Nurses, as the primary human resource in the fight against COVID-19, encounter several obstacles and concerns. As a result, the current study used a qualitative method to describe the problems and adaptation techniques of nurses caring for COVID-19 patients.The current study used a qualitative conventional content analysis technique with 30 nurses working in COVID-19 wards in Tehran hospitals. Purposive sampling, snowball sampling, and semi-structured interviews were used to get access to participants and gather data. The data was examined using conventional qualitative content analysis and the MAXQDA-18 program. To assess the quality of study findings, Guba and Lincoln’s trustworthiness criteria were fulfilled.The data analysis revealed two main categories and sixteen subcategories: (1) experiences and challenges ; and (2) adaptation strategies for work conditions .Nurses’ working conditions can be improved by providing adequate protective equipment, a suitable work environment, and more social and financial support; paying more attention to nurses’ physical and mental health; and considering appropriate communication mechanisms for nurses to communicate with their families and patients’ families. COVID-19 is a coronavirus-related acute respiratory disease that first appeared in December 2019 in Wuhan, China . AlthougTherefore, healthcare professionals  perform the most crucial role in treating patients when there is an emergence of infectious diseases, and therefore, their health or even lives are threatened. In other words, healthcare personnel, particularly nurses, are at the forefront of all efforts to prevent pandemics. In other words, healthcare personnel, particularly nurses, are at the vanguard of all efforts to avert pandemics . During The health condition of healthcare professionals, particularly nurses, who serve as the primary human resource in the defense against this disease, was jeopardized, resulting in the deaths of many of them . In ChinHealthcare professionals are a vital resource for any country. However, their health and safety are important not only for the safe and continued treatment of patients, but also for the containment of any disease outbreaks that might happen. On the other hand, in order to effectively support healthcare providers and nurses and provide a safe environment for them to perform their job duties during critical periods, particularly the COVID-19 outbreak, it is critical to gain new insights by recognizing their experiences and challenges in work environments, as well as their strategies for adapting to this situation. This will be possible through a qualitative approach, and while qualitative research has been conducted around the world to examine the experiences and challenges of health staff and nurses in relation to COVID-19, no study that investigated these experiences from a qualitative perspective has been found in Iran. Qualitative research is ideal for gaining more in-depth information on different situations (such as the situation of nurses during COVID-19), and the data acquired is based on the participant’s views and experiences. This issue contributes significantly to a better understanding of the phenomena under study. Therefore, the current study used a qualitative method to describe the problems and adaptation techniques of nurses caring for COVID-19 patients.This research was performed in Tehran, Iran, using a conventional qualitative content analysis method. The researchers employed this research method since the goal of this study is to understand the phenomenon rather than anticipate it and the subject of the study is complicated. In the conventional content analysis, the categories are derived concurrently with the content analysis of the interview text. Through this method, the researcher acquires a better grasp of the desired phenomena. Another benefit of this type of content analysis is that the data is gathered in a simple and clear way, without the need for a predefined category or theory .The study included nurses who worked in COVID-19 wards at Milad, Haft Tir, Yaftabad, Lolagar, Imam Khomeini, and Masih Daneshvari hospitals in Tehran. The nurses who took part in this study worked on the COVID-19 ward, had a bachelor’s or master’s degree, were in good physical health, and were eager to participate. Furthermore, at the time of the interview, they had not been diagnosed with COVID-19 by a physician. Nurses in other wards of the hospital, on the other hand, were either hesitant to be interviewed and participate in the study, or had been diagnosed with COVID-19 and were therefore disqualified from the study. Purposive sampling was utilized initially, followed by snowball sampling, in this investigation. The researcher initially obtained the contact information and addresses of five nurses who worked in the COVID-19 ward through hospital friends, and the remainder of the participants were introduced by these nurses. The researcher talked to the participants on the phone about the purpose of the research and how it was going to be done, and then asked them for the time and place of the interview.From April 1 to May 4, 2020, data was gathered using semi-structured interviews. The majority of the interviews (20 cases) were performed in person, with the remainder completed over the phone in Persian. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in order to first gain the participant’s trust so that he/she could supply us with better and more comprehensive information, and second, so that the researcher could better comprehend and code the data. The first author of the study, who is a doctor of health education and health promotion and a qualitative research specialist, conducted the majority of the interviews (21 cases). When scheduling the time and location of the interview, the researcher told the female nurses that they could interview the female researcher if they wanted, and only five of them said they wanted to be the female researcher. When female nurses preferred a female interviewer, a qualified researcher with experience in qualitative research was employed. The participants choose the location of the interview. This implies that the location of the interview was questioned after the initial arrangement. Some participants responded that they would like to be interviewed outside of work, while others said they would prefer to be questioned at work. In certain circumstances, individuals would rather be questioned during a break or after working at home. These interviews were held at a time and location when only the participant was present. The nursing department was allowed access to the hospital, but the participants were not chosen by them.To ensure a comfortable atmosphere, the researcher offered a brief summary of his or her personal and educational background at the start of the interview, then emphasized the importance of the research and how to conduct and report it. Following the receipt of signed consent, the research proceeded with a few demographic questions. The interview questions Table  were creThe participants were asked all of the guiding questions. The sequence of the questions was not the same for all of them, and it altered in some cases based on the responses of the participants. Notes were collected as needed during the interviews. The goal of taking notes was to assist in recalling some of the participants’ thoughts, sentiments, and moods for analysis and reporting. It also aids comprehension of the concepts and outcomes. In reality, because qualitative research is done over time, there are a few things and concepts that should be kept in mind.The average length of an interview was 50 minutes. The interview times were set at 40 and 70 minutes, respectively. Data collection was done with the help of 30 nurses and the theoretical saturation criteria, which is the primary sampling criterion in qualitative research. Indeed, when no new interviews added a new notion to the inquiry, the researchers realized they had reached theoretical saturation , 19. SinThe data was managed using the MAXQDA-2018 program. The first and second authors of the essay analyzed the data. It should be mentioned that the data analysis procedure was communicated to all researchers, and the categories and subcategories were designated after synthesizing all of their perspectives. For data analysis, the Graneheim and Lundman approach, which consists of five phases, was used . In the To adhere to ethical issues, the first step was to speak with two expert physicians working in the field