The competition between government-provided apps and business-provided apps for active users in China is becoming increasingly fierce. Apps with higher user activity will win this competition. To maintain active users, finding the user activity influencing factors is crucial. In this study, we selected a government-provided app—“Beijing One Card”- and a business-provided app—“Bus Code” (the Beijing area) -in the field of public transportation as the comparative research objects. Based on multiple regression analysis, we explored the factors influencing user activity. We found user preference plays a critical role in distinguishing the influencing factors of user activity between two kinds of apps. Distinct from the existing research, the service quality does not affect the user activity of public transportation apps. This paper argues that, whether it is a government-provided app or a business-provided app, to enhance the user activity of the app, in the short term, it is necessary to improve the app function according to the user’s needs, try to provide services which user like, cater to user’s preference, strengthen user experience; In the long run, it is essential to pay attention to mining the user’s data accumulated while operating the app to understand user behavior. So as to affect the user’s preference, enhance user’s trust, and improve user participation through public policy. At present, the Chinese government combines the reform idea of “Internet + government service” to provide public services through apps, websites, We-chat, and other ways in various fields, including public transportation. However, with the endless stream of apps provided by the government, some apps lack active users or have low user activity. The government has invested a lot of money in government apps, but the benefits are minimal. Users rarely use or are unwilling to use government apps. In addition to the apps provided by the government, enterprises are also providing apps with similar service functions to compete for active users. Taking the public transportation apps in Beijing as an example, there are many public transportation apps, such as “Bus Code,” “Easy Access,” “Beijing One Card,” “Beijing Bus,” and “Beijing Subway.” Some apps’ users are very active. This kind of app always remains a high download amount on the app download rank. However, some apps are gradually becoming “neglected” apps, losing active users, and few people download and use them. This phenomenon leads to myriad problems, such as: “what are the influencing factors of user activity in government-provided and business-provided apps?” “what are the differences between these two kinds of apps’ influencing factors?” and “what should governments and enterprises do to improve apps’ user activity?”In the field of public administration, scholars mainly discuss these research propositions from two dimensions: willingness to use continuously  and behaThe research on government apps has two types: One is the research on the function of the government apps themselves. The other is the research on users who use government apps.Given the problems of government apps themselves, scholars mainly discuss the research of interface design, system programs, and so on. For example, Research on users using government apps including the research of user perception , user saThe existing research on government apps shows that, because the construction of government apps is the “pillar” of China’s information construction, China urgently needs high-level research results. However, the current research on government apps is challenging to meet practice needs. This phenomenon can be summarized as “several aspects more, and several aspects lack.” Specifically, in the relevant research of government apps, there are more articles on “app” and “user,” and fewer articles on ‘the provider’-government or enterprise. Too much articles focused on academics and policy research and a few articles focused on business application. There are many studies on local problems and few articles on the overall situation of the system. There is much research focusing on the continuous use of users, but there is little research on the application of user preference and user psychological selection mechanisms. It is worth noting that scholars have paid attention to domestic research in China without considering the introduction of foreign theories, policies, and practices. Furthermore, at the policy level, the progress at the policy level still lacks sufficient support at the theoretical level. Theoretical research lags behind policy formulation needs, and the combination of qualitative and quantitative research is lacking. Finally, judging from the academic achievements published by government apps at the present stage, most of them are the results of investigation and research on some aspects of the development of government apps. There are many articles and reports on emergencies and scenarios, but systematic research with theoretical depth and empirical support is rare.At present, there are three main aspects of research on a public transport app.Firstly, the research on influencing factors includes user satisfaction, user loyalty, user continuance intention, and user interest. Secondly, the research about different user groups, including the elderly, youth, and other groups . Finally, public transportation and its apps are also related to smart city planning. Some articles  have focIt can be seen from the above literature that in the existing research on public transport apps, there are mainly the following deficiencies. First, there is no distinction between providers. That is, there is no distinction between public transport apps provided by the government or provided by enterprises. When a user chooses a public transport app, he or she may select his or her favorite provider. Second, there is less targeted research on the public transport app provided by the government, let alone a comparative study between the two providers. The existing research is more unilateral research on enterprises’ commercial goals, and public transport apps. Apparently, user policies that are appropriate for business apps are not always appropriate for government apps. Third, there is a lack of overall attention to user activity research. Now, more and more public transportation apps are showing face, grab active users is the key to making app ‘survival’. It is crucial to understand whether the government-provided apps’ users are more active or the business-provided apps’ users are more active. Besides, the influencing factors of the user activity will provide valuable suggestions for the government and enterprises in the field of public transportation. For the government, understanding the influencing factors of user activity can enable the government to provide better digital services, improve user trust, maintain user activity, and improve citizen participation. For enterprises, understanding the influencing factors of user activity can maximize the enterprises’ interests while enhancing the user travel experience.Scholars often use theoretical models, such as the D&M IS success model , the tecIn terms of the effectiveness of information systems or the success of information systems, DeLone and McLean proposed a widely accepted information system success model in 1992 . An updaSome scholars apply this model to the study of user satisfaction , user coDavis proposed the Technology Acceptance Model in 1989  when he This theory is also used in user satisfaction, user continuous use, user adoption, user acceptance, and other research. For example, 4Ps theory is developed from 4P theory. Whether it is a government-provided app or a business-provided app, its essence is service. The app is merely the platform to provide service. User activity of an app essentially reflects users’ continuous use decision-making behavior to meet their own consumption needs. Previous studies have mainly studied the factors that influence users’ decision-making on sustainable use of two dimensions: willingness to use continuously and behavior to use continuously.The willingness to use continuously mainly focuses on the psychological feeling, and experiences of users, and users