The purpose of this study was to examine the association between physical activity organised in sports clubs, non-organised physical activity, other organised leisure-time activities, and depressive symptoms among adolescents. This study was based on cross-sectional data from the Ungdata survey conducted between 2017 and 2019. The sample comprised 7656 adolescents (aged 13–16 years). Binominal logistic regression was used to analyse the association between the three different leisure-time activities and depressive symptoms. All models were adjusted for gender, family economy, parents’ higher education, having friends, alcohol intoxication, and smoking. The odds for symptoms of depression were higher for those who were less physically active in a sports club  and in non-organised physical activities  and lower for those who participated less in other organised leisure-time activities  compared with those who were physically active (sports club and non-organised) and those who participated in other organised leisure-time activities. Our findings suggested that being physically active, both in a sports club and in non-organised activities, was associated with lower odds of depressive symptoms among adolescents. Additional research is needed to confirm a possible causal relationship. Mental health problems are considered a significant challenge for both individuals and societies. Worldwide, depression is a common mental disorder that is characterised by persistent sadness and a lack of pleasure or interest in previously rewarding or enjoyable activities ; depressPhysical activity has been characterised as an important and positive behaviour in promoting mental health in children and adolescents ,11. Addibelonging to groups that engage in physical activity’ . We developed this research branch by focusing on how various leisure contexts in adolescence regarding physical activity and sociality are associated with depressive symptoms. Moreover, leisure activities extend into a more general unity of lifestyle habits, including health-related ones. In this respect, we highlight two additional empirical elements and one analytical, theoretical point from Ohrnberger, Fichera, and Sutton [Here, before we move on to our outset, we position ourselves and our study in line with Stevens, Lieschke, Cruwys, Cárdenas, Platow, and Reynolds , who pind Sutton . The empd Sutton ,19,20,21d Sutton  is the aThis study had two aims and hence contributes to two research fields. On the one hand, we lean on and contribute to the field of research on physical activity and mental health problems. More specifically, and as per above, within a rather vast amount of research, we connect with research examining the relationship between physical activity and depressive symptoms. As far as we are concerned, there is a consensus regarding physical activity and depression, which reveals a clear negative relationship suggesting that physical activity is a positive aid in mental health problems. However, physical activity is not a single and united entity; it can take many forms, both activity-wise and not least regarding its organisation. In other words, the well-known and empirically established knowledge about the negative correlation between physical activity and symptoms of depression are more fine-grained than often believed and must be nuanced in its research.In this respect, Kleppang, Hartz, Thurston, and Hagquist  showed tGiven this outcome, the other research field that this study stemmed from and contributes to is sociological studies of participation in organised sports. More precisely, we were influenced and inspired by studies that explored patterns of participation and explain such patterns with underlying variables. For example, Strandbu, Bakken, and Sletten  found thThe relatively vague term ‘family background’ comprises both classical sociological dimensions, such as economic status , parents’ education and/or occupation, and the family’s cultural habits. Moreover, Strandbu, Bakken, and Stefansen  found thTaken together, we found ourselves and this study placed across research fields. In this study, we merged these two outlets to investigate in more detail whether it is the physical activity element and/or the social, organisational element of sports and other leisure-time activities that can be considered potential mechanisms to prevent depressive symptoms. The aim of this study was thus to examine the associations between family background, leisure activities in three various contexts , and depressive symptoms. In this study, we aimed to answer the following research question and sub-questions:What are the associations between organised physical activity in sports clubs, non-organised physical activity, other organised leisure-time activities, and depressive symptoms among Norwegian adolescents?How do the capital forms  relate?How do other health variables, such as alcohol intoxication and tobacco, relate?Are the strengths of the association between leisure-time activities and depressive symptoms influenced by gender and family economy?We employed a theoretical conceptualisation offered by Bourdieu, which involved a set of concepts that can assist in analysing sports participation. Moreover, as long as there are examples of Bourdieu applied to mental health studies of youth ,28, we fIn the study of family background, organised leisure, and symptoms of depression, we were inspired by the so-called health lifestyles theory (HLT) that could assist in analysing how social structure and individual agency interplay to influence health-related practices ,30 by coHabitus refers to a system of dispositions that guides people’s choices and attitudes , which eBourdieu proposed three main forms of capital, namely, economic, cultural, and social, which can be applied to define an individual’s position relative to others in social space; the individual is positioned by the amount of capital that they possess and by the relative distribution of different types of capital . Economic capital refers to classic economic assets: income and fortune—or money, house, cars, etc. Cultural capital refers to general knowledge and to the ability to understand more specific codes. Cultural capital can take three sub-forms: institutionalised cultural capital, which refers to formal education; embodied cultural participation; and objectified cultural capital, which refers to the possession of cultural goods. Social capital refers to resources a person has or can gain through a social network . Thus, pThis study was based on data from the Ungdata Survey, which is an ongoing national survey of adolescents across all municipalities in Norway that has become an essential source of information on young people’s health and wellbeing, both at the national and municipal levels . The surIn this study, we included adolescents from lower secondary schools (aged 13–16 years) from Innlandet county who answered between 2017 and 2019. The adolescents took approximately 30–45 min to complete the questionnaire. Altogether, 7656 adolescents from 29 municipalities participated, giving an overall participation rate of 87% in lower secondary schools at a national level .The web-based questionnaire was administered at school during school hours with an administrator or a teacher present to answer questions that arose. The parents were given information regarding the survey and had the opportunity to withdraw their children from participation in advance. Additionally, the adolescents were informed that participation was voluntary. The data were analysed by independent researchers who did not participate in the data collection. The study was conducted in line with the Declaration of Helsinki, and the Norwegian Centre for Research Data (NSD) approved all ethical aspects of the study.The six items measuring depressive symptoms were derived from a scale that was based on the Hopkins Symptom Checklist—90 ). The adPhysical activity in sports clubs: The participants were asked how often they participated in the following activity categorised as ‘exercising or competing with a sports club’. The response alternatives included ‘never’, ‘rarely’, ‘1–2 times a month’, ‘1–2 time a week’, ‘3–4 times a week’, and ‘at least 5 times a week’. Participation was dichotomised into ‘≤1–2 times a week’ and ‘>1 time a week’.Non-organised physical activities: Non-organised physical activity was assessed by asking: ‘Below we have listed various activities that you can do in your free time. Think about the last week (last 7 days). How many times have you Played football, snowboarded or did another type of physical activity together with friends (not with a sports club)?’ The response alternatives included ‘no times’, ‘once’, ‘2–5 times’, and ‘6 times or more’. Participation was dichotomised into ‘≤1 time a week’ and ‘>1 time a week’.Other organised leisure-time activities: The participants were asked how many times during the last month they had participated in activities, meetings, or training organised by the following associations, clubs, or societies, which were categorised as follows: ‘after-school club/youth centre/youth club’; ‘religious organisation’; ‘band, choir, orchestra’; ‘culture school/music school’; and ‘other organisation, society or associations’. Response alternatives included ‘never’, ‘1–2 times’, ‘3–4 times’, and ‘5 times or more’. Participation was dichotomised into ‘≤3–4 times a month’ and ‘>1–2 times a month’, and then each variable was computed to provide a total variable that measured whether the participants had participated in at least one of the organised activities.Economic capital: The family economy was measured as follows: ‘Financially, has your family been well off, or badly off, over the past years?’ The response alternatives were as follows: ‘we have been well off’, ‘we have neither been well off nor badly off’, ‘we have generally been badly off’, and ‘we have been badly off the whole time’. The family economy was recoded as ‘good’, ‘neither bad nor good’, and ‘bad economy’ see .Cultural capital: Parents’ level of education was measured separately for each parent by asking the following: ‘Did your father/mother go to university or to a university college?’ Those young people not in touch with one or both parents were asked to leave the answer blank. This was categorised as ‘yes’ or ‘no’. Parental educational status was stratified as ‘no university education’, ‘one parent with university education’, or ‘both parents have with university education’.Social capital: Friendships were measured by asking: ‘Do you have at least one friend who you trust completely and who you can tell absolutely anything?’ This was categorised as ‘Yes, definitely’, ‘Yes, I think so’, ‘I don’t think so’, and ‘I have nobody I would call close online friends at the moment’. This was categorised as ‘Yes, I have friends’ and ‘No, I do not have friends’ in the present study.Other (un)healthy habits: Alcohol intoxication was based on how many times adolescents reported having been intoxicated during the past 12 months. The response alternatives were as follows: ‘never’, ‘once’, ‘2–5 times’, ‘6–10 times’, and ‘more than 11 times’. Intoxication was dichotomised as ‘no intoxication episodes’ and ‘any intoxication episode’.Smoking was assessed by asking: ‘do you smoke?’ The response alternatives were ‘I’ve never smoked’, ‘I used to smoke, but I’ve stopped completely now’, ‘I smoke less than once a week’, ‘I smoke every week, but not every day’, and ‘I smoke every day’. Smoking was dichotomised as ‘no current use’ and ‘current use’.Analyses were carried out using SPSS 26.0  for Windows. Baseline characteristics stratified by depressive symptoms and gender are presented as proportions with a 95% confidence interval (CI) in each stratum. No overlap of the CI was considered significant at the 5% level.Binomial logistic regression analyses was performed to examine the association between leisure-time context and depressive symptoms. All three models were adjusted for gender, family economy, parents’ education, having friends, alcohol intoxication, and smoking habits. As the variable of other ‘organised leisure’ activities originally comprised many specific activities , separate analyses were completed for each, while the results showed the same pattern as a collapsed variable; therefore, only the latter is reported. Associations are presented as odds ratios (ORs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs).Interaction analysis was used to examine the influence of gender and family economy on the strength of the relationship between physical activity in a sports club and depressive symptoms. Possible interaction effects were examined using LR tests (likelihood ratio tests) by contrasting models with and without interaction terms. The main effect model included physical activity in a sports club, gender, family economy, having friends, alcohol intoxication, and smoking as independent variables and was tested against models that included interactions between physical activity in a sports club by gender, physical activity in a sports club by family economy, physical activity in a sports club by having friends, physical activity in a sports club by smoking, and physical activity in a sports club by alcohol intoxication. Parallel interaction analysis was carried out for non-organised physical activity and other leisure-time activities. Only one interaction effect was significant , and only this is reported.In Based on the descriptive statistics presented in In the crude model, the odds of having symptoms of depression were higher for those who were less physically active in a sports club , higher for those taking part in non-organised physical activities , and lower for those who participated less in other organised leisure-time activities  compared with those who were physically active and those who participated in other organised activities. After adjusting for other independent variables, only small changes in the OR were observed.Across all models, the odds of having symptoms of depression were higher in girls than in boys (OR: 3.44–3.68) and higher for those who reported not having friends (OR: 2.48–2.80), having a poor economy (3.28–3.60), smoking (2.68–2.82), and any intoxication episodes (OR: 2.14–2.24) compared with those who reported having friends, a good economy, not smoking, and not having an intoxication episode, respectively. The likelihood ratio test showed that the model with the interaction term ‘physical activity in a sports club by family economy’ fit the data significantly better than the multivariate main effects model. This interaction implied that perceived family economy significantly modified the association between physical activity in a sports club and depressive symptoms. Following the findings of the above regression analysis, we conducted a separate regression analysis for those with good, neither good nor bad, and poor family economies, which is presented in The results of the moderation analysis after an adjustment for confounders are presented in The results from the present study revealed an association between a lower level of physical activity (both in sports clubs and non-organised activities) and a higher level of symptoms of depression. Further, our results confirmed an association between those who participated less in other organised leisure-time activities and lower levels of symptoms of depression. Moreover, an interesting detail in our findings was that the association between physical activity in a sports club and depressive symptoms differed between adolescents reporting good, neither good nor bad, and poor family economies. Thus, we discuss whether family background can be part of the explanation of the association between leisure-time contexts and depressive symptoms and other (un)healthy phenomena, such as smoking and alcohol use. In this respect, there are a couple of details from the Results section that we want to discuss in more detail: first, which leisure-time contexts were associated with higher and lower depressive symptoms, and second, how the capital forms were potential explanatory mechanisms for the pattern.Our findings correspond with a meta-analysis of prospective cohort studies indicating that a higher level of physical activity has a protective effect on future depression  and a reWe have to admit that when we started this study, we were conceptually based on findings from  suggestiMoreover, dispositions that are developed through family socialisation, referred to by Bourdieu as habitus, seem to form patterns of both leisure-time participation, the risk for depressive symptoms, and not least, the relationship between socialisation-related variables and various health-related variables. While habitus refers to a subjective feeling—including taken-for-granted elements—about oneself , we operationalised the relatively abstract notion of habitus with the more concrete concept of capital; hence, we found that economic and social status have potential explanatory value regarding depressive symptoms among youth, while cultural capital, measured as the parents’ education, did not cf. .Cultural capital, measured as the parents’ education, did not explain much about the risk for depressive symptoms among Norwegian youth. This indicated a reason why cultural capital has received little attention in health research ; howeverRegarding economic capital, which is understood here as material resources that are ‘immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalised in the form of property rights’  and measWhen it comes to social capital—which, for Bourdieu, is accrued to individuals as a resource of networks and interpersonal relationships , and inThus, our findings are in accordance with the established knowledge about physical activity being associated with lower degrees of depressive symptoms. This counted for both girls and boys, while the well-established pattern of gender difference was also identified in our study. To specify, being a girl was associated with a greater likelihood of having depressive symptoms.Nevertheless, despite a rather opposite research population (Bone and colleagues studied older adults in the United States), we followed Bone, Bu, Fluharty, Paul, Sonke, and Fancourt , who staIn summary, the findings of his study may be considered as an overlap between various fields that suit people with a given habitus. Specifically, we can see the sketches of a field of physical activity that overlaps with the field of education and social life (middle-class youth