ecosystems ,53. The Many participants noted that they already use sustainable practices and technology. While the majority of Canadian farmers are over 55 years of age , 80 percConserving energy and fuel was a common theme among participants. Statistics Canada reported a 66.5% increase in solar energy on farms in 2021 compared to the last census . Althoug“stewards of the land” shows that Canadian farmers take pride in their farms, which creates meaning in their lives and motivates them to adopt sustainable measures in the interest of preserving their homes. Similarly, succession planning was a key motivator for pursuing environmental sustainability, and the ability to pass land on to future generations was used to define environmental sustainability. This complements previous findings that showed when a family member is a successor to a family farm, environmental measures and schemes are more favourable [Farming has a unique position as a profession, lifestyle, and identity ,56. The vourable .It has been well-documented that the cost of farming is a major source of stress for farmers, and a major barrier to the adoption of sustainable techniques ,20,58,59As indicated by participants in this study, and in line with previous research that suggested financial motivation is associated with farmers adopting new, more sustainable technology , one solFarmers in this study cited public opinion as a major challenge. Non-farming Canadians, especially those living in urban areas, are disconnected from Canada’s agriculture sector and lack agricultural literacy, a situation that has persisted for decades ,62. For Given the lack of agricultural literacy among non-farmers, their opinions and ideologies should not qualify as rationale for prohibiting certain agricultural practices ,63; howeSimilarly, poorly informed government regulations impaired some participants’ operations. Canada’s recent plan to reduce synthetic fertilizer use  has receFinally, as in any profession, participants held varying perspectives on topics relevant to their field. For example, some farmers promoted organic over conventional farming methods, yet all farmers and all farming methods are needed to provide food for a growing world population. Others differed in their support of the Verified Beef Production Plus Program , the goaSupply chain issues and empty shelves during the height of the Covid-19 pandemic reminded non-farmers that our food system is as complex as it is valuable, and improved public perception of agriculture and farmers . In addiFarmers in this study were proud of their work and viewed their agricultural practices as already being environmentally sustainable, as evidenced by the fact that many were on farms which had been in their family for generations. Indeed, the list of SAP given by participants is indicative of a wide-ranging commitment to environmental sustainability for the benefit of future generations. Despite economic challenges and public misperceptions, farmers deeply valued this aspect of their work and integrated their perceptions of environmental sustainability into their personal identity as proud and responsible stewards of the land.There are several strengths of this study. Maximum variation sampling  was achiThe authors also acknowledge several limitations. Most farmers were white and lived in Ontario. This is not surprising, as there are more farms and more farm operators in Ontario than in any other province . No farmThis paper can inform multiple audiences, including students, teachers, members of the non-farming public, and policy makers, that many farmers are already engaged in sustainable food production, contrary to prevailing opinion that entire food systems need to be transformed to be sustainable. While agricultural practices can always improve, we must not dismiss certain food production approaches or assume that only one farming approach can solve all problems. All farmers should be valued for their hard work and their dedication to producing food for a growing world population, the majority of whom, by choice or by circumstance, are unaware of the complexity and realities of food production and the challenges that farmers face.S1 File(DOCX)Click here for additional data file.S2 File(DOCX)Click here for additional data file.


The discourse on incomprehensibility is riddled with equivocations. This means that conflating concepts such as un-understandability, oddity, schizophrenic alterity or the praecox feeling is the norm rather than the exception. In order to distinguish these related concepts, it is helpful to consider their intellectual origins and to systematically classify competing approaches to schizophrenic incomprehensibility. Considering incomprehensibility can aid in enriching the discourse by moving beyond the classical framing in terms of the understanding-explanation dichotomy to the more adequate and encompassing trichotomy of un-understandability (“Unverständlichkeit”), obscurity (“Uneinfühlbarkeit”) and inexplicability (“Unerklärbarkeit”).In what follows, we sketch how phenomenology can aid psychopathology in overcoming these idols and, ultimately, arrive at a more encompassing and adequate assessment of schizophrenia. This entails that not only the clinical reality of schizophrenic incomprehensibility must be acknowledged, but—beyond that—investigating its experiential structure  is of the essence.standard view of schizophrenic delusions, according to which they are conceived of as false beliefs that cannot be corrected and are entertained with subjective certainty . Thus, a failure to identify the somatic origins of schizophrenia is more aptly described in terms of inexplicability (“Unerklärbarkeit”), which depends on the progress of the natural sciences and, accordingly, might be merely temporary.With regard to this, three different notions of incomprehensibility ought to be differentiated. The first one derives from Jaspers' interpretation of Dilthey  methodolUrphänomene”) , they cannot be reduced to or analogized with other phenomena but unveil a primary stratum of existence. For this very reason, Jaspers holds that primary delusions lie outside the realm of science altogether and must, instead, be investigated philosophically , in turn, would be conceived of as a manifestation of the underlying primary delusional experience and has only a secondary status. This implies that it would be a mistake to take impossible delusional content as a sufficient criterion for diagnosing schizophrenia. Instead, “we must realize that the content and structure of these experiences are dialectically intertwined, and therefore we must take into account the altered framework of experiencing in schizophrenia”  back to the underlying changes in the structure of experience.Explicating the changes of the experiential structure in schizophrenia converges with the prime interest of its phenomenological treatment. In the recent discourse, researchers agree that the psychopathological shift in consciousness occurring in schizophrenia can be described as a disturbance on the level of the eidetic continuity   Wulff, . By unea) Wulff, , which i) Wulff, . By shedDaseinsanalyse  and objective-general meaning (“Bedeutung”) become decoupled and reconfigured. Similarly, Moskalewicz and Gozé turn to a genetic analysis of “bizarreness of contact”  that describe how subjective-situational meaning , viz. the impossibility to empathize. In the beginning of the 20th century, a controversy ensued regarding the conceptualization of schizophrenic incomprehensibility within phenomenological psychopathology , un-understandablility (“Unverständlichkeit”) and inexplicability , the canonical framing of the Jaspers-Binswanger controversy as evolving around the understanding-explanation dichotomy can be recast in terms of a trichotomy of empathy-understanding-explanation. Consequently, this allows to differentiate three senses of schizophrenic incomprehensibility that are routinely conflated, namely obscurity (“All authors listed have made a substantial, direct, and intellectual contribution to the work and approved it for publication.