subjectively want to use the app. For example, The behavior to use continuously mainly concentrates on users’ use behavior, including users’ continuous use of an app, active time and frequency, etc. Whether it is psychological users’ willingness to use continuously or actual users’ behavior to use continuously, they all impact users’ app active time and use frequency. Therefore, referring to the related literature on users’ willingness to use continuously and users’ behavior to use continuously, this paper puts forward the dependent variable—user activity. There is little research on user activity, but it provides research ideas for this paper. According to the above literature analysis and based on the D&M IS success model and the technology acceptance model, the independent variables of user activity can be summarized into three aspects: taking the app as a subject, we select system quality , and serBased on the above analysis, the model of influencing factors on user activity of government/business-provided apps proposed in this paper is shown in Hypothesis 1: Service quality (SQ) has a significant positive impact on user activity.The system quality has a positive impact on user satisfaction . After uHypothesis 2: System quality (XQ) has a significant positive impact on user activity.The promotion effect of the platform (app) is the intermediate process connecting the government/business-provided apps with users. Hypothesis 3: The promotion effect (PE) of the platform has a significant positive impact on user activity.User preference is a vast concept that includes users’ trust, interest, and habits. User preference results from a total balance between cognition, psychological feeling, and rational economic trade-off. It is a sensible and tendentious choice made by users when choosing goods and services. Specifically, users often take actions under the control of the subconscious, and they will have special trust and interest in specific goods and services and repeatedly and habitually use certain kinds of goods and services. This kind of repetition and habit constitutes the user preference. Some scholars think the object factor is the primary factor in studying trust. Hypothesis 4: User preference (UP) has a significant positive impact on user activity.Because this research is basic research and the proposed model  is still1, X2, X3, and X4 are coefficients of multiple regression equation, X0 is the constant and ε is the error term.XIn this paper, we used the questionnaire survey to obtain data and used SPSS25.0 to sort out the data and test the survey’s reliability and validity. After that, we applied the multiple regression model to analyze the data. The questionnaire had two parts: the user’s basic information and variable measurement.The basic information part included gender, age, educational background, and users’ choice, which is the most commonly used transportation app. The scale design based on Likert Scale 5 combines the mature questionnaire and the actual needs of this study. In the variable measurement part, the items measuring the same variable are grouped into one group, consisting of 5 variables and 33 measure items. The questionnaire’s measurement indicators partly come from the maturity scale and partly are self-made indicators. The user activity is combined with the respondents’ willingness and behavior to use the app continuously. Service quality and system quality come from the D&M information system success model. The promotion effect is the extended variable based on the D&M information system success model. User preference is the extended variable too, which comes from the technology acceptance model. See This questionnaire launched on February 26th, 2020, and ended on April 22nd, 2020. To improve the representativeness of the sample, we scientifically designed the sampling frame, used the multistage stratified sampling method, and tried to expand the sample size as more as possible. The multistage stratified sampling can be more scientific, representative, and efficient in inferring the whole population according to the sample population’s thoughts, behaviors, and cognition. Beijing has 16 administrative districts. In the sampling process, in the first stage, we divided each district into three regions according to its geographical location: the central area, the suburbs, and the outer suburbs. In the second stage, according to the economic conditions of each district, we selected one district with the best economy and one district with the worst economy in three regions . In the third stage, we selected three communities in each district by simple random sampling . In the fourth stage, we divided the samples into male and female groups and extracted independent random samples. We distributed 58 questionnaires in each community, and the ratio of male samples to female samples was 1 to 1.We distributed a total of 1,044 questionnaires, each respondent filled out one questionnaire. We finally collected 935 questionnaires, with a recovery rate of 89.6%. After collecting the questionnaires, we filtered some questionnaires with lower quality through careful screening. The screening criteria are as follows:Respondents must use the “Beijing One Card” app or the “Bus Code” app. If not, the questionnaire will be invalid.The questionnaire sets two fake questions to test whether the respondents are thoughtfully answering the questions. If they choose the wrong answer, the data are invalid.The questionnaire sets the answer limit. Respondents can only answer once. They need to log in to their private accounts when filling out the questionnaire.Among the data we collected, 392 users selected the “Beijing One Card” app, 174 users liked the “Bus Code” app (the Beijing area), 301 users chose to use both two apps, and 68 invalid questionnaires. Because this paper is based on comparing two public transportation apps, the users who use both apps are not valid data. The basic data are 566 users who choose the “Beijing One Card” app or the “Bus Code” app (the Beijing area) alone. According to the meticulous degree of users’ answers, 344 questionnaires were selected for analysis after the strict screening. Among them, 243 users selected the “Beijing One Card” app, and 101 users chose the “Bus Code” app (the Beijing area). We used SPSS25.0 to analyze data based on the multiple regression model. Before multiple regression analysis, we used the Pearson correlation test to test each variable and used the VIF variance inflation factor to judge whether there was multicollinearity of variables. Then, we used multiple regression analysis to summarize the main influencing factors of user activity. Finally, we compared two apps by comparative analysis.We used SPSS 25.0 to test the reliability of questionnaire data. The Cronbach’s α values of service quality, system quality, promotion effect, user preference, and user activity are 0.775, 0.845, 0.834, 0.852, and 0.878, respectively. The overall Cronbach’s α coefficient of the questionnaire is 0.925, which is bigger than 0.7. It shows that the overall reliability of the questionnaire data is good and passes the test. Besides, the KMO value of the questionnaire is 0.907, which shows the questionnaire has good validity.Through the Pearson correlation test, Pearson correlation coefficients of service quality, system quality, promotion effect, and user preference with user activity are 0.389, 0.539, 0.490, and 0.561, which all pass the significance test with a significance level of 1%. Therefore, these four independent variables have a significant positive correlation with user activity. The multiple regression analysis results are shown in The user activity of the “Beijing One Card” app is affected by system quality, promotion effect, and user preference. Service quality does not affect it. According to the impact coefficient rank, system quality is most significant; user preference and promotion effect are behind. System quality has a positive impact on user activity. The quality of the app system is directly related to user experience. The higher the system quality, the better the user experience. Only by making users feel satisfied will the user’s activity of this app be improved. Similarly, the lower the