of COVID-19 to ensure that the interviews were done in a way that presented no risk to the health of the participant or the researcher. Hence, all health conditions were noticed during the interview procedure. During the interview, health precautions were followed, which included keeping a distance of 2 m between the researcher and the participants. Participants and researchers also wore masks and gloves and disinfected the area with alcohol. Some interviews were also conducted at nurses’ homes or in remote parts of the hospital that were available to the public. All participants signed the study’s informed consent form. In situations where telephone interviews were conducted, the permission form was provided to the participant, who signed it after reading and verifying it and sending a copy to the researchers. In face-to-face interviews, the form was signed by the participant before the interview began. Participants were informed that their names and identities would not be revealed in the results. They were also informed that they were under no obligation to participate in the study and might opt out of the interview at any moment. All interviews were taped with the participants’ permission.To ensure the data’s integrity and reliability, Guba and Lincoln’s criteria  were fulTable The emergence of COVID-19 in Iran, as well as the hospitalization of its victims, has impacted the personal and professional lives of nurses, the most crucial medical workers in the COVID-19 fight. A lack of protective equipment, high work pressure, marginalized physical health, problems with protective equipment use, being excluded from work, a lack of a supportive work environment, problems with patients, psychological problems, fear, marginalized personal and family life, and the challenge of communicating with the families of the patients were all present.“We didn't have PPE from the start. We had to make contact with people who were suspected of having COVID-19 without PPE on several occasions. The situation has improved recently, but we still need to make significant savings from time to time.” (p. 4)“Two pairs of gloves a day was insufficient for us.” (p. 6)“At first, when there was a scarcity, they provided us with a plain mask that was of extremely poor quality. (p. 11)“In the beginning, we had few hygiene supplies, we had to save a lot of money, and our lives were at risk.” (p. 3)In reality, nurses were in the vanguard of the fight against COVID-19, and for this mission to be successful, they needed to have decent working conditions at the outset. However, because of a lack of protective equipment, their working circumstances were hazardous, and the COVID-19 may have been caught at any time.One of the most serious issues that nurses had when dealing with COVID-19 illness was a shortage of protective equipment such as gloves, high-quality masks, face shields, disinfection solutions, and isolation garments. This was a source of concern for many nurses, and it jeopardized their health.“We’ve been quite busy. The number of patients is growing, and we must work more.” (p. 23) “The COVID-19 patient has a lot more work ahead of him. We have to keep an eye on them and keep an eye on them all the time since they don't have any buddies.” (p. 2)“Because the number of our employees has reduced and the number of patients has grown, we must work considerably harder than before.” (p.17)“We have a lot of work, we don't have a break, I’m becoming weary, I’m getting less”. (p. 4)The prevalence of COVID-19 has altered the working circumstances of nurses in a variety of ways. In addition to working longer hours, nurses had to do more work and deal with uncertainty caused by changes in the duty shifts.With the increasing incidence of COVID-19, the number of hospitalized patients grew day by day, and many hospitals had a nurse shortage, requiring nurses to work longer hours. Furthermore, because COVID-19 patients had no companions, nurses performed the majority of their work, and due to their physical condition, nurses had to evaluate them more frequently than other patients. Nurses are under a lot of stress at work as a result of these challenges.“There are times when I’m so exhausted that I fall asleep standing up.” (p. 19)“I don't get enough rest and sleep; thus I have a headache; I have discomfort throughout my body.” (p. 27)“Sometimes we become so busy that we can't even eat lunch or supper; recently, my stomach has been bothering me.” (p. 16)“I had menstruation last week, and I was on the verge of dying. I became irritated; I had never been affected by menstruation in my life.” (p. 5)As a result of the increasing working pressure and psychological stress caused by the rise of COVID-19, most nurses’ physical health has been jeopardized, and if these conditions persist, they may face more serious problems.Nurses’ health suffered as a result of the increased work pressure and psychological issues that developed in certain situations, and they experienced symptoms such as weariness, headaches, muscular exhaustion, weakness, and lethargy. In addition, owing to high job pressure and stress, their sleep quality was poor, and they had stomach issues, interrupted meal hours, and poor eating habits in terms of nutrition. Most female nurses also said that they had a lot of problems during their periods because they did not get enough sleep.“When I wear isolation clothes, I get very hot, so I sweat a lot and my skin burns.” (p. 12)“Since I have been wearing these clothes, my skin has become sensitive and it itches all the time. I am very bothered.” (p. 14)“I get short of breath when I use shields, masks, etc. I often feel suffocated.”(p. 21)Nurses had to wear protective equipment such as masks, face shields, and insulated clothing for a long period due to infections in the hospital environment and an increase in working hours, which caused numerous issues for them.The majority of the nurses reported that using protective equipment was difficult for them and caused them several problems, such as face ulcers, shortness of breath, heat, sweating, body burns, itching, and leg sores. Due to the spread of COVID-19, nurses were required to pay greater attention to health concerns and work for long periods of time while wearing protective equipment to prevent contracting the disease. This made their job much more difficult.“Most of our family members no longer greet me cordially. They are afraid I will go to their residence. I ran across them numerous times outside, but they never said hi. (p. 26)“Our neighbor's wife urged my mother to tell her daughter not to return home and stay in the hospital, or we, the inhabitants of the building, will have to evict you.’” (p. 4)“My brother-in-law no longer allows my sister and her children to visit us because he is afraid I will take COVID-19. I am quite irritated by their actions.” (p. 8)“When people discover that we are nurses; they treat us terribly. I once grabbed a cab and told the driver I needed to go to the hospital. When he discovered I was a nurse working in the COVID-19 unit, he refused to drive me there and forced me to get out of the car. For a few days, his conduct concerned me.” (p. 29)“My husband frequently advises me to quit working; he says, ‘you’ll take COVID-19, and we’ll be sad, but I can’t; my conscience won’t let me.” (P. 14)“One of the most difficult issues for us, nurses working in the COVID-19 ward, is that many of our families do not support us when we most need it. My friend's father allegedly told her, “I’ll pay you twice the money the hospital provides you if you don't go to work.” (p. 20)Most nurses reported being neglected by friends, neighbors, and even family members outside of the hospital, and many individuals discontinued contact with them. Because COVID-19 may be spread in a variety of ways, nurses who come into contact with patients are at a higher risk of contracting the disease. People are terrified of nurses as a result of this. Furthermore, since the disease can spread without symptoms, people are more afraid of nurses, which leads to them being excluded from society and even from their own families.