Building on previous work investigating the impact of exposure to (a) records with traumatic potentialities and (b) interactions with donors and community researchers whose suffering is documented in the archives, this study sought to better understand emotional aspects of archival work. Using a diary research methodology, 15 archivists engaged in diary keeping for approximately four months. What emerged was a broad set of events and experiences that triggered a wide range of emotional responses arising from archival work. This included: pre-existing emotional states and characterological traits; emotional exchanges in the workplace with colleagues and others; emotional demands of the work ; team and leader interactions arising from group tasks and leader behaviour; and organizational policies, climate, resources and demands. This broader set of interactional factors forms the foundation on which traumatic and other troubling events are encountered. Future research must consider the nature of archival organizations and interactions within them that contribute to the overall working experience. In addition, archival organizations need to take responsibility for creating a culture that demonstrates respect and appreciation for workers, acknowledges the interpersonal challenges of the work, and provides supports for archivists who are shouldering the challenges. For instance, negative emotions in the workplace have been associated with counterproductive behaviours  refers both to the individual’s emotional response to specific workplace events and the individual’s overall mood which affects the perception of events, meaning attributed to events, that contribute to emotional response and resulting behaviours. The second level (between persons) refers to dispositional aspects of the individual and their emotional intelligence in interacting with others. This is then understood to influence the individual’s job satisfaction and affective commitment to the organization. Level 3  is described by Ashkanasy as the emotional exchange in interactions. This includes the notion of emotional labour required in the job, that is, when the emotion that the employee is required to convey by virtue of their role is inconsistent with that which is felt . Diary keepers also completed a demographic form and signed an informed consent form before completing their first diary entry. Each diary keeper was offered a $200 honorarium prior to recording their first diary entry. This study was approved by the Human Subjects Research Ethics Board of University of Toronto.Participants were recruited through two means: general invitations distributed through the Canadian archives listserve ARCAN-L (7 participants) and specific invitations to individuals who had participated in a previous study (8 participants). All participants worked as archivists, with job titles that included archives manager, archives coordinator and collections manager. Thirteen diary keepers worked full time, while two worked part-time. While all diary keepers indicated that their positions included working with records, the number of hours dedicated to this work varied from 50%  to 25% . Working with archival researchers/users constituted more that 50% of their time for 4 participants, less than 25% of their time for 9 participants, and none of their time for 1 participant. Only 11 archivists worked with donors; 9 diary-keeper spent less than 10% of their work time occupied with donor-related tasks; and only 1 indicated more than 25% of their job involved this work. Other tasks ranging from less than 10% of their work to a high of 50% included staff management, meetings, committee work, website design, project work, software work, database design, outreach, teaching, metadata work, interpretation, access, acquisitions, working with colleagues, grant writing, budgets, exhibitions, and programming.Guidelines provided to participants requested that diary keepers complete a diary entry each day that they had a meaningful emotional response after working with records, supporting researchers, or working with donors. For each event recorded, diary keepers were asked to describe: the event; who or what they were interacting with when the event occurred; the feelings and reactions they encountered; and, if they shared the event with others, what reaction they received. In addition, participants were asked to indicate which of a series of emotions or mood states they experienced , rated as: not at all (0); a little (1); some (2); or a lot (3). The number of diary entries that each diary keeper recorded ranged from a low of 5 entries over the 4 months to a high of 67 entries, with an average of 19 entries per diary. The amount of information in each entry also varied considerably. The number of words per diary ranged from a high of 7571 words per diary to a low of only 395 words with an average of 3260 words per diary.Diaries were subjected to line-by-line micro-analysis and coding, allowing researchers to interact with the data and examine emerging themes. The two senior researchers  and two research assistants directly engaged in reading, analysing and coding of diaries ; “Gratitude for my colleague’s work and linguistic ability.” Another described sharing frustrations regarding workload with a colleague: “My colleague and I have a good relationship so it feels good to vent with her.” Another shared a mistake she made: “My colleague’s support was a great comfort… Her support makes me want to be better, more understanding or empathic.”“He accused me of making political maneuvers… and instructed me to have my defenses ready for retaliation… I was completely bewildered and upset, so much so that I started crying during the call, and had a panic attack immediately afterwards.”At other times participants described negative emotions arising from interpersonal encounters. One participant stated: “I still feel very angry, sad, irritated, and frustrated. The level of anger has lessened since yesterday, but my irritability, sadness, and frustration feels like it increased today.” (D7) Another recounted an emotional encounter with a colleague as follows:However, while negative examples of emotional interaction with colleagues were reflected in diaries, many of our participants also described the joy of one-to-one interpersonal encounters. These positive relationships may serve as a buffer against negative affective events encountered at other levels.In keeping with our original expectations regarding emotional implications of encounters with troubling records, and traumatized community researchers and donors, many of the diary entries related to these types of affective. Caswell and Cifor refer to “archivists as caregivers, bound to record creators, subjects, users and communities”  in your closet when you're not looking. It's motivation for improving/standardizing procedures and increasing training, but also just... exhausting”.While Ashkanasy and Dorris  focus onAnother described their emotional response when a piece of deliberately placed equipment had been moved by a team member: “Anger and frustration. Fairly intense at first (my heart rate going up) and then dissipated as I sat down and tried to think about how I would speak to my director about it.” Another similarly described intense emotion related to a group interaction: “I was gaslit…I honestly was so angry I was shaking.” In another diary entry, this individual described feeling like a “punching bag” and being shown “blatant disrespect”.On the other hand, group interactions can be highly positive. One participant reported “Joy, excitement, satisfaction, sense of belonging, united” in response to being with others. Another in describing a team problem-solving process reflected: “I felt overwhelmed with gratitude and optimism for what we might accomplish together.” A further participant described moving past a difficult situation as a group, and as a result they “felt really energized and ready to get into deeper and more difficult work that I have been putting off for weeks.”Ashkanasy and Dorris  suggest In the current study, 12% of recorded emotional events associated with anger and irritation involved negative interactions with managers, whereas only 2% of emotional events associated with happiness and enthusiasm involved interactions with managers. The negative interactions described were often viewed to reflect a lack of respect for the participant’s knowledge, skills and time, and as noted earlier, provoked feelings that included “anger, frustration and irritation”, anger and defeat, annoyed and irritated, and “quite an emotional outburst…I eventually did start to cry.” (D14) Overall, these interactions were seen to contribute to “Low morale, low value, low sense of valuable contributions to the team”.“Extremely upset. Hurt, furious, devastated, despairing… the realization that my workplace had a very narrow idea of the “right” response so entirely out of line with my own made this significantly worse”.“It teaches that contraception, abortion, and medical assistance in dying are not permissible. These ideas run completely counter to the prevailing ethos of Canadian society… The only action is to live with my emotional reaction…and carry on archiving regardless”.Emotional climate of an organization addresses the collective mood of organizational members and how they feel about each other their leaders , to pervading emotional states (such as depression), or characterological traits . Katherine Miller and colleagues .lleagues .Level 2—Emotional Exchanges in the Workplace—focuses on emotional exchanges with others in the organization, primarily co-workers. This level is distinct from the discussions of team and leadership interactions because interactions are based on informal relationships rather than formal roles. Vincent Waldron suggested  the cumulative effects of the other four levels reflecting various affective interactions throughout the organization and (2) overall policies reflecting values and expectations ; team and leader interactions including group tasks and leader behaviour; and organizational policies, climate, resources and demands. We would suggest that this broader set of interactional factors forms the foundation on which traumatic and other troubling events are encountered. Future research must consider the nature of archival organization and interactions within it that contribute to the overall working experience. In addition, given the critical influence played by organizational environments, archival organizations need to take responsibility for creating a culture that demonstrates respect and appreciation for workers, acknowledges the interpersonal challenges of the work, and provides supports for archivists who are shouldering the challenges.