system quality and the worse the user experience, which virtually reduces the user’s satisfaction, the user becomes inactive. User preference also has a positive impact on the user’s activity. User preference is a psychological mechanism for users to integrate trust, interests, and habits. It plays an essential role in deciding which app to use, and it can also determine the user’s activity on the app. Although the promotion effect of the platform has a minor influence on user activity, it is still necessary. If the government does not promote this app, it is hard for users to know its existence.In this study, the service quality does not affect the user activity of “Beijing One Card,” which conflicts with the views of most literature. Existing researchers  believe Through the Pearson correlation test, Pearson correlation coefficients of service quality, system quality, promotion effect, and user preference with user activity are 0.223, 0.591, 0.216, and 0.257, which all pass the significance test with a significance level of 1%. Therefore, these four independent variables have a significant positive correlation with user activity. The regression analysis results are shown in In the business-provided app “Bus Code” (the Beijing area) user activity is affected by system quality and promotion effect. In contrast, service quality and user preference have no impact on it. This conflicts with previous research results. Most existing literature points out that service quality has a positive and significant effect on user satisfaction. User satisfaction has a positive and significant impact on users’ willingness to use continuously. So, service quality positively and significantly affects users’ willingness to use continuously . WhetherThrough the comparison of multiple regression equations, the user activity of the government-provided app “Beijing One Card” is affected by system quality (0.571), promotion effect (0.144), and user preference (0.325). According to the influence coefficient, the system quality accounts for a large proportion. It shows that users who choose “Beijing One Card” have a significant factor: They favor the system quality of the app, choose to use it, and stay active because of its high system quality. The user activity of the business-provided app “Bus Code” (the Beijing area) is affected by system quality (0.704) and promotion effect (0.180). From the impact coefficient, we can see that the system quality coefficient of the app is also huge, which indicates that the users who choose the “Bus Code” (the Beijing area) and use it continuously remain active because of its high system quality too. This result is in line with the The promotion effect coefficients of the government-provided app “Beijing One Card” (0.144) and the business-provided app “Bus Code” (the Beijing area) (0.180) are relatively small, and there is no significant difference between the two apps. Few users choose to use each app because of the platform’s promotion effect, and the app’s promotion effect has little influence on the user’s activity. This result is different from the existing literature’s suggestions on the apps. User preference is the most significant difference in influencing factors of user activity between the two apps. User preference affects the user activity of “Beijing One Card” but does not affect the user activity of “Bus Code” (Beijing area). It shows that their user preferences partly drive the users who choose to use the government-provided app “Beijing One Card.” In contrast, the users who prefer the business-provided app “Bus Code” (the Beijing area) pay more attention to the system quality and are mainly affected by the system quality, not user preferences. This finding of the “Beijing One Card” solves the user activity problem, solving the mystery of low user activity. It directly indicates that users prefer the government-provided app “Beijing One Card.” This result can also be proved by comparing the total downloads of the two apps. Users like to download the government-provided app “Beijing One Card.” See User preferences determine apps’ user activity. User preference focuses on users’ psychological tendencies, which shows users’ psychological identification with certain apps. The reason why users in Beijing prefer the government-provided app “Beijing One Card” is that they have a solid psychological identity with the government-provided apps. The technology acceptance process of government apps and business apps is different. Due to the authority and reliability of government-provided apps, such apps are easy for citizens to accept and continue to use. Given the public service attribute of the “Beijing One Card” app, the government itself has the unique, innate advantages of reliability, authority, and security; its construction concept of “people-centered” makes it easier to form users’ psychological identity. Because government apps have better citizen trust, they tend to have better citizen participation.Government apps are different from other government platforms . The uniqueness of government apps is simple and efficient. Compared with government websites, government apps are mobile and can be used by users more conveniently. While government websites can also provide government services for citizens, the complexity of the process tends to discourage people. Government microblogging is a channel for the government to release official information. Compared with government microblogs, government apps can provide more comprehensive services. They can provide not only government information but also routine affairs. Government apps follow their own rules in technology adoption and innovation processes. These apps should not only exist for legal procedures, but also for the convenience of citizens.products) on the network platform (place) that everyone can download. Based on the 4Ps theory, they are combined with a flexible price adjustment, comprehensive preferential policies, and another strategy, which successfully guides users’ preferences. The functions of “Beijing One Card” and “Bus Code” are similar, providing public transportation services for citizens. However, the “Bus Code” user incentive measures are slightly inferior to “Beijing One Card.” “Beijing One Card” includes ordinary bus cards, student bus cards, short-term bus cards, Beijing-Tianjin-Wing exchange cards, and other card types, even offering discounts to students. The “Bus Code” is “treated equally.” The price is the same and does not have such a preferential policy.In developing and promoting government-provided apps, the government provides high-quality transportation apps  of the business-provided app in the field of transportation, the government-provided app “Beijing One Card” is more preferred by users, which makes it have higher download volume and higher user activity. This research is just a basic research, and there are still many shortcomings. The basic proposed model still needs to be improved.Firstly, the shortcomings of data collection methods. Variable collection depends on self-assessment questionnaire, the subjective report data may exist homologous deviation, and they also cannot eliminate social acceptability. This study mainly through the investigation of the design program  to solve the above problems, which cannot be completely avoided. In addition, although this paper solves the problem of self-selection bias by reducing the difference between groups, it cannot be completely avoided. Sample representativeness cannot be fully fitted, only through multistage stratified sampling method to maximize its degree of the fitting.Secondly, the shortcoming of the basic model. This basic model does not have the control variables, such as age and income. Users of different ages may have different user activities. Theoretically, middle-aged people are more active in government-provided apps because they often need to pay and do things through government-provided apps in daily life. Teenagers are relatively less active in government-provided apps, and they seldom use them except for education services and transportation services. The elderly should be the least active in government-provided apps because they are not used to new technology and always feel