“We all have to stay at the hospital, but there isn’t anywhere for us to relax. It can become too crowded at times, making it impossible to take a break.” (p. 9)“The officials constantly laud us but do nothing to make us happier or more hopeful. They didn't provide us with any tangible prizes.” (p. 3)“Since the arrival of COVID-19, we have experienced the most tension and worry. Our days and nights have been messed up, but no counseling has been offered to help us relax.” (p. 12)“I was perplexed during the early stages of COVID-19’s proliferation. I did not know exactly how to treat patients. I was afraid of them because we weren’t trained for such a situation. ”(p. 28)With the increase in the number of patients with QOVID-19 and their hospitalization, most hospitals accepted more patients, and in the meantime, nurses had to stay in the hospital for long working hours and endure a lot of pressure, so they needed more attention and help. A portion of this assistance was pecuniary in nature, but the most essential aspect was to offer a secure and healthy atmosphere for them so that they could relax more. However, the majority of nurses were disappointed with the hospital’s service quality. Most nurses were not happy with the quality of service at the hospital, citing workplace issues like a lack of a place to rest, crowded break rooms, a lack of motivational stimuli like money, fears about being fired, and not enough training on how to deal with COVID-19 patients.“Patients who had been in the hospital for a few days grew quite homesick and impatient, and we all had to calm them down.” (p. 19)“Some patients were rude to us and insulted us.” (p. 7)“Some COVID-19 patients were sick of being hospitalized. They were less tolerant, and they occasionally battled with our coworkers.” (p. 6).COVID-19 patients’ circumstances differed from those of other hospital patients. They couldn’t get emotional support since caregivers were not allowed to be there, so they were under additional strain. A number of nurses reported being assaulted and bullied by COVID-19 patients. They were particularly disturbed to observe COVID-19 patients in bad health. Furthermore, because COVID-19 patients were alone, they felt lonely and homesick at the hospital, making it difficult for them to cope with the hospital circumstances and, in some cases, causing them to have conflict with the nurses.“I was under the illusion that I had become infected for a brief period of time. I tested negative both times. I even instructed my family on what to do if something were to happen to me.” (P. 1)“I used to be stronger, but now I'm losing patience and tolerance, and I'm constantly thinking about bad things. I think I've become gloomy, and I'm quite impatient.” (p. 18)“I’m always under the impression that I'm unwell. I was really cautious, yet I still believe I am unwell. I always check myself. When I get a cough, I am concerned.” (p. 23)“One of our coworkers died a few days ago. We were furious. My mind is preoccupied with it.” (p. 6)“I am quite disturbed to find that some of my colleagues have been infected and are suffering.” (p. 17)The COVID-19 outbreak had made nurses’ working conditions extremely difficult since, on the one hand, they were under pressure at work and had some type of hypochondriasis. On the other hand, they had to deal with the sickness and death of their coworkers on a daily basis. The majority of nurses reported feeling depressed as a result of the complicated and demanding situations that had evolved. Furthermore, several of them had self-morbidities and were certain they had COVID-19. Another psychological issue that nurses faced was the sadness of losing colleagues. Some of them were outraged and concerned that they might witness the death of a coworker or that they would be forced to stay at home.“All of my concerns are that I will pass the sickness on to my family, because my father got a kidney transplant and lives with us.” (p. 11)“I’m terrified about contracting COVID-19. I am more scared when I observe the state of the patients, but I don't show it. I sometimes urge my patients not to be scared of COVID-19, despite the fact that I am terrified of it myself.” (p. 27)“I’m concerned that this sickness will spread. Under these circumstances, life has become really challenging for us nurses. I believe we won't be able to bear it if it continues.” (p. 16)“The fact that they discover something new about this disease every day makes me even more afraid since I am convinced that scientists know so little about it and, therefore, cannot find a treatment for it.” (p. 2)Unawareness of COVID-19 transmission and treatment methods had caused fear in nurses, and because they were constantly exposed to COVID-19 (constant exposure to COVID-19 patients) and lacked adequate access to protective equipment, they were very concerned that they would transmit the virus to their families when they returned home. Worry and dread, according to the majority of participants, occasionally impair their lives. In most cases, they were worried about being infected or having the virus, and passing it on to their families. They also were worried about the disease’s long-term effects, as well as the COVID-19 virus.“It sometimes takes me more than a week to see my family.” (p. 8)“I haven't seen my 6-month-old baby in a long time; I've missed him.” (p. 15)I was unable to attend my son’s birthday party. I was furious. I was gone from them at a time when my family needed me the most. I don't think I’m a good parent for them.” (p. 18)“My spouse and I were meant to marry in April, but I was always at work, so we couldn’t have a celebration.” (p. 30)As the number of COVID-19 patients in Iran grew, as did the medical staff’s illness and need for rest, hospitals became understaffed, and the remaining nurses were forced to spend more time in the hospital. Therefore, they were no longer available to the family. However, because of the risk of being a virus carrier, many nurses decided to stay at the hospital even when they were off-duty and did not return home, further isolating them from their families. It happened to a lot of other nurses who had to work full-time at the hospital. They did not get married or have their kids’ birthdays.“I was irritated at times when I had to inform the patient's family that the result was positive.” I didn't know how to tell them; everyone was terrified of this sickness.” (p. 3)“So far, the patient’s death has been announced to the family three times. It’s an arduous job, and we’re ashamed that we couldn't help them.” (p.10)“When we inform the relatives of a patient’s death, some of them accuse us of being shirkers, and occasionally they even attack us.” (p. 25)“Some families discovered our phone number and dialed it. They phoned so frequently at times that we were anxious and frustrated; they wanted to know about their patient’s status all of the time.” (p. 11)“Some of the people who phoned us or who we called were disturbing us; they expected us to explain the entire treatment procedure to them, and they bombarded us with questions. We had no choice but to switch off our phones at times.” (p. 22)Because the families of COVID-19 patients were unable to accompany them, they were continuously in communication with the nurses to learn about their patients’ conditions, and the nurses were occasionally obliged to relay unpleasant news to the families, such as the patient’s death or deterioration of condition. Most nurses expressed worry about this, citing several issues with patients’ relatives. Also, because the relatives were far away from their patient and couldn’t examine his health carefully when they learned of his death, they frequently accused the nurses of not treating him correctly. This created problems between families and nurses as well.As a result of the current situation, nurses took some steps to increase their tolerance threshold or adapt better to new situations, such as participating in religious-spiritual activities. They also tried to make the workplace more empathetic, spiritualize their work, try to get the support of their families, and strengthen their sense of self-worth and responsibility.