Mobile health  technology could be used in different ways to treat various speech and language disorders. The attitude of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) towards this technology and their willingness to use it can play a significant role in the success of the therapies they provide. This study was conducted to investigate the willingness and attitude of SLPs towards the use of mHealth technology.This cross-sectional study was conducted from September 2021 to April 2022 in Iran. A researcher-made questionnaire consisting of three parts  was designed based on the past studies, and then given to all SLPs throughout Iran. Data were analyzed by SPSS software, using descriptive and inferential statistics . Also, the SLPs’ willingness to use the desired technology was interpreted as a percentage as follows: 0–20% = not at all willing, 21–40% = slightly willing, 41–60% = moderately willing, 61–80% = highly willing, and above 80% = extremely willing.One hundred sixty speech-language pathologists from all over Iran participated in this study. The results showed that the willingness of 65.25% of SLPs to use the mentioned technology was at a good level, and according to the mentioned category, they had a high willingness to use this technology. In regard to the attitude of SLPs, the findings showed that SLPs believed that patients receive a higher quality of care during in-person visits than through mHealth technology. Also, this survey showed that SLPs were more inclined to use this technology to answer patients’ questions. Non-payment of services provided through mHealth technology and privacy concerns were the reasons for the lack of use of this technology by SLPs.SLPs are willing to use mHealth technology after solving the related challenges, including payment of costs and privacy concerns. However, SLPs believed that this technology will not be a suitable alternative to face-to-face sessions. Health care systems highly depend on healthcare workers to provide care to patients. In many low- and middle-income countries, health care systems are severely understaffed or inequitably distributed to provide effective health care and promotion . It is eMobile health technology can help solve the problems of staff shortages and the lack of patient access to health care services by establishing communication between health care providers and patients. Mobile health, also called mHealth, is a technology that uses telecommunication devices such as personal digital assistants, smartphones, laptops, and so on to provide health care and information.In recent years, mHealth technology has been used for various purposes, which include (1) improving access to health services, (2) adherence to treatment, 3) management of chronic diseases, (4) education, monitoring, and communication with patient, and (5) reduction in burden of diseases caused by poverty  manageme. A studyMobile health, an emerging mobile communication and network technology, has been able to provide health services to anyone, anywhere, and at any time by overcoming existing geographical, organizational and time barriers . The adoOne of the areas in which mobile health technology can be used is language and speech disorders. This technology has had many applications in this field and has been used for different purposes. These tools have been used to diagnose speech-language disorders, as an auxiliary tool in the treatment process, and to send educational messages to the families of these patients –12. AlsoThis analytical study was conducted between September 2021 and April 2022.Speech therapy major in Iran includes three degrees: bachelor’s (BSc), master’s (MSc) and doctorate (PhD). The duration of a bachelor’s, master’s, and PhD degrees are 4, 2–3 and 4–5 years, respectively. High school graduates who can successfully pass the National University Entrance Examination can study for a bachelor’s degree in this field. The curriculum of the 4-year bachelor’s degree includes theoretical courses and clinical practice related to the all of the speech, language and swallowing disorder categories. The graduated BSc students, are certified by their universities and the Ministry of Health to do clinical practice. In Iran the BSc Speech therapy graduates can work as a clinician to evaluate and treat all patients with different speech, language, and swallowing disorders in private clinics, hospitals and university clinics, special needs schools and welfare organization. In the MSc and PhD, in addition to passing theoretical courses and clinical practice, students also carry out research projects related to their interested fields.Speech-language pathologists from all over Iran participated in this study. The frequency distribution of respondents’ characteristics is displayed in Table In order to collect data, a researcher-made questionnaire Tables  and 3 waIn order to collect information, we provided the questionnaire to the SLPs participating in the study. The questionnaire was designed electronically in Porsline, and its link was sent via email to SLPs. Also, the questionnaire’s link was provided to the SLPs through social networks such as Telegram and WhatsApp, and they were asked to complete the questionnaire if they wished to do so. During the 8 months that the data collecting was carried out, the SLPs were given the option of completing the questionnaire.In order to analyze the data and calculate the mean score for each question, the 5-point Likert scale was set as follow: Strongly agree = 4, agree = 3, neutral = 2, disagree = 1, and strongly disagree = 0. Based on this scoring, the mean score was calculated for each question. Descriptive statistics (frequency and mean) and inferential statistics  were performed through IBM SPSS software. Also, the willingness to use mHealth was interpreted as following percentages: 0–20% indicating not at all willing, 21–40% indicating slightly willing, 41–60% indicating moderately willing, 61–80% showing highly willing, and above 80% indicating extremely willing .A total of 160 questionnaires were completed by speech-language pathologists. There were no missing data in the completed questionnaires; in the design of the electronic questionnaire, it was necessary to answer all questions.The mean score and frequency distribution of attitude questions are shown in Table Table Table According to Fisher’s exact test, there was no significant difference between having or not having a smartphone and the type of smartphone with “the use of mHealth technologies” (P = 0.444). No significant relationship was also observed between “heard about mHealth?“ and the “use of mHealth technologies” (P = 0.113). There was no significant difference between the workplace and the “use of mHealth technologies” (P = 0.255). The agreement rate for the “use of mHealth technologies” was 88.5% for the private clinic, 94.3% for speech therapy clinics under university supervision, 79.1% for speech therapy clinics of welfare organizations, special needs schools, and other organizations, and 74.2% for SLPs who work in more than one organization.Finally, according to Fisher’s exact test, there was significant difference between the “age range of SLPs’ patient caseloads” with the “use of mHealth technologies” (P < 0.001). However, no significant relationship was observed between “diagnostic categories of SLPs’ patients” and the “use of mHealth technologies” (P = 0.209).The analysis of variance test was used to compare the mean scores between the variables of age, work experience and the “use of mobile health technologies”. According to the results of this test, there was no significant relationship between SLPs’ age and “the use of m-health technologies” (P = 0.993), and between years of work experience and “use of m-health technologies” (P = 0.993).This study was conducted to determine the willingness and attitudes of speech-language pathologists towards the use of mHealth technology. One hundred sixty researcher-made questionnaires were completed and analyzed. The results showed that 65.25% of SLPs were willing to use the mentioned technology. After examining the attitude of SLPs towards the use of mHealth technology, we found that the quality of services provided through in-person visits and mHealth technology is not the same according the respondents. They also indicated that privacy concerns could be a cause to prevent SLPs from using this technology. Also, this survey showed that SLPs were more inclined to use this technology to answer patients’ questions. They also declared that the acceptance of this technology by patients could lead to an increase in their willingness to use it. Regards to the purpose of SLPs using mHealth technology, most of the SLPs asserted its applicability to diagnose, assess, and treat people with speech and language disorders.The results of this study revealed that the SLPs’ willingness to use mHealth technology was about 65%. In a study, Alazzam and colleagues  investigAmong the factors that led to the reduction of SLPs’ willingness to use mobile health technology, the most important was the