who perceived a good family economy), in which people in these fields seemed to have lower symptoms of depression and lower levels of unwanted health behaviours. This is all in line with the theory of how an individual’s habitus corresponds to the individual’s position in social space, and that position in social space develops a disposition for certain habits and participation in particular fields . In otheWe find the theory of Bourdieu apt as a framework for interpreting differences in mental health problems because it provides a toolbox for not only describing them but for discussing and explaining differences in health inequalities by taking into account various resources that are possessed by individuals and patterned in society. It enables the inclusion of health indicators that are often neglected, hereunder the subjective perception of economic capital, as well as other cultural and social aspects. Most significantly, Bourdieu’s theory focuses not only on the resources that some people ‘lack’ but rather is ‘a theory of privilege than a theory of inadequacy’ .The data used in this study were collected in 2017–2019 and provide an up-to-date description of key aspects of adolescents’ lives. Additionally, the outcome measure worked well psychometrically at a general level . A limitIn conclusion, we found that being physically active, both in a sports club and in non-organised activities, was associated with lower odds of depressive symptoms among adolescents in Norway. Moreover, we also found that the association between being physically active in a sports club and symptoms of depression was not significant for those reporting a poor family economy cf. . This caWhen it comes to the political and practical implications of this research, the ‘depressive message’ is to support girls to participate more in physical activities and let people increase their economy or at least facilitate a better perception of the family economy among youth. These suggestions are impossible. Thus, to identify any causal relationships or mechanisms explaining these statistical relationships, more research is needed. For example, we suggest qualitative interviews of youth with a lower perceived family economy; in this respect, studies with a longitudinal design, and perhaps even better, a mixed-methods approach that covers both measured and perceived economies would be appropriate. Additionally, qualitative research could and should determine what non-physical activity really means for youth. If it refers to sports-like activities outside a formal organisation but in a social setting with friends, perhaps the fact that friends are involved, at least partially, may explain the association with lower odds of depressive symptoms. Exploring underlying mechanisms of how physical activity can improve mental health in both clinical and public health settings is vital to future research and health policies. Public health strategies should facilitate healthy lifestyle choices for all adolescents, independent of family support, e.g., through universal interventions, such as safe environments that promote physical activity.


Given older adults’ preference to age in place and declining mobility, housing is a significant place in later life. Therefore, this paper explores the influence of housing, migration, and age on older migrants’ subjective wellbeing, with attention to immaterial aspects such as a sense of home as well. (2) Methods: In-depth interviews with older migrants from various ethnicities (N = 22) were conducted. The data collection and analysis were led by an inductive and deductive approach through thematic analysis. (3) Results: The results point to the dynamic nature of age(ing) and the role of migration background in the subjective wellbeing of older migrants. The need for preserving one’s housing situation and environmental mastery in later life is highlighted. Furthermore, the relation and mutual influence of subjective wellbeing and sense of home is uncovered. (4) Conclusions: This study highlights the intersection of age, migration, and housing to the subjective wellbeing and sense of home of older migrants. In addition, influences on older migrants’ subjective wellbeing concern both a material  and immaterial  base. EspeMigrant or minority status is also related to subjective wellbeing . HoweverHousing fulfils a basic need and is thus associated with wellbeing . HousingClosely related to housing is ‘home’. Home concerns a relationship with place, imbued with culture, derived from feelings of security, familiarity, and control. Although home has some material foundation, it goes beyond solely housing. Yet, home should not be approached separately from housing . CloselyIn sum, research on older migrants ,42,43,44We conducted 19 in-depth interviews with 22 older migrants (3 couple interviews). The search criteria were: (1) aged 60 and older, (2) 1st, 1.5  or 2nd migration migrant, (3) living at home in Limburg, Belgium. Limburg is a province in Belgium known for its rich labour migration history. Following the discovery of coal in the 20th century, several mines opened and recruited foreign labour forces from several countries such as Italy, Poland, Spain, Greece, Turkey, and Morocco. Participants were recruited in various ways; through the network of the researchers established by previous interviews with older migrants, through ‘snowballing’, and with the help of municipality and community workers. This resulted in a diverse sample of 22 participants, which included 8 men and 14 women of Italian (N = 10), Polish (N = 4), Moroccan (N = 2), Dutch (N= 2), Turkish (N = 1), Russian (N = 1), Spanish (N = 1), and Greek (N = 1) migration background see . All intWhen you get older, you feel it in your joints. You don’t notice it yet at your age, but at my age, you start to feel it”).In terms of researcher–participant positionality, the first author would be considered an ‘outsider’  . Afterwards, thematic analysis  was usedIn this section, first, aspects specific to the study’s research context  are discussed. Second, material influences are discussed, focusing on housing and environmental mastery within the built environment. Third, moving beyond the built environment, older migrants’ sense of home in relation to their subjective wellbeing is addressed.As older migrants are the target group of this study, participants were asked (both directly and indirectly) about their views on age(ing) and migration in relation to subjective wellbeing. Two issues came to the fore; the dynamic nature of age(ing) and the influence of migration background. As this paper is interested in older migrants’ subjective experiences, participants were asked about the possible role of their migration background in their happiness. In doing so, we aim to better our understanding of to what extent migration background can explain variances in subjective wellbeing.The interviews highlighted the dynamic nature and the strong influence of age(ing) on various aspects of subjective wellbeing. Participants discussed changes in their views on ageing, life goals, and housing needs as they grow older. For example, some participants still expressed specific, new goals, such as learning a new language, taking computer lessons, or getting a driver’s license, or formulated more generic goals, such as being happy and enjoying life. However, many participants no longer had specific goals in later life.When you are young, you still have a future, a goal. But at my old age, what am I going to achieve?”“—Antonia, 66, Spanish migration backgroundImportantly, for most of these participants, this lack of specific goals in later life did not seem to affect their subjective wellbeing, as they had already achieved their main life goals. These participants also had a positive view on their past  and present life . The interviews showed that satisfaction with achieved life goals contributes to participants’ subjective wellbeing.I have no more goals. Look, I am done with my job. I am happily married. I had two children, and three grandchildren. That is fulfilled for me. Finito. There’s nothing more to add.”“—Giacomo, 75, Italian migration backgroundParticipants also discussed how their housing wants and needs (might) change as they age. For example, all participants expressed their wish to age in place. However, faced with their ageing body, an unchanged environment can now become an obstacle. What once was experienced as adequate housing becomes challenging in later life. Below, individual differences between husband and wife become apparent in their conversation. Unlike Jan, Lotka experiences the stairs in their split-level house as a struggle.If I want to have breakfast outside, and I do, I drag everything downstairs, seven times, and then I have breakfast outside. If only I didn’t have to climb the stairs. That’s something you realise with age.”LOTKA: “Now, now, now… with her illness.”JAN: “Yes, but Jan, there will come a time when you won’t be able to march up the stairs cheerfully either.”LOTKA: “I don’t have to be cheerful. At 80, I can still get up the stairs. It’s only five stairs. If it were twenty stairs, it would be a sport. As long as I can still get up the stairs here. If it were possible, I would do that for her, ground flour, and she’d get a pool as well.”JAN: “—Jan ; Lotka The challenge of a change in the match between people and their environment does not only apply to housing but also to the neighbourhood. For example, Piero  states that he would consider a move to the city centre when he gets older, as the neighbourhood he currently lives in has changed a lot and would possibly hinder his wish to age in place.We used to have all kinds of things here too. We had a bank here, a chip shop, and several shops. That used to be a shop there, an alternative has come there, but it is not the same as that shop. All that has fallen away. Then when you are a bit older, like my parents, they had nowhere to go to withdraw money, for example, then they depended on me.”