“When I am really weary, I try to say my prayers at an appropriate time; this helps me get rid of sleepiness.” (p. 28)“When I am under a lot of stress, I take advantage of the opportunity to listen to the Quran. Then I feel quite relaxed; it gives me a pleasant feeling.” (P. 9)“When I talk to God and feel that he hears what I’m saying, I relax. I beg him to protect us from this sickness.” (p. 12)People usually turn to religious rituals to achieve peace and quiet in times of calamity and other unexpected and terrifying situations , 26. The“I make an effort to communicate with patients more frequently. To be honest, both they and I have calmed down. I occasionally listen to their anguish; they chat about their history and their recollections.” (p. 14)“Since the COVID-19 patients were admitted to our ward, the colleagues have been more helpful to one another since they realized we're all in a terrible circumstance.” (p. 9)“It makes me happy to see my coworkers assisting me. I've only recently begun working. I feel wonderful when they support me.” (p. 16)“When we have more time, we sit and talk with our coworkers. We all like one another and understand each other well, so when we chat to each other, we feel really peaceful. ” (p. 24)“I sometimes make jokes with patients to get a reaction from them, and they like it as well. When I'm not present, they question my coworkers about me. I like to crack jokes with my coworkers because it helps me feel less worried.” (p. 17)“When I’m under a lot of strain, I talk to my coworkers and we switch shifts. They didn’t take it easy at first, but now everyone understands each other, and the hospital has developed a very positive culture. I want it to always be the same, even when the condition is under control. ” (P. 5)Most nurses indicated that during the COVID-19 pandemic, their professional and emotional connections at work improved, and they loved and helped each other more than previously. In fact, nurses can make the workplace more pleasant by developing emotional relationships with patients, strengthening relationships with coworkers, forgiving and devoting, assisting colleagues, providing positive feedback to colleagues, talking more with colleagues, and providing an environment conducive to jokes and laughter.“I now believe I am on the battlefield. I'm not scared of death. I used to be terrified, but not now since I'm confident that if I die, I'll go to paradise.” (p. 11)“Our job is nearly like jihad in the name of God. Even if they are paid well, few people will choose to work in these conditions.” (p. 8)“When I consider that I am battling for God and that if I die, I will be a martyr, my bravery grows and I want to work more.” (p. 26)“Despite the fact that I work long hours, I never feel exhausted because I know that God sees everything and knows about my problems, and I am confident that one day he will reward me for my efforts, whether in this world or the next.” (p. 14)To deal with the new circumstances, some nurses attempted to spiritualize their profession by viewing it as jihad in the cause of God, associating death due to COVID-19 with martyrdom and gaining benefits in the hereafter. Some nurses considered themselves Mujahideen for the love of God, believing that if they were infected with COVID-19 and died as a result, they would go to paradise since they were killed in God’s name. They also thought that if they died, they would get a large recompense from God in the hereafter.“It was really essential to me that my family was behind me, so I talked to them right away and informed them that if we nurse didn't, the situation would worsen and everyone would become sick.” (p. 13)“I told my family that I would take as much care of myself as possible to avoid becoming infected. I occasionally make a video call with the clothing I'm wearing to show them that I respect them and help them feel better.” (p. 3)“I spoke with my wife and described the working circumstances to her. Thank God, my wife is rational. She accepted the circumstances and was really supportive of me throughout this time, in contrast to my other coworkers, who frequently had issues with their families.” (p. 18)“I try to contact or chat with my parents at least once a day, so they can relax and support me more when they are less frightened.” (p. 21)Some nurses indicated that they attempted to get the family’s support in order to obtain assistance from them as a powerful emotional resource. To get the family’s support, they took steps like explaining the value of nurses’ jobs, respecting health rules and calming the family, displaying working conditions to family members, and making phone and video calls to the family to show them what it was like to be a nurse.“It makes me happy to know that everyone praises us and thinks about us.” (p. 1)“When I see everyone supporting us nurses, I feel that my work is really valuable; I like my work even more than before.” (p. 27)“Previously, I did not enjoy my job. I took the entrance test to study medicine last year, but now I realize how vital my work is.” (p.15)“I used to fabricate excuses and avoid going to work. When I first arrived, I was bored and just thinking about when my work would stop, but this is no longer the case. My sense of accountability for my job has grown.” (p. 13)“I try to focus on the good parts of my work and how useful it is; this makes me feel better about it and makes it simpler for me to work.” (p. 6)People’s and the media’s attention and support for medical professionals, particularly nurses, in cyberspace made nurses happy and contented, strengthening their sense of self-worth and duty.The current study used the qualitative method to investigate the challenges and adaptation strategies of nurses caring for COVID-19 patients. Their strategies included spiritualizing their work, going to church, setting a good example for others in the workplace and reinforcing their sense of self-worth.In the current study, one of the main barriers for nurses was a lack of safety equipment. The COVID-19 pandemic was beyond the capabilities of many countries’ health systems. One of the major concerns was a lack of preventative and protective equipment. Previous research has indicated that nurses face a paucity of protective equipment in many parts of the world, in addition to coping with COVID-19 , 27, 28.Other challenges mentioned by nurses in this study include extreme work pressure and a large number of tasks as a consequence of many shift changes, a growing number of patients, more visitors to patients, and performing patients’ tasks since they do not have a companion. Several studies on the difficulties that nurses face during pandemics have yielded similar results , 33–35. Another barrier for nurses was difficulties with the use of protective equipment, which is consistent with prior research , 37. FerAnother study found that nurses’ physical health was marginalized during the care of COVID-19 patients, with symptoms such as tiredness, headaches, muscular exhaustion, weakness, lethargy, sleeplessness, and digestive troubles, which corresponded to the final two concerns (above) of nurses. During a pandemic, workload can lead to a range of health problems, including exhaustion, insomnia, headaches, and anorexia .According to Liu and Aungsuroch, 2019, nurses did not drink water after donning protective equipment in order to avoid going to the restroom and keep the garments off. Thus, working longer hours causes stress, physical and mental exhaustion, and, eventually, job burnout . While rAccording to the participants, nurses spend long hours in hospitals and medical centers due to high job pressure, yet these work environments do not provide them with any material, counseling, or training help. However, studies have shown that organizational assistance, particularly the provision of expert psychiatric counseling in these stressful work environments, may be extremely beneficial and even decisive in decreasing stress and anxiety and affecting sleep quality in medical workers . Given tBeing shunned by relatives, friends, neighbors, and even family members was another concern raised by nurses. Nurses’ work status in society is met with mixed criticism. Despite societal praise and thanks for nurses’ efforts, labor, and services, they have been accompanied by a type of rejection and stigma, and many have avoided contacting and bonding with them, and even their families, for fear of becoming infected with COVID-19 . Kim, 20Patient-related challenges were another hurdle for the nurses in the current research. Nurses may be mistreated and tormented by patients in this respect, or watching patients’ suffering and concerns, as well as their horrible state, may negatively affect them. In a study conducted by Liu et al. 2020, nurses expressed remorse at the sudden loss of patients’ lives as well as a severe inability to alleviate patients’ pain . AccordiAnother barrier for nurses in the present study was psychological concerns, which might be attributed to causes such as fear of catching the disease, high work pressure, being apart from family, and being unable to save patients and see their deaths. The bulk of the pandemic studies have discovered nurses with mental health problems , 48–53. Another hurdle for nurses in the present study was their worry of getting COVID-19 and passing it