concern about the free of charge nature of services provided by this technology or paying less than in-person visits. In Iran, the patient pays all the costs of speech therapy services, and these costs are not reimbursed by insurance companies. Considering that the provision of speech therapy services by mobile health technology is not common in this country, most patients are not familiar with this technology and are not sure of its effectiveness. As a result, many patients resist paying these fees before ensuring its effectiveness or are willing to pay a much lower fee than in-person sessions. Also, the payment methods and channels for the services provided by this technology are not clear in Iran. Therefore, according to the reasons mentioned above, several issues can cause concern among health care providers about the cost of services, which include an unclear method of payment for the services provided in this way, a lack of specific policy guidelines to pay for the services in this way, and problems related to the non-inclusion of these services in insurance coverage. Therefore, health organizations and insurers should provide clear guidelines for payment and reimbursement costs, so that healthcare providers can provide health services through mHealth technology with more certainty.On the other hand, the willingness of patients to pay for these services should also be considered. A study in this field concluded that patients are willing to pay if the mHealth technology is beneficial for them and improves their health .This study showed that 53.75% of SLPs indicated that the effectiveness of services provided through mHealth technology is not equal to in-person consultations and cannot be a substitute for to in-person visits. SLPs indicated they tend to restrict the use of mHealth technology to answering patients’ questions. In recent years, mHealth technology has become a communication tool between physicians and patients and has led to the exchange of information between them . DigitalAnother concern of SLPs regarding the use of mHealth was protecting patients’ privacy while using this technology. Due to the sensitivity of health data, this point has always been raised in the health field. In the review studies that have been carried out in this regard, different suggestions have been presented in order to protect privacy, including analysis of the destination, analysis of the content of communications, use of remote storage, protection of systems and information, authentication, access control, individual participation, and privacy authorization , 24.This study showed that the willingness to use mHealth technology among SLPs was high. These specialists were more inclined to use mHealth technology as an addition to, but not as a replacement for, face-to-face consultations. The use of mHealth technology in this field faces many challenges, including safeguarding patients’ privacy and the need to create clear policy guidelines for payment processes that should be resolved by mHealth technology developers and the Ministry of Health. It is recommended that the developers of mHealth technology involve SLPs in all stages of development and use their views in the analysis stage and the development of mHealth applications should be based on a safe platform. Also, it is recommended that future studies investigate organization-level factors that can influence the willingness of SLPs.


The complex concept of food sustainability has become crucial in all spheres of life. Dietitians, food scientists, and technologists are in a unique position to promote sustainability in food systems. However, the perceptions of food sustainability among food science professionals and college students are under-researched, particularly in Spain. The aim of this study was therefore to analyze perceptions related to food and to food sustainability in a sample of Human Nutrition and Dietetics (HND) and Food Science and Technology (FST) students in Barcelona (Spain). An exploratory and descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out using qualitative and quantitative methodology and convenience sampling. Two focus groups and an online questionnaire were conducted . Although the students expressed concern about food sustainability, their dietary choices were primarily associated with or influenced by taste/pleasure and health/nutrition. The issue of sustainability seemed more internalized by women than men, whereas the generalized conception of a sustainable diet was essentially based on environmental aspects, with socioeconomic dimensions largely overlooked. The concept of sustainability should be promoted among food science students in all its multidimensionality, and actions need to be implemented that bring sustainability closer to students’ social practices, which should be incorporated into all university education and that is taught by professors duly trained in the subject. Sustainable diets are protective and respectful of biodiversity and ecosystems, culturally acceptable, accessible, economically fair and affordable; nutritionally adequate, safe and healthy; while optimizing natural and human resources” . In other words, that’s why I’m not very strict, because I understand that maybe [eating] a small amount of meat won’t change the current situation of the meat industry. But it’s true that I limit it a lot and I try to make those around me aware of the carbon footprint of meat consumption”.No statistical differences were found in the self-perception of dietary practices according to degree year. However, among the advanced HND students, the tendency to describe their diet as “ecological and natural”, “pleasant and convivial”, or “gourmet” was lower compared to first-year students, while agreement with “light” as a descriptor increased. Among the advanced FST students, there was a decline in the choice of “pleasant and convivial”, and “responsible and socially committed”.p = 0.004) and “vegetarian/vegan”   .Regarding the aspects that most influenced food choices, “pleasure and taste” and “nutritional composition” were the most important . Taste a“I think I’m a mixture of everything because I’m influenced by the taste something has. Obviously, [I’m aware of] the impact it’s going to have on the environment, but I’m also very much a person who takes whatever happens to be in the fridge, especially as I live with my parents. And as my grandparents were farmers, they have a garden and we have a lot of products from my grandparents’ garden, so I eat a lot of what’s in season … so I think the factor that most determines what I eat is whether it’s in season or not”.“I’m trying to cut down on calories a little, I try not to eat too many carbohydrates and I also try to eat as little processed food as possible (…) this seems obvious to me, for health reasons”. “Ecology, environment and animal welfare” was the third selected aspect, but with much less frequency. However, according to some participants in the focus groups, food and the quality of food may also be chosen with the aim of reducing the environmental impact. Several strategies may be implemented, considering the type of food , the season, the type of production , and its origin, mainly if it is local: “I try not to eat genetically modified food, I make sure it’s organic, or at least that there are no genetically modified organisms or excessive pesticides, herbicides, that it’s not agribusiness”.“I try to have a little bit of sustainable food. I also try to look at where everything comes from”“I try not to consume [genetically modified organisms], and I go to markets and look for local products”p = 0.011). Additionally, the time of availability gained more influence (1.1% in 1st year and 11.6% in 4th year) . Similar trends were found among the FST students, for whom nutritional composition became more important in later years .Pleasure and taste preferences were the most important aspects when choosing food for the first-year HND students, while nutritional composition became more important in later years. Furthermore, a statistical difference was observed for “state of mind”: 4.3% of the first-year students chose this option, but it was irrelevant in the decisions of the second-, third-, and fourth-year students . Those of least concern were fattening (23.0%), genetically modified products (25.3%), and additives  (32.0%), the latter being statistically higher among the HND students  , food waste (77.7%), and fish contamination (74.0%), the latter being statistically higher among the FST students  . p = 0.004), hygienic conditions at home , contamination by bacteria , concentration of pollutants such as mercury and dioxins , mad cow disease (BSE) , animal cloning , and allergic reactions . Conversely, the HND students showed statistically higher levels of concern for obesity .Additionally, compared to the HND students, the FST students showed statistically higher levels of concern for hygienic conditions outside of home . Concern about additives used in food or beverages also decreased: 57.5% of the first-year students were worried or very worried, compared to only 18.6% from the fourth year . Similarities were observed between the HND and FST students, but the trends in the latter were less linear. It is notable that the issue of additives was frequently mentioned by students in the focus groups, especially by the FST students, who described becoming less concerned after beginning their academic training:The analysis revealed a decreasing level of concern in the more advanced students of the HND degree for most of the aspects and a transformation in concerns, although only two differences were significant. There was a reduction in concern about the concentration of pollutants: in the first year, 74.5% of the students were worried or very worried, as opposed to 41.9% of the fourth-year students .