“—Piero, 66, Italian migration backgroundIn analysing the dynamic nature of ageing and, in turn, its influence on older migrants’ subjective wellbeing, life course experiences should be taken into account. The data show how life events affected or changed participants’ subjective wellbeing. For example, for some participants, retirement generated some financial concerns, especially in relation to a possibly increasing care need when getting older. For others, moving generated a longing for the previous dwelling while also kickstarting a new homemaking process. Such life course experiences not only affect participants’ subjective wellbeing at a particular point in time but can also have long-term effects. For example, being faced with health problems—for either participants themselves or a significant other—can change one’s view on what is needed in order to be happy in a particular place.Because I have had two serious illnesses. The first was breast cancer, which was seven years ago now. Thank God I am well now. Two years after that, I had a heart attack. And you start thinking like, if you are healthy, then you can do anything. If you have experienced that, twice, death before your eyes, if you have seen that, you think, let me be healthy, and the rest will come naturally.”“—Paola, 65, Italian migration backgroundThe participants elaborated on generational differences between migrants. First-generation migrants reported great effects of migration background on their subjective wellbeing in the first years after migration. For example, language served as a moderating negative influence on migrants’ social relations, which, in turn, negatively affected their subjective wellbeing. Second-generation participants were more familiar with Belgian culture and learned Dutch at school. From their own experience, interviewees reflected on the differences they observed between their parents and themselves. However, despite being more embedded within Belgian culture and life, many second-generation migrants could still experience an effect of their migration background. They face dualities such as growing up with two or more cultures, speaking multiple languages and constructing a sense of home in multiple places. For example, like their parents, second-generation participants struggled with the Dutch language. However, as they were very young, they were able to pick it up faster than their parents. Yet, it is striking that second-generation participants mention and still to this day recall how they experienced the linguistic struggle as a child. Another example of how the influence of migration trickled down through second-generation participants’ parents’ concerns accumulated disadvantages, not only because of linguistic challenges but also because of financial and educational challenges. For example, some participants shared that their first-generation parents were not able to support them with schoolwork and that their parents were not familiar with the Belgian school system. Second-generation participants elaborated on their experiences of being lower educated. Some participants also report dropping out of school early.What I regret is that our parents didn’t know about education, for example, which schools to send us to. Now, we say, ‘those schools are better’, or ‘this is how we can help our children’. We didn’t have that. So we did miss those chances.”“—Fatma, 62, Turkish migration backgroundI only went to school until I was fourteen, while I really liked going to school, and I really liked studying. I always was first or second in class. I really liked doing it, but financially at home, we were hungry, so I thought, I’m going to work so my mother would have a little more money.”“—Antonia, 66, Spanish migration backgroundThe results highlighted two material influences on subjective wellbeing. The first is older migrants’ dwelling itself and their wish to remain there for as long as possible, pointing to a need for housing stability. Second, and related to the first, the importance of environmental mastery in the ways in which participants interact with their environment while  ageing, is discussed.In discussing how housing contributes to subjective wellbeing, homeownership often came up. On the one hand, being a homeowner  appeared to be an important life goal of many participants and, therefore, if achieved, positively contributes to subjective wellbeing. On the other hand, the current housing was important to older migrants’ wish to age in place. Most participants want to remain in their house for as long as possible, partly because they are very satisfied with their current dwelling due to various reasons, including the memories made there, the good location, familiarity, and a good relationship with neighbours. Consequently, they do not want to move (anymore). Moreover, they are willing to facilitate their strong wish to age in place, for example, by making housing adaptations, hiring cleaning staff, or arranging home care.To further explore the relationship between housing and subjective wellbeing in later life, participants were asked about their views on residential care facilities and how they think moving there would affect their happiness. Overall, participants had a negative view of residential care facilities. Some participants explicitly said they would not be happy living there. Several reasons were mentioned: (1) loss of independence and dignity, (2) staff shortages made participants fear they would merely be a number or not receive good care, (3) loss of social interactions, (4) too expensive, (5), spatial concerns , and (6) not enough consideration for migration background .I sometimes visit a residential care home. Then when I return home, I think ‘no’. I don’t like that people living there are addressed with: ‘granny, do you want to drink?’. Granny! That person is not their grandma. That person has a name! It’s all good but those are the kind of things that offend me.”“—Krysia, 85, Polish migration backgroundYour parents, when they are old, you don’t send them to a residential care facility. With us in Islam, the parents get tremendous respect and certainly the mother […] When you grow up, 40 or 50, you can’t leave them behind. You have to take them with you […] No. I don’t have my freedom there, and when I am with the family, I am happy. For example, in the residential care home, you have to eat what they serve, then the food is not hot, and the meat is cooked with alcohol. Then I would have to ask my son to take me to the mosque. I hope he keeps me here, really.”“—Marouan, 65, Moroccan migration backgroundAlthough no participants expressed a strongly positive view on residential care facilities, some did see benefits . Important to note is that these benefits are rather practical such as receiving good care. However, receiving quality care does not necessarily positively affect all participants’ subjective wellbeing, as demonstrated by Massimo’s quote below.We have that support in Belgium. If you cannot live at home anymore, you have to go there because you have more comfort … A residential care facility is comfortable to the end. We are going there anyway, all of us. That is a place where you meet your end. You know that. Okay, we can stay alive longer there, in comfort, but I am not happy anymore.”“—Massimo, 64, Italian migration backgroundI would have loved to have my own house with a fireplace. Then I would be truly happy […] But the house isn’t mine.”Besides housing itself, the ways in which participants deal with the materiality of their house is a major influence on their subjective wellbeing. Having a sense of environmental mastery  was considered important to most participants in order to be happy. They elaborate on how they (try to) control their environment and (try to) adapt it to their wants and needs. Participants who rented their dwelling referred to their limited environmental mastery. For example, Liliana  shared that she had to wait months before she was assigned a ground-floor apartment by the social housing corporation. Moreover, the effect of renting could also extend to participants’ subjective wellbeing. For example, Paola  says, “In addition, one of the interviewees shared a story of when she faced health problems and turned down the offer of household help. She did this because she did not like a stranger to ‘grab’ her personal belongings. Several examples from the interviews will be used to further discuss the importance of environmental mastery to older migrants’ subjective wellbeing. In many instances, this is discussed in relation to feeling less independent  and the continuous process of balancing this contradiction within their housing and environment. Lotka’s quote below shows how she is trying to navigate this delicate balance between her mind (high independence) and body (declining independence). She has recently been struggling with her health, and besides the physical challenges, she also faces difficulties in dealing with the feelings associated with these physical challenges.I like being independent. I don’t like to ask or delegate. I’m starting to learn because of those stairs […] Now I ask him to get me some potatoes from downstairs, but before that, I was exhausted and still went to fetch them myself. My husband says I should just ask. When I was lying here with my [broken] foot, I felt terrible. I was thirsty, but I was too proud to ask. He has to ask me that because I am help-dependent.”