on to family members, as well as their anxiety about the virus and its persistence. This fear is justified; as healthcare workers have been linked to more than 30% of SARS deaths . NumerouOne of the surprising findings was the underappreciation of personal and family life, particularly among married nurses. Nurses encounter a number of problems during the COVID-19 pandemic, including homesickness for family members and the demands of being a wife and mother. Quarantine conditions, as well as the closure of schools and kindergartens, intensify these needs. The onset of this pandemic in Iran, on the other hand, coincided with the ancient New Year festival of Nowruz, during which the long-term presence of nurses at work devalued even little festivities with family members and kept nurses away from personal life. Given that one method of preventing COVID-19 transmission was to reduce face-to-face contact and break the chain of interpersonal relationships, nurses were expected to pay more attention to this issue than other members of the community due to their direct contact with COVID-19 patients, and in most cases, they were even forbidden to communicate with family members. Choosing work over family made them rethink their decision. This made them more tired and stressed, and made them even more tired and stressed.One of the study’s unique and surprising results was the difficulties in communicating with patients’ families, such as telling them of an exacerbation of the patient’s sickness or the patient’s death. Nurses were distressed to see patients in agony, and they were much more affected when they realized they couldn’t assist them. Because of COVID-19’s attributes, nurses were unable to care for patients using traditional nursing concepts and were compelled to communicate with patients through masks and protective clothing. In this scenario, sympathizing with and cheering up the patients is insufficient; patients in critical condition who were also refused visits from family and loved ones need further condolences from nurses, which was not possible under these conditions. This situation, particularly after the patient died, led the nurses to have conflicting and unexpected feelings, resulting in mental disorders. As a result of the patient’s lack of communication, the patient’s family experienced anxiety, confusion, and, at times, resentment. The main challenges for nurses were treating these disorders and developing innovative treatments. Some families, on the other hand, accused the nurses of shirking because they hadn’t seen how they treated and cared for the patients. This caused a rift between them and the nurses.Another noteworthy and unusual conclusion in this study was that nurses used creative approaches to overcome hurdles and minimize problems. Engaging in religious and spiritual activities such as praying, reading the Qur’an, and praying every day was one of these strategies. This may reflect a level of fatalism among nurses, which is a psychological reaction that arises when they feel helpless. Another noteworthy and unusual conclusion in this study was that nurses used creative approaches to overcome hurdles and minimize problems. Engaging in religious and spiritual activities such as praying, reading the Qur’an, and praying every day was one of these strategies. This may reflect a level of fatalism among nurses, which is a psychological reaction that arises when they feel helpless.Spiritualizing their job was another intriguing tactic used by nurses in this study to adjust to their new employment surroundings, and it is similar to the previous strategy. In other words, nursing was regarded as a sacred vocation with a reward in the afterlife, rather than merely a labor. Spiritualizing the profession promotes nurses’ job happiness, their ability to cope with professional stress, and protects them from burnout . In otheCreating an empathetic work atmosphere was another strategy used by the nurses in this study, which is confirmed by previous research; when epidemics occur, nurses demonstrate more active compassion and stronger teamwork than ever before , 31. TheIn reaction to an outbreak, nurses’ cognitive thinking might adapt. They adjust their cognitive appraisal based on their professional experience on a frequent basis in order to maintain mental balance, lead with compassion, and seek team assistance . It may Another strategy that helped nurses adjust to the harsh conditions of COVID-19 outbreaks was to boost their sense of self-worth and duty. During a pandemic, professional ethics develop a sense of responsibility. Encouraging nurses to take an active role in anti-epidemic efforts strengthens their professional identity and pride . PreviouThe last approach used by the nurses in the current study was to try to persuade and get family support. According to Mo et al., 2020, social support is an important protective factor for psychological resilience since it reduces mental stress and alleviates psychological problems . The supThis study is one of the few that investigates nurses’ challenges as well as their adaptation strategies in caring for COVID-19 patients from their own perspective, which can provide effective information to hospital administrators so that they can take steps to reduce their problems and allow nurses to work in better conditions. This study also had some limitations, including difficulty in scheduling the interviews. It was one of the main limitations because nurses had difficulty determining the time of the interview due to a lot of work shifts and a lack of adequate rest, and the interview time changed several times. Maintaining health criteria for the interview, such as keeping a safe distance and wearing a mask, resulted in some respondents’ voices being too low throughout the recording, and the researchers asked the participants to speak louder. Another limitation was that several of the female participants preferred female interviewers in order to more easily communicate their issues to the researcher. Therefore, the researchers hired a qualified female researcher with experience in interviewing and qualitative research principles. Another problem with the study was that some people were willing to talk on the phone.The findings revealed that nurses who are assigned to care for COVID-19 patients face multiple and multifaceted challenges such as work pressure, a lack of protective equipment, exclusion, psychological problems, fear, a marginalized personal and family life, a lack of a positive organizational culture, problems related to patients and relationships with their families; to cope with these emerging conditions and overcome these challenges, they used strategies such as performance reliabilities. As a result, these challenges can be mitigated by providing adequate protective equipment, a suitable work environment, more social and financial support, proper shift management, increased attention to nurses’ physical and mental health, and consideration of appropriate mechanisms for nurses’ communication with their families and the families of patients.


TA combines the natural, technical, and social sciences and follows the multiple missions of scientific analysis, public outreach, and policy advice. However, despite this diversity, it also constitutes a genuine community with its own discourses, conferences, and publications. To which extent “being a TA practitioner” also provides for a genuine scholarly identity is still unclear. Building on interviews with technology assessment practitioners at an academic TA institute, we ask what inter/trans/disciplinary identification patterns emerge in this field. Our analysis shows that TA practitioners adopt multiple identities, from “enthusiastic TA practitioner” to “strong interdisciplinarian” or “disciplinarian” – with distinct identity troubles inherent in all these options. We find that generational affiliation plays a vital role in identity formation. It relates to different primary orientations (towards research or advisory practices), inter/disciplinary backgrounds, contracting modes, and lengths of time spent at the TA institute. We conclude firstly, that disciplinary categories figure strongly in transdisciplinary identities; secondly, that the relation of  Science and technology studies, history of science, and higher education research have long acknowledged that academic scholarship and its disciplines represent temporary entities resulting from ongoing processes of co-construction, recalibration, and stabilization  come to identify as such