“Before I started the degree, I regarded it as something more negative, and [now] I understand that it’s very regulated, that we have a lot of food legislation and we know that in the European Union, EFSA is regulating it”.p < 0.001), followed by food waste (77.5%) and animal welfare (75.1%), also statistically higher , and chronic non-communicable diseases (75.1%). In the case of animal welfare, the results corroborated the data obtained in the focus groups. The main issue of concern for men was food waste (77.6%), followed by contamination by bacteria, the concentration of contaminants such as mercury and dioxins, contamination in fish , and unhygienic conditions at home (65.5%). Statistical differences, always with higher indices for women, were also found for hygienic conditions outside home   and animal cloning .Women showed higher levels of concern for almost all aspects analyzed . Their mThe three most important aspects for a diet to achieve sustainability were judged to be, in order of importance, not wasting food, consuming Km0 or local products, and consuming fresh and seasonal products. Most of the other elements were chosen by less than 5% of the students of either degree . Using bp < 0.001), while this aspect almost disappeared among the second-, third-, and fourth-year students (<0.5%). Additionally, there was an increase in the importance attached to “not wasting food”  among the more advanced students. No significant differences were observed between the years in the FST students.In the HND degree, statistically significant differences were found in the conceptions of a sustainable diet among students of different years. New students attributed more importance to consuming organic products  that generate certain perceptions and concerns regarding food ,60. The The second most important aspect of a sustainable diet was judged to be “consuming Km0 or local products”. In different cultural contexts, including Spain, local products are being increasingly valued, and are associated with trust, good quality, and health ,26. The Finally, the third most important aspect associated with a sustainable diet was “consuming fresh and seasonal products”. As pointed out by other studies, these two characteristics may also be associated with the valuation of proximity and natural and artisanal products, as opposed to what is perceived as industrialized, transformed, chemical, toxic, and coming from a distant and unknown territory ,26. FoodGender analysis revealed that the topic of food sustainability may be more internalized by women than by men. Female participants were statistically more likely to describe their diet as vegetarian/vegan and they had a greater tendency to regard their dietary practice as responsible and socially committed or ecological and natural. The analysis of the aspects influencing food choices also showed that “ecology, environment, and animal welfare” was more important for women than men. In the analysis of food-related concerns, women expressed higher levels of concern for most of the proposed elements, including those directly associated with sustainability.In almost all the questions in the questionnaire and in the focus group discussions, women were more appreciative of vegetarian diets and concerned about animal welfare, in agreement with other studies that report a higher prevalence of vegetarianism in the female collective . In SpaiThis differential attitude between female and male participants may be related to historically constructed gender roles. From childhood, through the socialization process, men, and women incorporate different norms, values, and roles that shape their female and male identities, as well as their actions in society . EmpathyDespite the relevance of this work, especially in Spain, some methodological limitations should be emphasized. First, this study was carried out with students from a single academic institution in the Barcelona region, so it would be of interest to expand the sample to include other institutions and geographical contexts. Likewise, the convenience sampling of the research may entail a risk of bias because the participants may share a certain profile or interests related to the topic. Also, the qualitative phase of the study was based only on two focus groups, and more in-depth data could have been obtained with semi-structured interviews.The authors should discuss the results and how they can be interpreted from the perspective of previous studies and of the working hypotheses. The findings and their implications should be discussed in the broadest context possible. Future research directions may also be highlighted.This is the first study to analyze perceptions related to food sustainability among college students in the field of food science in Spain. Understanding social perceptions among this group is crucial to produce knowledge that can be applied to improve their academic training, to foster a critical perspective of the food system, and to promote sustainability. Although the students expressed concern about sustainability-related issues, at least in their conceptions, their eating practices were mainly associated with or influenced by taste/pleasure, health, and nutrition. Gender differences were identified, showing that the topic of food sustainability may be more internalized by women than men. Regarding the question of what constitutes a sustainable diet, the generalized view of the student population, regardless of the degree studied or gender, was that sustainability is primarily associated with environmental aspects , with social and economic dimensions occupying a minor role. Awareness of food sustainability issues was not significantly higher among the more advanced students compared to those in the 1st year, indicating their perceptions had not been changed by training. Therefore, as academic background influences professional practices, there is a need to promote the concept of sustainability in all its complexity and multidimensionality among food science students. This lack of holistic conceptualization also calls for the development of actions that bring sustainability closer to the social practices of students. Academic training is a privileged space for the implementation of strategies that pursue these objectives. Given that many of the students are likely to find employment in different sectors of the food system, food sustainability should be discussed during their training in a more holistic, transdisciplinary, and intersectoral way. To adequately address food sustainability in university curricula, the teaching staff also require continuous training ,23. Addi


Alongside declarations against racism, the nursing profession in Canada needs examination of experiences of racism within its ranks. Racism at multiple levels can create a context wherein racialized nurses experience barriers and ongoing marginalization.This critical interpretive qualitative study asks how interpersonal, institutional, and structural racisms intersect in the professional experiences of racialized nurses in Canada, and how nurses respond.Self-identified racialized nurses (n = 13) from across Canada were recruited primarily through snowball sampling, and each was interviewed by phone or in person. Once transcribed, interviews were analyzed inductively, which led to the levels of racism as a guiding framework.From entry to nursing education throughout their careers participants experienced racism from instructors, patients, colleagues and managers. Interpersonal racism included comments and actions from patients, but more significantly lack of support from colleagues and managers, and sometimes overt exclusion. Institutional racism included extra scrutiny, heavier workloads, and absence in leadership roles. Structural racism included prevalent assumptions of incompetence, which were countered through extra work, invisibility and hyper-visibility, and expectations of assimilation. Racialized nurses were left to choose among silence, resisting , assimilation and/or bolstering their credibility through education or extra work. Building community was a key survival strategy.Everyone in nursing needs to challenge the culture of silence regarding racism. White nurses in particular need to welcome discomfort, listen and learn about racism, then speak