“—Lotka, 72, Polish migration backgroundThe interviews also point to the importance of participants’ subjective experiences in navigating their (in)dependence. Krysia’s quote below, for example, reveals how she harmonises her subjective experiences of dependence and independence. When asked about the meaning of subjective wellbeing (or happiness), Krysia mentions the importance of being independent. In further conversation, she recognises that, objectively, her independence is declining. However, subjectively, she does not experience it in that way. In fact, receiving help even contributes to her subjective wellbeing. This points to a delicate, complex balance between (in)dependence and subjective wellbeing.For me, happiness is not being a burden to anyone for now. I think that is a bliss. Look, I don’t like driving at night anymore. I can’t see properly anymore. That’s old age. When I go to the eye doctor, he says I have old eyes. Then I am happy when I don’t have to drive and when someone drives. Small things make you happy, those little things. My granddaughter comes and helps me with the computer, little things like that. Then I do depend on them a little bit, but I don’t experience it in that way yet.”“—Krysia, 85, Polish migration backgroundIn the context of environmental mastery, physical health seems to be a strong influencer on the balance between participants’ perceived (in)dependence and subjective wellbeing. For example, Liliana  currently struggles with her health and finds it very important to be independent. Therefore, she wishes for her situation to stay as it is, as she fears that her independence might be compromised if her health was to deteriorate even more. Other participants also experienced this strong link between health and (in)dependence. It seems that certain factors such as the degree of intimacy, the people involved , and the type of activity can account for differences in how (in)dependence is experienced. First, the degree of intimacy seems to affect how participants perceive a loss of independence. For example, for Krysia (see quote below), a physical intimacy issue, such as having to be washed by others, evokes negative feelings . However, other losses of independence where no  intimacy comes into play, such as Krysia being no longer able to drive at night, are experienced differently.I saw my mother. My mother got washed by my eldest daughter. Often, I think when I am washing myself that I am not ready for that yet. How lucky am I not to be faced with that yet! Who will wash me?”“—Krysia, 85, Polish migration backgroundThis relation between health and (in)dependence also plays out within the physical environment. Here, the environment can further challenge this delicate balance. For example, Lotka’s interview shows how her environmental mastery was contested by the stairs in her house on various occasions.I couldn’t walk to the toilet on the first floor. So, I dragged myself upstairs on my butt and got up and went to the toilet.”“—Lotka, 72, Polish migration backgroundSecond, the people taking over some responsibilities seem to affect participants’ experience of declining independence. Some activities are preferred to be executed by significant others , while other activities are preferably taken care of by strangers . Again, these preferences also differ individually as some prefer family members to take care of more intimate activities , while others would prefer professionals to handle these.I wouldn’t want my life to be determined by people practising a profession. Because exercising a profession, that is compulsory […] They don’t do it out of their free will or love towards you. Their work rhythm determines what you have to do […] Personally, I would see it differently. For example, if I have to pay 2200 euros a month in a residential care home, and then when I see the wages of my daughters, who work eight hours a day, I think I can perfectly pay someone to take care of me here with that same money.”“—Theo, 70, Greek migration backgroundBesides Theo’s wish to be taken care of by someone with whom he can build a relation with, he also expresses a strong environmental mastery, taking matters into his own hands. Multiple participants expressed similar wishes. For example, taking a family member from the country of origin to take care of them or adapting the house. It shows their willingness to be in control of their own lives and environment in later life, also when it comes to who provides support.Third, the nature of the activities in which help is required also plays a great role in how the loss of independence is experienced among participants. For example, many participants were open to hiring cleaning staff if they would not be able to take care of the maintenance themselves. Although they partially give up some of their independence in light of their strong wish to age in place, it is not experienced as a loss per se. In fact, many participants view this as an acceptable arrangement that allows them to remain in their homes for as long as possible. So, although they partially give up some independence, they still experience a sense of control over their living situation, again pointing to the subjective experience of environmental mastery.However, the interviews also revealed many instances in which participants did experience a restriction in their independence. The ageing body was one of the main causes mentioned by participants. Lotka’s quote below shows how she struggles with her ageing body in contrast to her (unchanged) environment, negatively impacting her subjective wellbeing.I can’t do anything on my own anymore, and that’s my biggest enemy. I have to walk with my rollator. I used to go without […] I am already exhausted after only passing two houses, and my friend lives in the third. I used to visit her three times a week to have a coffee chat, but now, I only go once a week because it stops me. I don’t like going down the street with the rollator, and it is too far on foot. Then I’m exhausted. Then I can put myself down in the middle of the street and cry because I’m in pain.”“—Lotka, 72, Polish migration backgroundBesides the ageing body, financials also affected some participants’ independence. Although no participants expressed being in financial difficulties, almost all of them were aware of the possibilities and limitations of their pensions. Financial restrictions especially impacted their view on housing options. Many participants are concerned that moving to a service flat or care facility will be too expensive. This was particularly expressed by respondents with a partner. This is also one of the reasons why most participants have a negative view of residential care facilities. Some participants also pointed out their housing would need adaptations in order to support their wish to age in place. However, this is financially challenging to owners, and renters are constrained in their possibilities to do so. Therefore, participants’ perceptions of their possibilities in the housing market in later life seem limited.The bathroom should be different, with a walk-in shower.”“—Krysia, 85, Polish migration backgroundThe stairs to the basement are the house’s handicap […] There is no other way. I won’t go to the children because they have their own lives [...] If I have to move, I will only go to a residential care facility [...] I wouldn’t know where else to go.”“—Elena, 71, Italian migration backgroundIn analysing the data to explore the role of a sense of home in relation to subjective wellbeing, the interrelatedness of both concepts became apparent. First, participants often used the concepts ‘house’ and ‘(sense of) home’ interchangeably during the interviews. For example, considering the effect of age(ing) on migrants’ subjective wellbeing, the interviews revealed that not only did participants want to preserve their current housing situation, but they also wished to preserve their sense of home. In asking participants what a sense of home entails, they often referred to their housing. It points to the important material foundation of housing to a sense of home. However, in addition, participants also mentioned immaterial aspects . Some participants found it difficult or even impossible to imagine a change in their sense of home. A couple of respondents explicitly mentioned that they would struggle with changes. This struggle seems to increase with age. Possibly, this is because most interviewees lived many years in their current housing and strongly expressed their wish to age in place.I like living here. I have placed and organised everything here. I know ‘how’ and ‘what’. I go to the shops and I know these people, that’s a bond. I have been here for so many years, that’s very special. You know every stone in the street, and you don’t like change. That’s maybe the age. I see young people now […] that’s a different mindset. As you grow older, you don’t want to come out of your shell. You say, ‘I know that’ and you don’t want to lose that.”