that they have difficulty using it. They do not easily adapt to the convenience provided by e-government services. And their children usually handle various procedures for them, so they rarely contact e-government apps. Moreover, the educational level can be increased in the model as the control variable. Users with different educational backgrounds may have different user experience. Theoretically, users with higher educational levels are more likely to respond to e-government service policy, making the higher the user activity in government-provided apps. Besides, some remote areas have not yet connected to the Internet. Few people pay attention to e-government services.Finally, user preference influences people’s s behavior by changing the decision-making process. However, user preference is not stable, and there may be heterogeneity among different populations. Compared with the initial research group, a certain user preference may not be so common in a specific target group. In addition, the intensity of user preference may not be as obvious as expected. Furthermore, a certain user preference may interact with other rules, resulting in spillover effects, thereby offsetting the expected effect (higher user activity).This study found the key factor affecting app user activity: user preference. This result inspires both government app providers and business app providers. Providers should pay attention to user preferences if they want to improve the user activity of an app. In addition, this result has implications for the government that are different from enterprises. People’s preferences for government apps come mainly from their trust in the government. The government should use its authoritative and reliable characteristics to improve better services for citizens, establish a good government image, and improve the credibility of the government to improve citizen participation. In future research, the following aspects can be carried out:Scholars can explore the deep integration of government apps and user preferences, focusing on the analysis of user activity of government apps, which is different from citizen adoption and citizen satisfaction. The complementary relationship between the two perspectives determines the inevitable trend of their mutual integration. Therefore, in the future, it is necessary to further explore the interactive relationship between user preference and individual behavior characteristics and the overall mechanism of its influence on the activeness of government app users to form a multidimensional understanding of the influencing factors and mechanism of government app user activity. Based on clarifying the relevant concepts and identifying the influencing factors and mechanism of user activity of different types of government apps, from the perspective of the complementarity of user preference and user activity theory, from the single influence to the common influence, the logical framework of the driving mechanism that limits the user activity of citizen-government apps from the dual perspective of “user activity – user preference” is constructed. At the same time, special attention is paid to the analysis of the interaction between different intervention strategies and the spillover and superposition effects between different policy instruments.Furthermore, scholars can promote the wider and deeper application of user preferences in government app research. Existing research, mostly through technology acceptance model TAM, technology acceptance extension model TAM2, technology acceptance and use of integration theory UTAUT, innovation diffusion theory DOI to study e-government citizen satisfaction, citizen adoption and other research topics. However, these studies mostly occur in the policy context where citizens have a greater right to independent choice. For policy practices aimed at restricting citizens’ specific freedom of behavior, there are few related researches, which makes it impossible for scholars to fully tap the great potential of behavioral science knowledge to improve the effectiveness of public policies. Therefore, future research should strive to apply behavioral science to a wider range of e-government policy areas, especially focusing on individual behaviors with negative externalities, and promoting relevant academic accumulation. At the same time, scholars should fully tap the potential of behavioral economics and behavioral science in expanding the government policy toolbox. Scholars should transcend the policy design thinking that only uses individual cognitive errors and strive to explore the deep-seated reasons behind the active users of government apps.The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author/s.YG provide substantial contributions to the conception or design of the work and the acquisition, analysis, interpretation of data for the work, drafting the work or revising it critically for important intellectual content, gave the final approval of the version to be published, and agreement to be accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related.The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.


The challenge themes were related to limited risk awareness and apathy, the large scope of the impact, the difficulty with coordination and communication, the challenges in risk communication, the limited local-level capacity, and the perceived stigma and fear limiting the utilization of governmental assistance. The mitigation recommendations included the need to consider zoning and infrastructure updates, the implementation of efficient systems that leverage technology for coordination and communication, and guidance on how to address certain human factors. This study reinforces previous findings related to flood disasters and adds to our understanding of disaster response and food insecurity. The practical takeaways from this study can inform future flood-related disaster mitigation approaches in Nebraska and other rural areas.This qualitative study aimed to understand the actions, challenges, and lessons learned for addressing the food and water needs of flood survivors, with a special focus on vulnerable populations and the implications for food security, to inform future disaster response efforts in the U.S. Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted from January to August 2020 with the local, state, and national stakeholders ( Floods are a leading cause of property damage and death due to disasters, and they disproportionally affect populations with low socioeconomic status ,2,3. In Preparedness involves activities related to pre-planning and resource allocation. Response involves activities that occur during a disaster, such as addressing immediate needs, saving lives, and minimizing damage. Recovery involves long-term activities aimed at returning affected areas to pre-disaster conditions. Mitigation involves activities following a disaster that focus on reducing future risk. The timing of these phases can vary across disasters, can overlap within disasters, and can sequence differently across communities and population groups affected by the same disaster  and what we needed to do and where.”.Damage to infrastructure causing isolation. The damage the flood left in its wake also affected the immediate food and water response. The damage to infrastructure, such as roads and bridges, made it difficult for disaster relief organizations and donations to reach impacted areas. In the case of Fremont, the flood waters surrounded the city and damaged exit routes, which left the city isolated for a short period. Many communities had to “fend for themselves” during the initial several days of the floods as disaster relief organizations faced difficulty reaching communities and/or faced delays in scaling relief efforts to the scope of the need. This was especially true for many smaller and more rural communities that felt forgotten in the response efforts. As one interviewee described, “There was a lot of attention to Omaha and Lincoln and communities up and down the Missouri river. But once you got up this way, it’s like a lot of things politically as well, you know, just kind of forgotten.”