out to help disrupt its normative status. The most damaging feeling is an unrelenting message that I don't belong. I am not white, and as such, I am asked incessantly to explain my brown skin. The questions range from shocking to snide. I am asked where I am from, where I graduated, if I know that Muslim person in town, why my English is “perfect,” whether I speak Hindu, what I think about honour killings, where I do yoga, whether I plan to stay in Canada, and the best Indian restaurants, stores, cookbooks, movies, and vacations. The truth is that it doesn't matter whether people mean well. The effect is that I am repeatedly made aware that my position both as a physician and a Canadian is tenuous at best. (p. 596)Reflecting on racism in Canadian health professions, This depiction captures the way everyday interpersonal interactions can embody systemic racism, the way structures of white supremacy, or institutionalized whiteness, are instantiated in relentless ‘innocuous’ verbal assaults known as ‘microaggressions’ . It captwithin the profession is given only passing mention. As Roger Kline (2020) argued in the context of the UK's National Health Service, “Strong statements on racism are helpful. But in 2020 anything less than decisive practical action is unforgivable.” With an action orientation, around the same time a Black Nurses Task Force was formed by the Registered Nurses Association of Ontario to tackle anti-Black racism within the profession (https://rnao.ca/content/rnaos-black-nurses-task-force), and a group entitled the Canadian Black Nurses Alliance was formed to challenge racism within and provide peer support . Their framework is particularly helpful in its attention to micro, meso and macro levels, and the important interconnections across levels. At the micro level, interpersonal racism concerns interactions between individuals, the everyday looks, jokes, questions and comments, as well as the prejudices, discrimination and even violence that occur routinely . It inclAt the meso level, institutional racism involves (re)producing racism through the practices, policies, and procedures of organizational operations . Institutional features like standards, rules, expectations and operating processes are ostensibly race-neutral, yet systematically advantage white people while excluding or disadvantaging people of color . InstituAt the macro level, structural racism refers to patterned social arrangements that result in inequitable access to and advantage from the financial, material, political, symbolic and social resources of a society . While some position cultural and ideological racism as distinct forms of racism, in this framework structural racism includes cultural and ideological dimensions, which support and justify inequities. For example, values like ‘meritocracy,’ achieving on the basis of individual merit with no socially-structured advantage, are foundational to structural racism in Canada. Beliefs about what counts as expertise or authority are shaped by and in turn perpetuate structural racism, establishing white ways of knowing and doing as legitimate and authoritative while systematically silencing and delegitimizing other knowledges and values . Structustatus quo of institutions and social arrangements in Canada.In short, racism is not about random acts by lone individuals, it is built into ostensibly ‘neutral’ institutions and social structures , manifesAs a profession, nursing is not immune to systemic racism. Resistance to the authority of racialized nurses in leadership roles  is form Institutionalized racism also plays out through workload allocation, with racialized nurses disproportionately relegated to the ‘heaviest’ units, such as acute and chronic care, while relatively absent in specialty units . They maThe extra work required of racialized nurses  is coupled with extra emotional labor, work required “to remain and succeed in white institutions” , p. 145.Finally, structural racism intersects with interpersonal and institutional racism by supplying the beliefs and prejudices, the assumptions built into routine practices, and the justifications for racial inequities as being about anything other than racism. Whiteness pervades nursing, starting in education, where curricula are decidedly Eurocentric . It extewithin the profession, contributing to an epistemic disruption of the dominant discourse of a caring profession  who self-identify as disabled, working class origin, racialized, ethnic minority, and/or minority sexual/gender identity. It does not include the experiences of Indigenous professionals, which will be a second phase of the research. The study was approved by three university research ethics boards.Nurses with at least five years Canadian practice experience were recruited through team members’ professional networks, snowballing, and dissemination of recruitment information through professional newsletters. Those who responded were emailed consent information, eligibility was confirmed, and in-person or telephone interviews (60–90 min) were scheduled, typically outside of work hours. From the interviews conducted with 49 participants  across Canada, this analysis draws on transcripts solely from the 13 nurses who self-identified as racialized.The study was grounded in critical phenomenology, in the sense that it focused on the taken-for-granted aspects of everyday life, with a critical attention to power relations that structure lived experience . After dIterative analysis moved between compiling coded data (quotations) and re-reading full transcripts, for within-case and cross-case analyses. Analysis moved from data to theory and back again, focusing on codes such as microaggressions, overt hostility, belonging, and coping strategies. Data analysis and team discussions identified the conceptual framework above as best-suited to the data, providing an overarching thematic structure. Quotations were organized and reorganized as sub-themes emerged, then ‘cleaned’ by removing false starts and filler words like ‘um.’We chose not to use pseudonyms to avoid the violation of mis-naming and to enhance confidentiality, and we report demographics at fairly high levels of abstraction  to reducDrawing on our previous experience in research with marginalized professionals, we did not employ member-checking, in order to reduce participant burden. Members of our team all identify with the groups included in the study, which enabled us to test for ‘resonance’ of the emerging analyses. From conceptualization of the study, through interviewing, to data analysis and writing the research was informed by lived experience. We employed collective reflexive analysis, challenging and building on emerging interpretations through weekly meetings, and discussions . For rigAll of the 13 participants but one identified as women, and all but two practiced in urban areas, ranging from small to large cities. Participants were primarily African heritage, including both migrants and African Canadians, but also Southeast Asian and South Asian . Types oAll participants had experienced direct interpersonal racism involving patients, colleagues, and managers. Overt racist slurs from patients were common among the African-heritage participants. For example, “The first thing they’ll say, ‘Oh, you Black this’ or ‘You Black that’ or the ‘N’ word or, you know?” One participant explicitly stated that nurses are trained to simply walk away from such situations. One African-heritage participant described an incident where a patient called her racist names like ‘baboon’ and ‘jigaboo’; it escalated into a physical incident. Another participant had patients grab her hijab, trying to pull it off. More indirectly, one participant noted that while she did not think she faced overt racism from patients – apart from her credibility being undermined by her accent – she routinely saw nursing students from her racialized group in tears because of hostile patient comments and patients doubting their competence.There was a scuffle and I was calling for help. And nobody wanted to come in… This room was directly outside the nursing station and when I went in there, there was all kinds of people sitting around the nursing station. When I came out, there was nobody there. Everybody had just left and gone elsewhere so they didn't have to help.Where interpersonal and institutional racism intersect is in the (lack of) response from colleagues and managers to overtly racist incidents. For example, in the instance above where name-calling became a physical altercation, the participant noted that none of her colleagues or management helped; in fact they vanished:When she reported the incident to her supervisor, the response was, “Well it looks like we are just going to have to do something about your colour.”Another way institutional racism was actualized through interpersonal actions was in workload assignments and (lack of) coworker support. Several participants spoke of above average workloads, and being assigned the most complex patient care. For example, one African-heritage nurse reported, “I