“—Fatma, 62, Turkish migration backgroundLooking at the relationship between subjective wellbeing and a sense of home, many instances of them intertwining stand out, but data still point to two different and separate concepts. In addition to this, the data also reinforce the subjective nature of wellbeing and sense of home, sometimes creating very different and individual experiences and interpretations. Consequently, the data do not point to a straightforward relation between a sense of home and subjective wellbeing. Some participants consider a sense of home to lead to or be a condition for happiness, while others approached this relation the other way around, pointing to the importance of being happy so that one can feel at home. In addition to this, some participants explicitly mentioned their views on the relationship between both concepts or used them during the interview interchangeably. For example, when asked about feeling at home, participants would shift to the concept of ‘happiness’, while seemingly still referencing the same train of thought. The results also show that one’s sense of home (attached to the house) can become important in coping with adversity in life, as reflected in Nico’s quote below. It shows that even though his happiness and sense of home are not aligned, it does not necessarily impact both. Moreover, in Nico’s case, his stable sense of home even serves as a safe haven during difficult moments.Last year, my wife received bad news from the hospital. That was a very unhappy period. But still, I am happy that we could open the door and enter our home. That’s moving on. I’m home. I have a home to return to, where we can discuss the problems. That is a sense of home.”“—Nico, 69, Italian migration backgroundSecond, the interviews also pointed out the dynamic nature of a sense of home. Not only life events but also ageing in itself can constantly renegotiate one’s sense of home and subjective wellbeing. For example, Krysia  says she used to be open to moving to a care facility, but because of her own experiences while visiting such facilities, she has now changed her mind. Elena  says she would consider a move to a care facility if necessary, but she is aware that her view on this might change. This changing view as one ages can also affect one’s sense of home. For example, Giacomo  states that the feeling of being a stranger in his country of origin has increased with age. This also points to the importance of taking life course experiences into account: of course, for first-generation migrants, migration in itself is a major life event, and the interviews reveal how this affects participants throughout their life course, pointing to a dynamism of subjective wellbeing throughout life. For example, Renata  shares that she was unhappy and did not experience a sense of home right after migrating to Belgium. However, over the years and because of her children, she started developing a dual sense of home, both in Belgium and Italy. Parallel to this, she experienced an incline in her happiness. In addition, Massimo’s  interview shows the changing influence of migration throughout his life course. At first, he felt like a stranger in Belgium, describing his migration as traumatic. However, after meeting his wife, learning Dutch, and securing a job, he started to feel at home in Belgium. Parallel to this growing sense of home in Belgium, his sense of home in Italy started declining over the years. Here, the intersection of age, migration, and a sense of home becomes apparent.The brief literature review indicated that influences on wellbeing can vary across age ,16 and cResearch interested in particular features  risks over-emphasising the role of these features. For example, migration research only focusing on ethnicity. Researchers should be mindful of other characteristics ,56. TherOur results pointed to the dynamic nature of ageing in relation to subjective wellbeing. This is in line with previous research, stating that influences on subjective wellbeing can vary with age ,16. OverBesides ageing, the influence of migration background was also analysed in this study. The results show that it is valuable to consider the intersection of migration and age in understanding older migrants’ subjective wellbeing, as it can account for some variances. For example, the accumulation of disadvantages due to migration background was mentioned by some participants during the interviews. Research shows that this can have a negative influence on both subjective wellbeing  and the This study specifically focused on housing, age, and migration in relation to subjective wellbeing. Here, the aforementioned dynamic nature of ageing was also highlighted in contrast to the environment , and whether this did or did not change over time. A changing living environment can have different impacts on older migrants’ subjective wellbeing. Ageing in place can negatively impact older adults’ subjective wellbeing . For exaVarious housing options should be available to older adults. Hence, given the diversifying ageing population, (interior) architectural design should take this increasing diversity into account. Not only in terms of migration background and culture but also taking other sources of diversity into account . This is also in line with research on (design for) subjective wellbeing that points to the importance of a tailored approach fitting with the individual’s interests ,60,61. FFinally, the results point to the importance of other intersecting features, especially health and homeownership. Both can again be linked to control. A declining health can challenge one’s control over everyday life affairs in an unchanged environment . Related to this, renting a property can obstruct one’s sense of control over one’s own home . Control seems a key element in this as it is both a dimension of home  as well Adopting an intersectional lens has shown that the intersection of age(ing) and housing is a prominent feature in relation to older migrants’ subjective wellbeing. Such an approach has enabled us to identify various and intersected influences on subjective wellbeing. For example, the results point to the importance of housing, especially at the intersection with age. It shows that an unchanged environment parallel to the changing needs in later life can become challenging and affect one’s subjective wellbeing. Although not absent, migration background as an influencing factor then seems to shift to the background in most instances—whereas this was the other way around for many first-generation participants right after migrating to Belgium. However, the results do point to some instances where housing, age, and migration background all intersect.In addition to identifying the important role of housing, this study points to immaterial aspects, such as environmental mastery and a sense of home, that also affect older migrants’ subjective wellbeing. Therefore, future research could further explore how ‘home’ is experienced or sensed by older migrants, especially in relation to their subjective wellbeing. Besides exploring (the intersection of) various influences on older migrants’ subjective wellbeing, the results of this study highlight the importance of subjective experiences. In other words, although the identified influences can affect older migrants’ subjective wellbeing, this was not the case for all participants, highlighting the individual and subjective nature of happiness.A limitation of this paper concerns the use of community workers to recruit some participants as this could result in a selection bias . In thisAs this study only included participants living at home in relatively good health, it would be interesting for future research to further explore the role of housing in subjective wellbeing among various settings  and among older migrants with various care needs.