.Difficulty managing donations. Leaders had to convene and prioritize actions quickly . One barrier mentioned by interviewees included a lack of existing relationships and proper communication with agencies facilitating donations. One interviewee mentioned the difficulty in juggling different kinds of donations, such as how to safely store both food and cleaning supplies . Additionally, while donations were appreciated, the interviewees spoke of the difficulty in fielding the large volume of donations, the excesses of certain items , and/or inappropriate donations such as expired foods, less healthful foods , and used furniture.Language barriers and immigration concerns. Language barriers also presented a challenge. Many towns had large populations of non-English speaking residents. The interviewees reported that these populations were not as informed about the actions they should take and the resources available due to a lack of language-specific outreach. Moreover, in some areas it was reported that addressing language barriers had not been adequately anticipated by some national disaster response groups. Local organizations that worked with non-English speaking groups were called on to fill the gap of available interpreters. Further, the interviewees expressed that some community members were afraid to seek assistance due to fears about “public charge” and deportation risk.Difficulty establishing long-term recovery groups and maintaining recovery momentum. One key challenge reported by the interviewees during recovery was the difficulty in establishing county-level long-term recovery groups. The interviewees reported struggling to establish these non-profits due to limited experience and/or capacity. One long-term recovery specialist described forming the 501c3, “Talk about a pain… we had to get articles of incorporation… an IRS number… It’s been hard.” Multiple 501c3s may have reportedly diluted overall recovery assistance and created an unintended competition for resources among affected counties across the state. Smaller communities with less infrastructure or support systems fell short during recovery. Sustaining incoming donations and recovery efforts was difficult as public interest began to wane, media coverage subsided, and volunteers experienced burn out. One interviewee explained, “This was really eye opening to me about flood relief is three to four weeks in, it isn’t really a thing to a lot of people anymore. These people are in need right now and, ‘Oh well now the water is subsiding, so the need has gone away.’ And that is actually the very opposite.” Lastly, the long-term recovery efforts were interrupted by a new public health emergency, in early 2020, approximately one year post-flood, with the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic. One long-term recovery group stakeholder explained the impact on long-term recovery, “And then in this case, it’s impacted [because of] COVID-19 for the simple fact that that is the big issue right now. Flooding is not important anymore. It’s COVID-19.”.Stigma, fear, and limited awareness impacting assistance utilization. Underutilization of assistance due to perceived stigma, fear, and lack of public awareness was also a challenge. Interviewees reported that there was stigma, among community members, associated with asking for food assistance . This could be especially prevalent in rural communities and small “close knit” towns where it can be more difficult to keep this information confidential. The interviewees also explained that not asking for food assistance often meant that families went without or relied on less expensive and often less healthful choices. One recovery specialist described, “Especially in the rural areas and probably the whole state, people are super proud. And to ask for help or to get help, that’s very hard for people. Most of these are first timers, so they’ve never asked for public assistance or a donation ever in their life.” Distrust, fear, and frustration with governmental assistance was also common among the recent immigrants from the Latino communities, which can be large and undercounted in many rural areas. Noted concerns included fear of potential deportation, worry that using governmental assistance would impact their path to citizenship, and frustration due to language barriers. The interviewees also stated that governmental  food assistance and non-governmental  food assistance were underutilized because the available aid was not communicated broadly . For example, in one county, “The issue [was] not lack of food or lack of water. It was making sure that the families who needed it most were aware of it.” Other households did not understand the application process to receive Disaster Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits or assumed that they would be ineligible. “Middle class families are being impacted with loss of jobs and they’re needing help with food security and energy assistance. And they don’t know how to use the system. They don’t know about . They don’t know about [Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP)].”.Administrative barriers to accessing federal recovery funds. The interviewees described having difficulty securing federal funds for recovery efforts at the household and community level. A common perception of the interviewees was that federal disaster relief organizations provided inadequate or uncoordinated support, specifically among economically vulnerable residents. Many households did not qualify for financial assistance because, they were told, the damage was not severe enough. Moreover, many families who rented property did not have flood insurance (which was reportedly very expensive) and/or were ineligible for other reasons . In several instances, individuals ineligible for financial assistance from FEMA incorrectly assumed that they were also ineligible for assistance from other organizations. One long-term recovery specialist explained, “[We had many] families who were told they couldn’t receive any FEMA [assistance] and were unaware of all the other services that were available. I think better education [is needed] through the Multi Agency Resource Center system to say, ‘Hey, just because one organization says they don’t help, there’s other support systems that we can help you with.’” Perceived long timeframes for processing requests delayed the securing of federal recovery funds. One interviewee described this as, “It’s so frustrating. …they say they’re not going to get the money until next summer, it may be December 2021, these people can’t wait that long.’ …there’s a huge disconnect, there’s all this money, but it’s not fast enough and it’s not flexible enough.”.The interviewees expressed the need to “think big” during planning and preparation activities. The available historical data and experience were not sufficient to inform preparation for a disaster of this scale. An interviewee advised the disaster response field to “…think big all the time,” and then went on to say, “… [we didn’t think big] because we relied just on our data and previous experiences.” The interviewees stressed the importance of planning for the storing and distributing of food, water, and sheltering equipment on a large scale. In addition to planning, the interviewees advised on the importance of investing in modernizing the infrastructure and equipment related to transportation, drainage, city water, communications, and rescue to be able to handle large-scale disasters. An interviewee recommended reminding stakeholders that when disasters happen, everyone ends up paying for repairs, and so, it is best to invest in infrastructure that will last, “Whether you had stuff in the floodplain or not, you’re still paying for it [in taxes]. Look at the amount of damage for roads and bridges that were not in compliance and got wiped out, we’ve got to build them right, so we don’t have to build them back again.” Moreover, coupled with infrastructure improvements, the interviewees advised that local zoning could be an important tool to ensure that development is conducted in lower-risk areas.Many communities found themselves initially isolated from outside assistance. This varied by community and reportedly lasted anywhere from several days to a week or even the whole duration of the response and recovery efforts. Moreover, the interviewees perceived disparities across communities in disaster response and resource allocation. Therefore, the interviewees recommended building local-level capacity to prepare, respond, and recover from disasters, especially for large-scale events when the response will likely be stretched thin. One interviewee urged communities to establish task forces to collaborate on plans, “[Communities need] to develop a disaster task force that knows the process. Where are we putting food and water? Where is the first shelter until Red Cross can get here? Who’s in charge of it? … [This way] we already know what we need to do.” In line with the “task force” suggestion (but perhaps more permanent), several interviewees suggested that all communities establish COADs  made up of emergency manager(s), local organizations, agencies, businesses, and community leaders. The COAD would develop local-level disaster planning and could transition into a long-term recovery group following a major disaster. One interviewee urged communities to “…stand up COADS, well before the disaster …It is extremely difficult for these communities to figure this out after the disaster has happened.”