would always get the acutely sick patients. I would get the complicated patients. I would get the Black patients. I would get the disgruntled patients, all the difficult patients.” In addition to complex caseloads, some found coworkers unwilling to help: “I worked on a floor where they would give you the heaviest load to begin with, so they give you the heaviest patients, and then they don't want to help you.” More than one person noted that when she asked for assistance, it was not forthcoming, a subtle but particularly effective form of ostracism. At the same time, some participants were asked by superiors to do inappropriate tasks and felt unable to resist, “scared of reprimand.” For example, some were routinely asked to translate for patients from other ethno-linguistic groups.Another form of interpersonal racism was exclusion from or in social interactions, such as colleagues taking breaks without them, or celebrating the accomplishments of white nurses while ignoring racialized nurses who shared in the work. Some colleagues were overtly racist: “There was one of the nurses who was openly racist. She would mock the new nurses, the immigrants.” Sometimes derogatory comments and mocking intensified when participants began to move upward in their careers: “When I started my Masters, that's when I realized that the hostility was really a thing.”Participants described experiences of institutional racism at all levels of career progression. For some it started even before entering the profession, as racism appeared to influence what supports were available to even identity nursing as a potential field of study. For example, one participant said school guidance counselors offered no support; though she was certain she wanted to become a nurse, she had no idea how to make that happen. Another participant noted the challenges of entering nursing as a first-generation Canadian whose family had no financial resources to support advanced education, since her parents’ professional credentials were not recognized in Canada. She maintained paid employment throughout nursing school.The preceptor that I had at the time would always give me more [work]. Like, she would always want to basically see if I can swim. So pile on all the work, and see If I would be able to swim. And if I drown, if I would call her – you understand? And I realized that it's a tactic that they use, mainly with Black nurses.Several participants observed that once in nursing school racialized students were treated more harshly by instructors. One reported Black students were “targeted” by a professor who grilled them relentlessly: “Just put me in a room and question me and question me nonstop about something, and another thing, and the same thing over and over again.” Others reported similar challenges with clinical instructors:Another Black nurse suggested clinical education is doubly challenging with an instructor who “feels as if you are not going to make a good nurse, because of the color of your skin or whatever.”Especially in big cities like [this], you will find a majority of frontline nurses are coming from ethnic backgrounds, from racial minorities. But when you look at the management, and the layers of management, you will find that their representation is even less than scant. I wouldn't even use the term scant for that. So, extremely rare … in those management positions.Once in the profession, many participants found they were the only racialized nurse in their workplace, perpetuating institutionalized whiteness, the sense that white ways of doing things are natural and inevitable. Participants reported a lack of racialization at all levels of management. For example, one participant stated, “There is a lot of Black people… who are highly educated, but when the promotions come, very, very few– I don't think we even have a Black manager in nursing. No, I have never seen one.” This was echoed by another participant who noted that in large multicultural cities most frontline nurses are racialized, but this disappears moving up the hierarchy:The ability to move up is where I’ve experienced… a lot of hurdles… On multiple occasions I’ve been told ‘it will never be you’. It's hard to know whether that was personal, or whether that was because I was an ethnic minority.Two participants described unsuccessfully applying for management positions while white colleagues with fewer credentials got promotions. One person was uncertain whether she was denied promotion due to her race, or due to wearing hijab. Across types of workplaces, participants spoke of roadblocks to career progression.One South Asian participant remarked on the need to create opportunities for oneself, “Because no one is going to open that door for you, unless you happen to be [of] a very privileged upbringing or circumstances.”You cannot go unprepared, that's basically what it is. Do not give people a chance to say, ‘Oh, wow, you didn't do this so because of that you’re out.’ So you don't give people a chance for anything. It's only prepare yourself for– especially clinicals because those are very, very subjective.Ideas like ‘create your own opportunities’ are common-place expressions of meritocracy, one of the ideological cornerstones of structural racism. Again, structural racism concerns the socially-patterned ways in which racialized people are subordinated; it is implemented through multiple institutions, and justified through cultural ideas and beliefs. Meritocracy is a key cultural construct, the notion that hard work earns just rewards – therefore lack of reward signifies lack or effort or capability. Some participants argued that they were automatically presumed less-capable, thus had to perform twice as well as others to be considered equally good. Even in school, they had to be extra-prepared, perceiving that they were expected to fail:As another participant said, “I make sure I’m well prepared… They feel like because you’re Black, that is why you don't know this, right? Or, because you’re Black, that is why you didn't do it this way.” Even when unspoken, negative stereotypes and assumptions haunted the educational and work lives of participants. Consequently, many participants thought they embodied a level of professional perfectionism that is not required of others to be considered qualified and capable.The manager there told the girls to write up anything and everything they think I am doing wrong. So I was written up for things like, ‘Oh, you didn't put your initial here’… If I forget anything… I was being written up and after I was being called into the office about everything, and I said, ‘My God, I was a good nurse before!’Particularly when participants were the only racialized persons at their workplaces, they were required to put in extra effort to counteract stereotypes and assumptions regarding the incompetence of racialized nurses. For example, one Black participant reported that if her work was not executed flawlessly, coworkers would escalate the situation immediately to management; meanwhile white coworkers would cover for one another. She thought there was a campaign intended to construct her as incompetent, which she called racist bullying:This nurse realized later she probably should have filed a human rights complaint, “But I did not, (laughs). I didn't know any better, I was so new. I was so naïve.”versus when one white face is missing.Because I am the only person of colour I stand out in ways that are not necessarily positive. So I have to present myself differently. I have to make sure my face is visible at meetings, because when the brown face in the crowd is missing, that's noticeable, Participants spoke of racialized nurses being both highly visible and highly invisible, suggesting the whiteness expected in professional contexts leaves racialized participants unexpected and invalidated as well as hyper-visible. For example, a South Asian participant described hyper-visibility as the only racialized nurse present:At the same time, however, she was often overlooked completely, such as when input was sought from everyone in a meeting except her: “I also feel like I have to work twice as hard as everybody else, in making sure I’m visible.” She described an incident where everyone in the room was asked to introduce themselves except her and one other person of color; she was forced to ask, “Can the brown girls introduce themselves?”Hyper-visibility along with doubts about competence left most participants conscious about how they presented themselves in work contexts, attending to dress and demeanor to bolster professional credibility with colleagues: “I always make sure I’m dressed in a suit, when I’m at work, whereas everyone else can wear jeans.”Nurses are direct with people, like, make eye contact and everything; I was always scared that I’ll never be able to make eye contact. Because in my ethnicity, we don't make eye contact. We don't shake hands or those things… If I start the conversation with, ‘Oh no, I don't shake hands,’ something like that, then people won't be open to me.For participants who were not only