and/or as members of a discipline or an epistemic community? This question not only touches on the more practical aspects of initiation and subjectivation processes, but also relates to our very conception of science and its disciplines; especially when patterns and regimes of identification are shifting in societies at large and identities become more “liquid” Baumann , evasive1In this article, we focus on inter/trans/disciplinary patterns of identification within a transdisciplinary field that goes back to the 1970s, namely technology assessment (TA). TA exhibits characteristics of “post-normal science” , their time horizon , their institutional form , their transdisciplinary setup (purely academic or hybrid), and their ambitions . Technology assessment shares some characteristics with, but also differs from, some other interdisciplinary constructs: emerging technosciences  compensated by belonging to the broader interdisciplinary Cluster community”. She thus notes that previously acquired academic and social status can have a stabilizing effect during inter/trans/disciplinary identity transitions.Among other themes, this literature addresses the major issue of junior researchers growing into an inter/trans/disciplinary identity. While earlier higher education research has provided us with a refined understanding of socialization, enculturation, and subjectivation during undergraduate studies in disciplinary curricula, this recent work focuses on inter- and transdisciplinary post-graduate settings. Felt et al. , 2016 hiFor mid-career inter- and transdisciplinarians, the more important challenge becomes sustaining a career and identity rather than problems with gaining an identity and growing into a community. Müller and Kaltenbrunner  focus onParker and Crona  present fields, the new technosciences are thought to persist without expiration date; as emerging fields, they are considered as still developing and meant to undergo typical phases, like "birth" or emergence, establishment, maturation, sometimes also "death". This developmental view has been most prominently introduced by Mullins’  with various other modes of institutionalization and organization prevalent in the previously mentioned case studies, further refining our explanatory arguments. Against the background of this empirically rich literature, we could thus ask what identities had been adopted in TA and how processes of identity formation and adaptation relate to distinct individual and institutional characteristics and requirements.Our analysis focuses on TA as a post-normal scientific practice. TA has been defined as “an analytic and democratic practice that aims to contribute to the timely formation of public and political opinion on societal aspects of science and technology” (van Est & Brom Our discussion of identity constructions in technology assessment builds on a study of the Institute of Technology Assessment (ITA) at the Austrian Academy of Sciences (OeAW). ITA is the primary TA institution in Austria, "deal[ing] with the impacts of new technologies on society, the environment and the economy. It carries out scientific technology assessments on a variety of topics. The results of this work support policymakers, administration and the public with regard to issues of technology policy.”Of ITA’s twenty researchers at the time of our study, three had graduated in sociology , five combined a social science  with STS, one combined a legal doctorate with a post-doctoral qualification (“Habilitation”) in STS, four combined a doctorate in biology with further qualifications in STS and/or human ecology, one a doctorate in chemical engineering with a post-doctoral qualification in TA and sustainability science; three came with a double qualification , three stem from economics, management, or informatics. In sum, thirteen held a doctorate, and four had additionally completed a post-doctoral qualification. ITA’s scholarly staff is not split into formal sub-units; formal hierarchies only pertain to a differentiation between scholarly staff and directorate. There are, however, changing thematic areas and leadership positions in distinct projects.in academia as academics, we observed and made sense from distinct positions and positionings within this very same (academic) realm. Since we also analysed our own research organization, this demanded additional careful preparation, systematically taking into account our own biases, power relations and strategic interests by implementing extensive intra-organizational feedback cycles. For the theme at hand, the diversity within the team of interviewers as to disciplinary backgrounds  and time spent at ITA (10 years / 2 years) served as an important point of reference. With a shared identification with interdisciplinarians of the second generation, we invited “enthusiasts” and “disciplinarians” from the first and “flexible practitioners” and “early interdisciplinarians” from the third generation to comment on our findings .Our analysis is based on a series of interviews, including all twenty researchers working at ITA at that time (March and April 2017). Interviews lasted between ninety minutes and three hours. They were prepared, conducted, and analysed in tandem by the two of us, including two interviews with each other, as we were both also members of ITA.Another important feature of this project is its empirically grounded approach. During a series of interviews focusing on advisory practices in TA, we could not ignore the interviewees’ continual references to issues of identity, career, and belonging. We thus decided to extend our research focus and to methodically introduced the explicit question "Are you a TA practitioner, then?" in the last section of the interviews. The transcribed interviews were analysed following Grounded Theory  type of identification, complemented by additional types and followed by historical explanations for the emergence of these types. Yes. (…) Because I have been practicing TA for decades, because it interests me, because technology is very influential. Originally, I was fascinated with technology, and interest in the political, the societal aspects only followed later onwards. If one can contribute to elucidating societal conflicts, that is highly motivating. My identity did not change that much. With time, one loses one’s bonds to one's [educational] discipline; but my interests never lay that much with [this discipline], anyways. With my interest in political issues, TA is almost a better fit than [other institutional places closer to his/her university education].The above quote represents the most straightforward type of identification with TA in our material. It fits with interview statements like “certainly I am a TA practitioner!” and public self-representations as “enthusiast in the field of technology assessment”, “passionate technology assessor”, or “associate professor in the field of technology assessment"9During ITA’s foundational years, ITA practitioners were recruited based on their specific disciplinary expertise such as sociology, economics, law, information and communication technology, engineering, biology, and health science to ensure interdisciplinarity. Yet, in their TA activities, they generally focused on analysing specific technologies . These technologies were addressed in a comprehensive manner with the aim to cover all aspects potentially relevant to society or from a distinct perspective  or position (such as consumer rights). First-generation scholars were thus not only defined by their “home discipline”, but also recognized internally and publicly as experts for one distinct technological field. This public recognition and identification as “experts for [X]-technology" was fostered by a relatively strong orientation towards advisory activities for Austrian ministries and the national council (as compared to basic research funded by Austrian or European science funding agencies). The small size of the institute at the time and the joint effort to establish a new institution within Austrian academia and the technology governance landscape resulted in strongly intertwined feelings of collegiality, camaraderie, and friendship. Rather than passively adopting a given TA identity – an identity not yet established in Europe, with only the U.S. Office of Technology Assessment (1974–1995) as the main point of reference – the ITA staff independently shaped what TA was meant to be in the Austrian context. They actively did so with each new project, defining TA indirectly as the sum of all