The findings have implications for coping both on a societal and individual level, by changing perspectives and valuing the richness of positive as well as negative experiences, as well as counteracting repetitiveness and tedium and stimulating new experiences and reflection. The findings also have implications for future research on well-being, which could be informed by expanding the perspective from living well to a life well-lived, and future research on PRL and coping in terms of investigating causalities and interaction effects.This paper draws from the recent literature on psychological richness of life (PRL), conceptualized as a third dimension of a good life which would be particularly desirable when happiness or meaning in life cannot be satisfactory attained, to investigate whether recovering from a COVID infection could be associated with PRL. We hypothesize that people who have recovered from being infected by the virus rate their PRL higher than those who have not been infected. Two cross-sectional studies ( Most people want life to be happy or meaningful . HoweverHowever, the recent literature suggests that there is a third dimension of a good life, alongside happiness and meaning, conceptualized as a psychologically rich life e.g., . This diContrary to the other two dimensions, the psychological richness of life (PRL) has not yet been subject to study during the recent pandemic. This is the aim of the present paper. More specifically, it focuses on the relationship between recovering from a COVID infection and PRL. We believe that a COVID infection would fit the definition of a psychologically rich experience. Not previously experienced in our lifetime, unpredictable, and with a multitude of potential symptoms e.g., , it woulWe test our main hypothesis that there is a positive relationship between recovering from a COVID infection and psychological richness in life, in two cross-sectional online studies. In study 1, a convenience sample of 937 Swedes, we also investigated perceived PRL change and whether people who recovered from a COVID infection would be less prone to erase the pandemic time-period from their lives (and explored their underlying motivations for this decision). In study 2, a survey of a nation-representative sample of 1,012 Swedes, we replicate the findings from study 1 and also test the hypothesis that people who recovered from a COVID infection experience less death anxiety.A survey of almost 4,000 people in nine different countries in North America, Asia, Africa, and Europe, found that between 50 and 70% percent would describe their ideal life as happy, while between 25 and 38% would describe it as meaningful . HappineHowever, optimal psychological experience and functioning might not be possible for everyone to attain e.g., . CircumsConceived of as a life well lived , a good not escaping). As argued by Indeed, a psychologically rich life could be construed as a good life, even lacking happiness and meaning, when a person would be able to say on their deathbed, “I had an interesting life,” or that their life would make a good novel or movie .It is well established that the two dimensions of well-being, happiness, and meaning, overlap to some extent, but are still unique and discriminantly valid constructs e.g., . SimilarApplying the three dimensions of a good life to the COVID pandemic, recent studies have found that lockdowns, quarantines, restrictions, and fear of the virus have had detrimental effects on both happiness and meaningfulness, as briefly reviewed in this paper’s introduction. However, PRL has not yet been studied in light of the pandemic. We hypothesize that there is a positive relationship between PRL and recovering from a COVID infection.While previous studies have investigated the indirect relationships between happiness, meaning and the pandemic  to the best of our knowledge, only one published study has associated well-being directly with the COVID virus. In that study, A three-fold argument could be made for this hypothesis. First, a COVID infection, unprecedented with its unpredictability and multitude of symptoms e.g., , would fH1: People who have recovered from a COVID infection rate their psychological richness of life higher compared to those who have not been infected with the virus.We hypothesize that people who recovered from a COVID infection would be less prone to erase the pandemic time-period from their lifeline, if given the choice, compared to those who have not been infected by the virus. As found in the reviewed studies, the pandemic time period has taken much from people’s lives, for example, in terms of stability, safety, comfort and pleasantness (which would otherwise contribute to a happy life), in terms of purpose, structure and the ability to live up to one’s full capacity (which would otherwise contribute to a meaningful life), and potentially also in terms of experiences and variation due to restrictions . Consequently, it seems plausible that many would rather erase it from their lifeline. However, compared to those who have not been infected and directly impacted by the virus, those who recovered from a COVID infection would be more likely to perceive that the pandemic time period has enriched their lives, in terms of, for example, challenge, intense experiences, new perspective and a story to their life narrative, and it seems reasonable to expect that they would therefore be less prone to erase it from their lifeline.In fact, if recovering from a COVID infection has a positive relationship with PRL and PRL is a dimension of good life, which by definition is a life worth living , the logH2: People who have recovered from a COVID infection would be les\s prone to erase the pandemic time-period from their lifeline compared to those who have not been infected with the virus.While a positive relationship between recovering from a COVID infection and PRL could explain the potential decision to not erase the pandemic time-period from one’s lifeline, it is not conceptually clear why people would rather prefer to erase it. Would it, for example, be because they regret the lower level of PRL, or because other, negative, motivations become more salient in the absence of a higher level of PRL? In other words, are the motivations for erasing the time-period the same as for not erasing it, or do they differ? The answer to this question would inform our understanding both of pandemic coping and of PRL. Therefore, we pose the research question:What are people’s main motivations for wanting to erase the pandemic time-period or not from their lifeline?RQ1 A survey was distributed on the first author’s Facebook page during the second week of April 2021. A total of 973 Swedes  anonymously filled out the questionnaire. The respondents were informed that they consented to be included in the study by answering the web-based questionnaire. The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki .“have you recovered from a diagnosed COVID infection?” We also included the option, “no, but have started or finished vaccination treatment.”People answered “yes” or “no” to the question, PRL, our main dependent variable (H1), was measured with five items taken from Cronbach’s alpha = 0.83, McDonald’s Omega = 0.83.perceived change in PRL during the pandemic with the question, “During the pandemic, has your life, compared to before, become more or less… eventful/dramatic/interesting/full of surprise/psychologically rich,” on an 11-point scale ranging from −5 (significantly less) to +5 (significantly more) with midpoint 0, Cronbach’s alpha = 0.84, McDonald’s Omega = 0.85.Per the argument leading up to H2 that the positive association of recovering from a COVID infection could potentially be both with absolute level and with perceived change in PRL, we also gauged people’s PRL items loaded on one factor and the five change in PRL items loaded on a second factor in a two-factor model, Chi-square = 1101.33, NFI = 0.86, RMSR = 0.069.In a confirmatory factor analysis, the five We measured whether people were prone to erase the pandemic time-period from their lifeline (H2) with the question, “if you were able to erase the pandemic time-period and everything that happened during this time, would you choose to do so? Yes/no.”Cohen’s weighted Kappa 0.93, p = 0.001. Differences were then resolved through discussion.For exploration per RQ1, we also included an open-ended question, which asked participants to motivate their choice whether to erase the pandemic time-period from their lifeline or not. A total of 531 valid responses were analyzed. First, a random subset of 25 (choosing to erase the time-period) plus 25 (choosing not to erase it) responses was reviewed jointly by two research assistants to identify general themes. They agreed on six themes, “negative impact,” “isolation,” “tedium,” “perspective,” “experience,” and “drama.” The first three were associated with the choice to erase the time-period, and the latter three were associated with the choice not to. Based on these categories, the research assistants independently coded all the responses, Out of the 973 respondents, 146 (18.3%) answered “yes,” and 420 (52.6%) answered “no” to the question whether they had recovered from a diagnosed COVID infection. An additional 226 (28.3%) had started or finished vaccination treatment. We included them as an additional control group. Six respondents (0.4%) were currently infected and were consequently excluded from the analysis. Correlations between the two main PRL variables are reported in F = 8.10, p < 0.001. Next, we subjected the hypotheses to t-testing.Before testing the hypotheses separately, we first ran a MANCOVA with COVID infection (recovered vs. not infected) as a factor, PRL and perceived PRL change as dependent variables, and including age and sex as covariates. The factor produced significant effects on both dependent variables while controlling for age and sex, Testing our hypotheses, we conducted mean comparison t-tests between the group that had recovered