racialized, but also from ethnic or cultural minority groups, there was an added element of needing to learn how (whether) to adapt to white, Western cultural norms and expectations implicitly considered superior. Both education and practice assumed familiarity with Eurocentric cultural referents and communication styles. For example, one African-heritage nurse noted that culture-bound expectations had an everyday impact on her work:Similarly, some participants worked diligently at ridding themselves of accents, after it became evident that accented English undermined their professional credibility: “I had to work really hard to not have that accent. Because having that accent… if I sound a certain way, then I must not be as credible. Or I must not be as valuable.” This participant described considerable effort to assimilate, yet went on to say, “My value shouldn't be measured because I look Asian or I sound a certain way.” Another person attributed their professional success to having ‘non-accented’ English.A common response to the ongoing, everyday nature of racism in nursing was to ‘rise above it’: “I’ve just developed a thicker skin and kind of let it roll off my back, even though it hurts a lot. It hurts that your colleagues think so poorly of you.” One participant said, like many racialized nurses she keeps her head down at work regarding racism: “I’ve never approached the person about it, just nowadays with the whole workplace bullying and all this… I would be afraid to approach her and be seen as the aggressor… It might turn into something bigger.” More than one participant mentioned that the person naming racism may be cast as a ‘bully’ if the person responsible for a racist comment or action becomes distressed. This draws on readily available and dismissive stereotypes: “We’re seen as ‘angry Black women.’”Despite this, some participants chose to speak up, resist, refusing to let racism go unchecked: “I’m gonna set them straight. I’m not going to be rude or anything, but I’m also not going to be tolerant of ignorance.” As one person commented, speaking out allowed her to let it go: “The times when I’ve had the courage to speak up, I usually feel better about it. And then I don't go on thinking about it a very long time.”In the context of institutional whiteness, assimilation is expected of racialized nurses, and becomes a survival strategy. As noted earlier, some participants worked hard to change their accents to reduce racism in their daily work. While they cannot change their ethno-racial identities, they could manage stigma by minimizing its impact. Others turned to education to increase their professional credentials, hoping to augment their professional credibility and authority, perhaps opening more employment options.We have some friendships on our unit that are based on the fact, on our colour… Like, a group of the Black nurses, we go out sometimes, and we go and eat or celebrate each other birthdays, baby showers, different things like that. Nothing formal, just like that. And then I belong to a Black nurses’ group on Facebook… It gives us a sense of identity, of belonging, people with similar beliefs. It's nice.Several participants said finding or creating community with other racialized nurses, or colleagues further afield, was a main strategy to cope with everyday racism. Sometimes this was purely social support, sometimes more strategic.One participant worked in a large workplace where people of color made up less than 10% of staff. She described the value of connecting: “A few of us have banded together… and we have quite a bit of conversation between ourselves, about how do we strategize and be strategic about what it is we’re experiencing.” Some brought this approach to mentoring racialized students, aiming to improve future environments. Many suggested that the structural racism that shapes work experiences for racialized nurses needs to be disrupted at the point of recruitment and in nursing education.Clearly our participants’ experiences were shaped not only by racism, but also by their intersecting social locations of gender, class, religion, and so on. Here, we focus on racism, not because the others are irrelevant but because racism deserves concentrated attention. Class advantage – arguably attained through nursing credentials – does not protect against racism. Moreover, while participants embodied other social locations, they spoke almost entirely about the impacts of racism. As Gillborn has argued, racism may hold “personal or autobiographical primacy” wherein it becomes “the dimension of the social world, of our lived reality, that we … foreground in making sense of our experiences” .Undoubtedly not surprising for racialized readers, nurses in this study experienced racism at interpersonal, institutional and structural levels, all intricately connected . The complex interconnections, and the monolithic nature of white supremacy may be daunting for those seeking change. Yet it is not so distant that it is impossible to tackle; it is also part of everyday interactions, practices and policies. These ‘closer-to-hand’ instantiations of systemic power structures can be more immediately amenable to change, if there is political will.Interpersonal racism was perhaps most obvious, fitting with pervasive perceptions in Canada that only aberrant individuals enact racism . Direct Study participants recounted instances of institutionalized racism stretching back to their nursing school years, including those who were recent graduates. This reiterates concerned raised by others . When raThis cultural doubt about capability – an aspect of structural racism – can be mobilized by managers or coworkers, targeting racialized nurses through heightened surveillance and reporting . Again, Racialized nurses may be left to generate effective (or tolerable) responses. In the context of dominant ideologies that cast them as angry, threatening , speakinstatus quo” (p. 122). Sometimes silencing discussion about racism takes the form of demanding more/better/stronger evidence. The silence of racialized nurses reported by participants in this study is a strategy for survival in a hostile professional environment. The silence of white nurses has less justification.While the harms of racism in nursing are borne by racialized nurses, the responsibility for change must not lie (solely) with them. If whiteness is written on the bones of the profession, widespread commitment and action are needed to effect change. Yet white people are uncomfortable speaking about racism, and uncomfortable with that discomfort, sliding quickly into shame, guilt, anxiety, fear, defensiveness and anger . Those aWhite people, are often afraid to speak up regarding racism, afraid of ‘getting it wrong,’ saying the ‘wrong’ thing, or creating tension . PerhapsYet Lorde also wrote of the silences of white dominant-group members, the failures to speak when speech is necessary. She wrote about speaking even when afraid, especially when afraid. She urged us all to ask, “What’s the worst that will happen? Then push yourself a little further than you dare.” And though people may be dismissive, or angry, “the world won’t end.” The difference, of course, is silence can indeed protect white people from the travails of racism. Silence can mean not facing contempt, judgement, anger or challenge. Silence, though, also means complicity with racism. There is no neutral ground.While disrupting the culture of silence in the profession  is critiDeclarations of moral outrage regarding racism are not enough – they serve primarily to re-establish white innocence . StatemeFrom a detailed review of the literature, Recognizing individual changes do not alter institutional and structural racism, others suggest the need for careful scrutiny of institutional hiring and promotion practices, to ensure racialized nurses enter positions of leadership  is a heuristic device that both helps and hinders. It allows us to tease apart multiple levels of racism operating within nursing in Canada, examining their inter-penetrations, but it also suggests neater separations among them than is realistic. Moreover, like all analytic frameworks, it draws attention to some things and away from others. It does not, for example, allow us to explore the complexities of epistemic racism, what counts as knowledge and who counts as a credible knower in a profession dominated by white supremacy.Systemic racism operates through interconnected social patterns of power relations that privilege some and hinder others on the basis of racialization. This qualitative study suggests racialized nurses in Canada experience racism at all levels: interpersonal, institutional and structural. Those levels connect in mutually reinforcing intersections, causing ongoing harm to racialized nurses. Though they employ numerous coping strategies, including resistance, the costs are high. The profession, and particularly white nurses and nurse leaders, have an obligation to develop the skills to recognize and analyze racism at multiple levels, and to enact critical allyship , working