activities performed at ITA. All the more important it was to pursue the “right” projects and conducting them in a way that fit with all ITA members’ visions of TA. Repeated arguments about how to practice TA at ITA testified to this situation. Despite all these struggles, the overall institutionalization of TA and the ITA in Austria formed a first generation of TA practitioners that strongly identified with their institute and their newly established field and practice.However, not all first-generation practitioners shared the same level of identification. Some portrayed themselves as more distant to TA and preferred identifying with their original discipline. We subsume this group under the label “disciplinarians”. They identify as “a trained [disciplinarian] who works in technology assessment” or as “someone who comes more strongly from the scientific side”, “attaching primary importance to a scientifically sound, methodically robust basis” in their practice. Within this group, two interviewees point towards troubling feelings of alienation and of sitting uncomfortably between the two chairs of TA and their original discipline. This latter type of (non-)identification we subsume under the label of “feeling like a stranger” characteristic of interviews with “disciplinarians” of the first generation with a background in technoscience.Other than the “TA enthusiasts”, “disciplinarians” identified primarily as scientists, explicitly distancing themselves from more “activist” stances11The scientists and engineers frequently mentioned the sudden shift from being an established member of a disciplinary community to being a transdisciplinarian. They recounted loyalty conflicts, role uncertainty, position ambivalence, multiplication of identities, and epistemic insecurity. They still grieved about the loss of their former identity and identity options, or, in other words, that, for them, "science [as a career and identity option] had died”. These struggles were exacerbated by the palpable politicization, even within academia, and the heated technology controversies and polarizations in Austria during the institute’s foundational phases. One former technoscientistWe had contacts with a group at the university of economics that dealt with ecological economics; that led me [as a technoscientist] to philosophy. I also read Luhmann for the first time in my life, just to see what sociologists added to the picture. And I tried to understand, with help from my institute, and with plenty of discussion. Not as to be able to apply it, but as to better understand.The natural scientists and engineers thus shared a certain feeling of estrangement and of having to become a different kind of expert. The various coping strategies came with their own insecurities as they still needed to acquire the necessary  methods, (facilitator) skills, or  insights. They also reported on changing self-perceptions, that while “initially, [they had been] convinced to be very objective”, they became more cautious after having experienced, with significant irritation, the simple impossibility of keeping an objective stance.Overall, we could thus reconstruct three types of (non-)identification with TA: (1) outright identification with an enthusiastic streak (“TA enthusiasts”); (2) the disciplinarian disposition, concentrating on scientifically sound empirical work and refraining from a more activist stance (“disciplinarians”); and (3) a sub-type of the “disciplinarian”, feeling estranged both from the former technoscientific community as well as the newly forming group, (“feeling like a stranger”). For this generation of TA practitioners, the first type featured most prominently as a common point of reference.Over the years, I have already been at several institutions; my socialization was in [an interdiscipline]; [this interdiscipline] somehow is my home; I am a [social/natural] scientist. Technology assessment has always been the focus. My disciplinary community certainly is [the interdiscipline]. On the other hand, also [a thematic] community. These are my main communities.As this quote illustrates, most of the seven members of a second generation of ITA members had already acquired a professional identity before joining ITA; one they did not perceive as that different or as less valid than an outright TA identity. They could coherently construct their identity path and career, comparable to the first-generation “TA enthusiasts”, but they explicitly identified as “belong[ing] to the interdisciplinary generation”. Also, they were much more self-assured about their academic status than the first-generation “disciplinarians”. If the former scientists and engineers had gone through “painful identity transformations” to being an “interdisciplinarian” such as a human ecologist, sustainability science or science and technology studies scholar, the second-generation practitioners had completed these transitions long before joining ITA and engaging with TA. Those with a social sciences background would depict these same interdisciplinary fields as specializations or subcommunities of their original fields and thus did not need to undergo major transformations of their identity. However, many felt challenged by their disciplinary or interdisciplinary environments, which did not always recognize TA as an academic field, as well as by fellow ITA members who occasionally questioned their degree of identification with TA. Moreover, they could not count on either their original discipline or TA as being known to the public and therefore they chose alternative modes of identification in everyday conversations: “Most times I present myself as a technology analyst and social scientist and I then add that this is TA, at ITA. Because it is easier to grasp that way.”Kettenvertragsregelung)The strong presence of interdisciplinarians in the second generation of TA practitioners can be traced back to historical developments in ITA’s environments. Firstly, academia and academic research funding had undergone a period of inter- and transdisciplinarization in the wake of environmental concerns and technology controversies. Interdisciplinary institutes and departments, founded like ITA in Austria in the 1980s, had come to represent new fields such as human ecology, ecological economics or science and technology studies. The higher education system had evolved to provide for interdisciplinary curricula bridging the divide between technosciences and social sciences and humanities. These courses were mostly institutionalized as post-graduate master's programs and accepted students from diverse disciplinary backgrounds. At the international (European Commission) and national (Austrian Research Promotion Agency) level, programs  began funding research to prevent future controversies, polarizations, and stalemates related to technology. Secondly, the Austrian Academy of Sciences underwent in 2007 a fundamental reform resulting in international scientific advisory boards, a more managerial leadership style, and a stronger focus on competitive research.All three factors help to explain the emergence of a new generation of TA practitioners, in which the distinct identity pattern of “strong interdisciplinarians” played a central role: junior to senior post-docs with disciplinary backgrounds, additional post-graduate interdisciplinary training, experience, and competitive track records in science and technology studies, human ecology, or risk research. The expertise of individual practitioners became even more specific: analysing the relevance of discursive framing on the governance of biotechnologies, providing politically relevant recommendations on privacy issues with information and communication technologies, or organizing participatory workshops on citizens’ visions of a sustainable future. They also started to publish on more abstract issues pertaining to the distinct character of TA, like inter- and transdisciplinarity, advisory practices, or participatory methodology.But even the identity of the “strong interdisciplinarians” was not untroubled. The opportunity to continue relating to their former interdisciplinary communities after having joined ITA was thought to trigger distrust about their sense of belonging and their enthusiasm for TA with established ITA members. The distinction of a “TA practitioner in a strict sense” or “a narrow sense” came up:[Are you a TA practitioner?] Is this a “yes” or “no” question? Well, (…), yes, a TA scholar with a broad political conception. I doubt that many at the institute would label me