.One of the more prevalent recommendations was to cultivate and nurture inter-organizational  relationships among those responding to disasters, and to do this well before disasters took place. One interviewee described this as, “Definitely one of the most critical things is to have those relationships in advance… If we’re in the situation, can we get food from you? Can we get water from you? And if the tables are turned, we’ll do the same for you.” Several organizations reported having internal disaster response plans with who to call and what to offer (or ask for); however, other organizations were sometimes unaware of these plans. An interviewee from a state-level anti-hunger organization described an exchange with a representative from a large national organization who was unaware of the anti-hunger organization’s capabilities, “You need that connection piece [between organizations] … we were a couple months in and out in Fremont, working with [large national organization] and they were like, ‘We didn’t even know we could ask you to do this.’ That kind of thing. Well, we also have ice to offer, refrigerated tractor trailers [to store] donations, we have [commercial driver’s license] drivers that we could lend, we have volunteer management coordinators on staff… So, they didn’t even know.” Moreover, forming relationships with organizations that have a local “boots on the ground” presence  can reportedly assist with gaining local knowledge to “ground truth” data during disaster response. The interviewees recommended transparent and inclusive planning around organizational collaboration in disaster response. A framework to guide these relationship-building and communication efforts described by the interviewees was FEMA’s seven lifelines. At the time interviews were conducted, the interviewees reported that Nebraska was working to implement the seven lifelines approach.The interviewees conveyed that efficient communication was key to effective collaboration. The interviewees recommended implementing and using technology that enables mass communication among those responding to disasters. Moreover, they indicated that a means to easily inform large numbers of the public to provide information and updates specific to their locale was needed—similar to an “Amber Alert” system. An interviewee reported that Nebraska was working on such a system at the time of the interviews, “They’re working on [a system that] first responders would have and Emergency Managers, it’s called First Alert. They would get priority and anybody else…” Many interviewees that were tasked with public outreach on various aspects of the disaster reported using telephone calls, social media sites, traditional media , and door-to-door approaches to get the word out about risks and resources. While the interviewees acknowledged these traditional modes would still be needed, they suggested approaches that leveraged technology and smart phones in public outreach activities.An issue reported by several interviewees, especially those working at the local level, was the seemingly uncoordinated way in which non-local donations would arrive in their communities. Donations could arrive with little forewarning and many times did not match local needs. This led to waste and surpluses of unneeded items. An interviewee said, “In hindsight it would be awesome to have some sort of coordinated effort or somebody who says ‘Okay, here’s what Kearney needs or here is what Buffalo County needs. It’s estimated they need 10,000 bottles of water, diapers, ready-to-eat meals, etcetera.’” To facilitate coordination, the interviewees recommended implementing a centralized web-based system  to handle intake, processing, ordering, fulfilling, and tracking of non-local donations. Such a system could serve as a repository for donations so that communities could request needed resources and locate available volunteers. The interviewees also noted that having a centralized donation system could streamline donor education efforts where specific needs could be indicated to those that wished to donate. At the time of the interviews, Nebraska had implemented a web-based platform called Knowledge Center as a step toward centralizing the assessment of the needs and connecting groups that could meet those needs.The interviewees that worked with affected community members reported that many were unaware of disaster preparedness, what they should do when flood warnings occurred, and how they could get help. An interviewee described this as, “…much of the effort that happened was reactive… [it would have been helpful] if that were something we regularly communicated about before. These are the options, this is how you qualify, and what the process is, specifically for food access… because there was a significant amount of people that had never experienced food insecurity and had no idea where to go.” The interviewees recommended implementing routine public education and awareness campaigns to inform households about the basic disaster preparation and response actions they should take. Furthermore, at timely intervals, such as when conditions indicate flooding may be likely, more intensive and targeted outreach efforts may be beneficial. For example, community forums were held in Nebraska in early 2020 when it appeared that conditions might be in place for a similar flooding disaster. Finally, the interviewees cautioned that any community outreach efforts should include a broad and inclusive approach that ensured that all members of the community received the needed information regardless of language, literacy, living situation, immigration status, disability, or other barriers to communication. The interviewees recommended using a diverse public education task force that represented the various sub-groups within communities to plan outreach efforts.The interviewees suggested setting up sites near affected areas to reduce transportation barriers. They advised non-local organizations and agencies to work with local partners to determine the best locations. Leveraging local knowledge could also help prevent outside groups from duplicating existing local efforts. Once sites are chosen, the interviewees cautioned that site organizers need to be mindful of issues such as stigma  and lack of familiarity with assistance programs among some affected community members and issues such as fear and language barriers. The interviewees suggested that site organizers could reduce stigma by offering a range of services  and should ensure privacy for those seeking help. To address the lack of familiarity, the interviewees recommended providing trained guides at resource sites, especially multi-agency resource centers, to orient and assist affected households. Lastly, the site organizers could make recent immigrant populations feel safe and welcomed by working with local organizations that serve those populations to conduct outreach; ensuring interpreters are available and forms are in multiple languages; and being mindful that governmental uniforms and/or insignias may discourage participation. An interviewee from a local organization working with immigrant groups described their experience as, “[When conducting outreach] We had to do a lot of door-to-door almost coaxing, ‘Hey, you can’t be here. This is not safe. Here’s a shelter you can go to, and we’re going to be there, and we are going to be helping.’ People were just scared in general that Immigration [and Customs Enforcement] would come in… I would think that [external organizations coming into a] community should have a local partner that can help with cultural things and language barriers.”.The interviewees discussed the varying nature of the food needs depending on timing and living situations. Food needs were reportedly highest during the first few days, coinciding with sheltering needs. In this situation, ready-to-eat foods and shelf-stable snacks were most needed. The need extended to volunteers who helped with cleaning and rebuilding. As community members began to be re-housed, the food needs varied based on housing situations . Food donations needed to be tailored to the household’s available food preparation and storage equipment as well as their preferences. For example, an interviewee conveyed that some households lived out of campers for over a year after the initial floods. These households relied on propane as the sole cooking source, which can be cost-prohibitive. This interviewee explained, “A lot of the donations are rice. And people tell me they don’t want the rice because it takes so long to cook, and it’ll cost them $20 for free rice.” The interviewees suggested that once community members were out of the shelter, an ideal approach to tailor donations to meet specific needs was through cash vouchers/gift cards to a nearby grocery store. Finally, the interviewees warned that food pantries in affected areas should prepare for increased traffic starting a few months after the disaster to a year or more as the financial ramifications of the floods took their toll on affected households.The water needs varied by community. Many communities did not see much need for bottled water after people vacated shelters and/or after clean-up volunteers had finished immediate response efforts. Excessive bottled water donations were reported by several interviewees, and some were still trying to get rid of the excess water over a year later. In other communities, city water systems were damaged, and community members in these areas relied on bottled water for hydration and hygiene needs. Another approach was to use food-grade water tanker trucks to refill city water supplies. There were mixed results reported due to contamination levels or sand accumulation in water pipes. The interviewees suggested that water donations should be coordinated and targeted to areas in need.The focus of this case study was to qualitatively explore the 2019 Nebraska floods’ disaster response to understand the actions, challenges, and lessons learned for addressing the food and water needs of the flood survivors, with a special focus on vulnerable populations and the implications for food security, to inform future disaster response efforts in the U.S. Key challenges were related to the limited risk awareness and apathy inhibiting preparation activities, the large scope of the impact and infrastructure damage, the difficulty with coordination and communication among the responding agencies and organizations, the challenges in risk communication, the limited local-level experience and capacity, and the perceived stigma and fear limiting the utilization of assistance. The mitigation recommendations largely stemmed from these challenges and included the need to consider zoning and infrastructure updates, to implement efficient systems that leverage technology where possible for coordination and communication, and to provide guidance on how to address certain human factors during disaster response.Early planning and preparedness exercises can be crucial to response and recovery effectiveness ,23,24,25The interviewees in the current study emphasized the need to prepare for large-scale catastrophes. Cases studies of the 2010–2011 flooding in the state of Queensland, Australia, described another widespread flooding disaster across a rural area that damaged infrastructure, isolated communities, and impacted food ,29. SimiWhile the food systems in Nebraska proved to be somewhat more resilient than those described in the Queensland case studies, the interviewees in the current study emphasized similar limited coordination between local-level  entities and non-local entities. This was most evident in issues coordinating non-local food and other donations and the duplication of local efforts by non-local groups. While local entities, especially in smaller municipalities, may have limited staffing, rely on voluntary officials, and have fewer financial resources , they alThe time period that follows a disaster offers an opportunity to reinvigorate disaster preparedness and mitigation efforts ,33. SomeIt has been reported that smaller and rural communities, such as the majority represented in this study, tend to prefer structural mitigation and non-structural emergency response approaches ,41. In tFinancial resource constraints can limit mitigation efforts, particularly in rural communities. Rural areas in the U.S. tend to have less affluent populations on average, a smaller tax base, and weaker relationships with state and federal governmental entities ,47 and tWhile preparedness and recovery-focused public awareness and education campaigns were discussed by the interviewees as non-structural mitigation approaches, there were several relevant challenges that surfaced about these efforts. The challenges included language barriers, immigration status complications, and the stigma around using government assistance programs among the target audiences. Many households do not take sufficient disaster preparedness actions, or they lack knowledge about which actions to take, due to a number of reasons ,50,51,52This case study explored the activities, challenges, and recommendations of those who responded to the 2019 Nebraska floods. This study reinforces previous findings, and it adds to our understanding of providing food and water and addressing food security issues in disaster response in the U.S. The practical takeaways from this study can inform future flood-related disaster mitigation approaches in Nebraska and other regions. Furthermore, many of the recommendations on disaster response activities gleaned from the interviewee experiences may be relevant to other types of disasters and public health emergencies.


Minga workshops. The analysis shows that Colombian returnees face intense difficulties in reintegrating despite their strong motivation and entrepreneurial spirit. The geopolitical context of armed struggle, an absent Colombian state, and territorial conflicts between Colombia and Venezuela create an unfavourable environment for returnee entrepreneurs. Consequently, they develop transmobility strategies — including the movement of people, goods, and capital across national borders — at the risk of their own lives. The simplistic discourse of returnees as agents of development needs to be revised.Returnee entrepreneurs are often represented in migration and development discourses as agents of development. This assumes that they acquire valuable socio-economic resources abroad which help them to create successful businesses upon return. However, we have scant knowledge of the impact of the geopolitical context on returnee entrepreneurs or their coping strategies. Latin American returnees in particular have received little attention and few studies focus on migrants with ‘South-to-South’ return trajectories. Emphasising the role of territorial conflicts and the agency of individuals, I use a feminist geopolitical perspective to address these gaps. I contribute to migration, mobility, and development studies by studying whether Colombian migrants returning from Venezuela can reintegrate as successful entrepreneurs. Further, I offer the concept of transmobilities to study the cross-border nature of strategies of reintegration. The 30 returnees studied