from a COVID infection and the group who had not had an infection (please refer to M = 6.28) than those who had not been infected (M = 5.66), t = 4.05, p < 0.01 (Cohen’s d = 0.38). The COVID infection group also rated significantly higher on PRL compared to those who had started or finished vaccination (M = 5.84), t = 2.64, p < 0.01 (Cohen’s d = 0.28). Nonparametric Mann–Whitney U tests produced similarly significant differences  than those who had not been infected . They also rated higher than those who had started or finished vaccination . Again, Mann–Whitney U tests produced similarly significant differences  than those who had not been infected (46.9%). This was also the case when comparing with those who had started or finished vaccination (37.4%), Chi-square  = 15.20, p = 0.002.In support of H2, those who had recovered from a COVID infection were significantly less prone to erase the pandemic time-period from their lifeline (not erase it (82.7% vs. 53.8%), Chi-square  = 52.49, p < 0.001.Testing the argument leading up to H2 that a positive relationship between recovering from a COVID infection and PRL would extend to erasing the pandemic time-period or not, we ran an interaction test between this variable and PRL change (above vs. below 0). Indeed, when PRL change was positive versus negative, significantly more people would choose to keep the time-period on their lifeline and The main themes that were recurrent in explaining the choice to erase the pandemic time-period from one’s lifeline were its negative impact , isolation , and tedium . These themes came in multiple variations and overall seem to revolve around what the pandemic has taken from life.not erase the pandemic time-period from one’s lifeline were perspective , experience , and drama . These themes also came in several different variations and overall seem to revolve around what the pandemic has added to life.The main themes that were recurrent in explaining the choice to Chi-square  = 25.35, p < 0.001.The coders also noted that the replies related to erasing the pandemic time-period often seemed more general , whereas those related to not erasing often seemed more personal . Testing this notion, the replies were coded as general or personal (or non-specified) and subjected to a Chi-square test. General references were more common in the replies related to erasing the pandemic time-period (49%) than in the replies related to not erasing (34%), whereas the opposite pattern was found for personal references (41% vs. 55%), In support of our main hypothesis, people who had recovered from a COVID infection rated higher on PRL compared to those who had not been infected by the virus . Adding a measure of perceived PRL change, we found that the latter two groups on average perceived that their PRL had decreased during the pandemic, whereas those who had recovered from a COVID infection on average perceived their PRL to remain the same.In support of our second hypothesis, those who had recovered from a COVID infection were significantly less prone to delete the pandemic time-period from their lifeline than the group that had not been infected. An additional test showed an interaction effect with PRL change, whereby those who experienced an increase in PRL were more prone to keep the time-period compared to those who experienced a decrease in PRL.not delete the pandemic time-period from their lifeline, generally associated it with perspective, experience and drama, themes that would presumably increase PRL. Those who, on the other hand, would rather delete the pandemic time-period from their lifeline, generally associated it isolation and tedium, themes that would presumably decrease PRL. But the major theme in this group, negative impact, did not relate to PRL. A potential explanation for this would be that a lower level of PRL made other, negative aspects of the pandemic more salient. Additional coding suggested that the motivations to not erase the pandemic time-period seemed to be more related to people’s perceptions of their own lives, whereas the motivations to erase it also related to the general (negative) effects of the pandemic.The main themes that emerged in our exploratory analysis of the open-ended answers seemingly resonate with the findings. Those who would rather via social media. We therefore conducted a second study to replicate the test of our main hypothesis on a demographically representative sample that was recruited via a national panel, and which enabled us to gauge and include age, sex, level of education and income as covariates. This study also tested the additional hypothesis that those who recovered from a COVID infection would rate lower on death anxiety than those who have not been infected with the virus.While the findings support our hypotheses, the study was limited to a convenience sample recruited Studies across the globe, for example, in the USA , China , PakistaWe hypothesize that there is a negative relationship between recovering from a COVID infection and death anxiety. In other words, those who recovered from a COVID infection would rate lower on death anxiety than those who have not been infected with the virus. Recovering from being actually infected by the virus would likely be a relief from worry about dying from it. But the construal of PRL as a life well-lived—one that would make for good stories, a good movie, or even a good obituary—also suggests that a higher PRL (which was associated with recovering from an infection in Study 1) would potentially mitigate worry about life ending prematurely, at least to some extent.This argument would resonate with terror management theory, which postulates that mortality salience is associated with increased needs for self-esteem and literal or symbolic immortality to mitigate death anxiety e.g., . The litH3: People who recovered from a COVID infection rate their death anxiety lower compared to those who have not been infected with the virus.n = 1,012) were informed that they consented to be included in the study by answering the web-based questionnaire. The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki  that was retrieved from the Novus Sweden panel during the first two weeks of June 2021. Participants  answered “yes,” and 606 (59.9%) answered “no” to the question whether they had recovered from a diagnosed COVID infection. An additional 260 (25.7%) had started or finished vaccination treatment. Two respondents (0.2%) were currently infected and were thus excluded from the analysis.F = 5.07, p = 0.007. Next, we subjected the hypotheses to t-testing.Before testing the hypotheses separately, we first ran a MANCOVA with COVID infection (recovered vs. not infected) as a factor, PRL and death anxiety as dependent variables, and including age, sex, level of education, and income as covariates. The factor produced significant effects on both dependent variables while controlling for age, sex, level of education, and income, Testing our hypotheses, we conducted mean comparison t-tests between the group that had recovered from a COVID infection and the group that had not had an infection (please refer to M = 6.77) than those who had not been infected (M = 6.40), t = 2.42, p = 0.008 (Cohen’s d = 0.21). The COVID infection group also rated higher on PRL compared to those who had started or finished vaccination (M = 6.51), though only marginally significant at t = 1.53, p = 0.06 (Cohen’s d = 0.16). Nonparametric Mann–Whitney U tests produced similar differences  than those who had not been infected . The COVID infection group also rated lower than those who had started or finished vaccination . Again, Mann–Whitney U tests produced similarly significant differences (Also as hypothesized (H3), those who had recovered from a COVID infection rated significantly lower on death anxiety  time, allowing only a “snapshot view” of the relationship. As PRL is not yet a well-established dimension of a good life, it has not been subject to tracking over time (similar to happiness and meaning), and therefore, it was not possible to obtain pre-pandemic measures for comparison and analysis of dynamic effects. To this end, future studies are needed, using additional methodological approaches such as longitudinal designs or experiments, and preferably using clinical test data rather than self-reports of COVID status. While controlling for age, sex, education, and income, the analyses in the present studies were limited to two small samples of Swedes. Future research would be informed by larger samples, which take potential moderating effects of demographic and socioeconomic variables, as well as national differences into account.In summary, our two cross-sectional online studies find a positive relationship between recovering from a COVID infection and PRL. In the first study, a convenience sample of Swedes recruited The datasets presented in this study can be found in online repositories. The names of the repository/repositories and accession number(s) can be found at: DOI 10.17605/OSF.IO/CGM3W.Ethical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.All authors listed have made a substantial, direct, and intellectual contribution to the work and approved it for publication.The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.