as a TA practitioner in a strict sense – that’s why I hesitated. As to a socio-political mission, comparing my original motivation at the beginning of my scientific career and where I am now, there is some stringency, and in that sense, I do see myself as a TA practitioner. And in the narrow sense, along which I would have to explicate where the TA is to be found in a certain project, I do not see myself as a TA practitioner.The new influx of interdisciplinarians socialized in very similar fields also triggered questions whether this or that project or practice “still was TA” – and not science and technology studies or human ecology. This kind of boundary work aimed at safeguarding the specific identity and raison d’être of TA in relation to the prevalent interdisciplines. The methodological core of TA was put up for discussion, as was the TA-specific balance between epistemic ambitions and societal missions. In related debates, the different inter/disciplinary backgrounds were again felt vividly. Trained social scientists would emphasize the central role of sociological methods and expertise in TA, while others emphasized the centrality of TA-specific approaches and skills or of perspectives also prevalent in human ecology and ecological economics.Although the “strong interdisciplinarians” type figured most prominently for this generation of interviewees, other TA practitioners were more strongly affiliated with a distinct line of advisory projects and related networks, approaches, themes, and issues. We subsume this pattern of identification as “embedded TA practitioner”. In such cases, disciplinary or interdisciplinary affiliations seemed less relevant. The second generation also features the “disciplinarian” type comparable to the first generation, but in a more self-assured form. All interviews with members of this generation mentioned that their full commitment to TA was inhibited by temporary employment contracts and unclear career prospects. At the time of the interviews, only two held a permanent position and the academy provided no reliable career scheme.[Are you a TA practictioner?] With [project X], I did not have this impression, with [project Y] actually neither. With the ongoing [project Z] I would have this feeling, but this is unfortunately only a very short project. But with [project Z], I thought I could identify with TA more easily if this were a larger project.Among the youngest generation of TA practitioners, identities seemed most vague and uncertain. These seven scholars’ identities centred around very flexible adjustment to diverse TA project contexts (“flexible TA practitioners”) and still ongoing interdisciplinary specializations (“early interdisciplinarians”). While perceiving ITA as a highly attractive institute that provided for "interesting", "challenging", "independent, yet well-supervised" work in a lively environment with strong social commitment, this generation harboured anxieties that they “lag[ged] behind with [their] identity” or might never gain a clear expert status while hopping from one project to the next. Being an expert in TA was seen as linked to a certain topic or theme – internally as well as externally – and it was something that seemed reserved to senior staff members who identified as “work[ing] on privacy issues”, “do[ing] a few things on big data [and thus gaining] some recognition in this context”, or as thematically “it actually always [having been] the biotech area [for them]” and could also reject projects on these grounds.That members of the youngest generation of TA practitioners were overall least secure about their inter/trans/disciplinary identity clearly relates to the relatively shorter time they had spent at the institute and their yet unclear career prospects. Again, further contextual factors also became detrimental in the identity configurations of this third generation. Firstly, the Austrian higher education system had further evolved, offering a broad array of pre-graduate interdisciplinary specializations (“modules”), thus blurring disciplinary boundaries even further and providing for a generation of “early interdisciplinarians”. Secondly, interdisciplinary institutes established in the 1980s in Austria and challenged by the 2002 university reform were additionally threatened when the global financial crisis resulted in severe cuts in public budgets. Some eminent European parliamentary technology assessment institutes were severely challenged  or closed , leaving the overall impression that interdisciplinary institutions and TA institutes “come and go” . While former generations of TA scholars had mostly moved to ITA with a doctorate, this younger cohort could not build on an already established and formally certified (disciplinary or interdisciplinary) identity. They described their start at ITA as an inspiring as well as confusing period of “project hopping”. Completely assuming a TA identity based on a temporary contract continued to pose a considerable risk. Moreover, they learned that TA institutions greatly depended on external factors like the support of (changing) parliaments and/or ministries, volatile technology controversies, and shifting evaluation regimes in academia.With the third generation of TA practitioners, emphasis was thus placed on advisory projects. TA practitioners no longer focused on one thematic working area alone, but also specialized in generic advisory expertise, such as advisory techniques or participatory methods. In this phase, a new generation of practitioners started their career in TA at a relatively early career stage, right after finishing their master’s degree  skills seemed even impossible to convey or to acquire: “You need a kind of political wisdom, insider knowledge, a strategic mind, or whatever”, plus: “talent to keep specific collaborations alive and a certain grasp of other people, of other modes of procedure, it is much more personal”.Though the junior practitioners had not joined ITA with the explicit aim of completing a PhD while there, over time, all developed an interest in or felt the need for further academic qualifications beyond “merely” contributing to contracted TA projects. But pursuing advanced degrees proved challenging. Writing a dissertation was “difficult to plan” due to ITA's status as a non-teaching academic institution, TA’s post-normal characteristics, and the diversity of one’s scholarly engagements. Moreover, the junior practitioner lacked role models on how to accomplish a PhD at ITA since the previous generation had already joined as established post-docs. Overall, they were left feeling inadequate and the impression of operating “in thin air”. This situation was even worsened – at least in the short run21In sum, one would expect relatively strong socialization into, commitment to, and identification with the field because of the third generation's very early start into TA. The missing formal introduction to, initiation into, and demarcation of the field counteracted such identifications in the short run, as did the somewhat haphazard, constant hopping between very diverse projects and project teams and the double burden of building up and nurturing academic reputations as well transdisciplinary identities. In the long run, however, this very same project hopping could also result in a higher commitment to (or co-construction of) TA in more general terms and the TA community as such, that is, beyond a defined research area, individual practices, or distinct TA teams, probably also beyond ITA.In our study, we encountered a diversity of identities at ITA: from enthusiastic or pragmatic identifications with TA, to alternative identifications such as interdisciplinarians, disciplinary identities, and scholars in search of identity. Our study thus contributes to recent debates on the multiple, intersectional, fragmented, fluid, choreographed, strategic, and troubled identities in inter- and transdisciplinary settings. It adds to these debates along three dimensions: firstly, by providing insights on a transdiscipline that builds on substantive interdisciplinary integration; secondly, by focusing on an institute with a more than 30-year history, providing practitioners with the time horizon “required to learn an interdisciplinary culture and to grow into a research community”  can still be achieved by intense internal collaboration and exchange as well as a shared post-normal vision and ethos. The ITA has recently tried to strengthen such a shared vision by researching ITA’s advisory practices (Bauer and Kastenhofer