have a trajectory of repeated forced mobilities, ranging from internal displacement in Colombia, subsequent emigration to Venezuela, and final deportation to Colombia by Venezuela’s government. I combine the qualitative methods of multi-sited ethnography, biographical interviews, mental maps, and participatory  The idea that return migrants can contribute to the development of their communities of origin has been given a powerful impulse from academics and policy-makers King, . ReturneNot only are studies on returnee entrepreneurship scarce but reintegration through entrepreneurial ventures is not a main topic of study. Most studies examine the probability that a returnee will become an entrepreneur  and San Antonio del Táchira (Venezuela). Using multi-sited ethnography, biographic interviews, mental maps, and participatory s Riaño, , I examifeminist geopolitics and transmobilities, which are respectively used to examine the role of geopolitical context and the strategies of reintegration of returnees, as underpinned by evolving South–South geopolitics. The second section introduces the methodology and sites of empirical study in Colombia, while the third outlines the context of geopolitics, forced mobilities, and return. The fourth section presents the multiple types of return movements practised by the returnees and the fifth focuses on the role of entrepreneurship in their reintegration. The sixth examines the role of transmobility strategies for returnee businesses. The seventh section places the empirical findings in a wider theoretical context and poses questions for future research.The article comprises seven sections. The first introduces the perspectives of I use a feminist geopolitical perspective , San Antonio del Táchira (Venezuela), and the illegal border-crossing point between these countries, known locally as cha Fig. . The relcha Fig. , which dInternational and local geopolitics have shaped the forced mobilities of the returnees in this study. Most participants grew up in rural regions of Norte Santander, an area in Colombia’s north-east, bordering Venezuela. Given the lack of presence of the Colombian state in Norte Santander, illegal armed groups, including guerrilla and paramilitary groups, have disputed control of the territory for decades (as in other areas of the country). Fighting between guerrilla and paramilitary groups has forced many rural inhabitants to leave their homes and seek new livelihoods elsewhere. Most notably, illegal armed groups have threatened and killed many community leaders and human-rights defenders and conducted horrendous massacres of civilians CNMH, . The mosIn the early 2000s, many Colombians, including all my research participants, emigrated to Venezuela, disillusioned by the lack of security in Norte Santander and by Colombia’s high cost of living. They were also attracted to the earning opportunities generated by soaring oil prices in Venezuela, as well as the social policies of Hugo Chávez’s government.laissez-faire approach to Colombians moving between Venezuela and Colombia for business, residence, tourism, and family visits. However, on 19 August 2015, the new president, Nicolás Maduro, ordered the closure of the Venezuelan border due to an alleged attack by Colombian paramilitary groups on members of Venezuela’s National Guard. This escalated into persecution against Colombians living in Venezuela. Accused of collaborating with paramilitary groups, some 2,000 Colombians were deported and more than 22,000 of their compatriots subsequently fled the country out of fear  and the Táchira River , and their daily mobilities revolve around this city. The second, periodic return, live in La Parada — a peripheral area of Cúcuta at the border with Venezuela — but they frequently return to the Venezuelan city of San Antonio del Táchira. The third, daily return, live in San Antonio del Táchira (Venezuela) but their daily transmobilities are towards Cúcuta (Colombia).My study identified three types of return movement or transmobility, which returnees practice for their livelihoods Table . The firThus, research participants live transnational lives between Cúcuta and San Antonio del Táchira, which are connected by the 300-m-long Simón Bolívar Bridge across the Táchira River , Medellín 12), and Cali (12 per cent) DANE, . In addi, and CalTo what extent can returnees successfully reintegrate as entrepreneurs? Earlier in the paper, I defined ‘successful reintegration’ as the on-going process by which a society provides the adequate framework conditions for a returnee to use their skills and resources to secure fundamental, existential, and security needs. The empirical results show that, despite remarkable resilience, commitment, creativeness, and personal resources in the form of skills and family support, most research participants struggle to reintegrate as entrepreneurs.fundamental needs, which I defined earlier as ‘secure food, shelter, water, energy, transport, medical care, and education in such a manner that is viable long-term’, the empirical data reveal four types of situations, as seen in Table In terms of satisfying existential needs, support from family is essential to creating a sense of belonging. Without it, many returnees struggle for social belonging. This results from three types of situations. For a start, some who live in Cúcuta struggle to develop their businesses because it is difficult to overcome the trauma of deportation, as one research participant, Raquel Urriola, explains:I believe that the first barrier that I have to overcome is to eliminate fear, by working on myself. I am trying to overcome fear, trying to gain security. I believe that what stops me, and even my husband, is the feeling of insecurity, which is like a feeling inside me that I can’t overcome.Regarding trocha increases every day, living in Colombia is a strong desire, as research participant Rocío Calderón explains:trocha with my girl when the shooting started and I got very scared for my girl and all that... Now the guerrillas are on the trocha and the other day the Colombian police got involved, so I’m afraid that a stray bullet will fall near us... Yesterday it was the Venezuelan police that got involved and there was shooting for a long time, so one does not have a life living [in Venezuela and crossing the trocha every day to come to Colombia]...But it is difficult [to settle in Colombia] because I am still trying to get a job but I cannot get a stable job because I have to look after my children ... and [in Colombia] it is difficult to live because [unlike in Venezuela] you have to pay rent, services. But I do want to come [to Colombia].I now tell my partner that we should come to live [in Colombia] because I no longer want to be [in Venezuela] ... recently I was crossing the Second, some who live in San Antonio del Táchira (Venezuela) but return daily to Colombia to satisfy their fundamental needs struggle to belong because they do not have homes in Colombia and fear being evicted from their Venezuelan homes, as has happened before. As their fear of crossing the dangerous I knew that in Colombia it would be difficult, because of the rent you have to pay. I used to have my own house; it is no longer the same to live now in a small room. But I know that all this is a struggle we have to go through, it is a mountain you need to tear down. You have to have faith.Third, many returnees experience so many challenges upon their return to Colombia that it is difficult for them to create a sense of social belonging. However, their spirit of resilience is remarkably strong and they continue to fight to achieve the desired reintegration, as participant Zoila Caicedo says:security needs, which was defined earlier as ‘feeling free from harm, persecution and threat’. It is clear that, in the case of returnees who cross the trocha every day, security needs are barely satisfied, as they are exposed to the risk of extortion and even death on a daily basis.trocha with my children. There was a shootout. We ran off quickly, the porters protected us... yes, they showed us where to go... into the bush... but that is our life ... we live by the hand of God... .One day I was crossing the Finally, I address the satisfaction of Here we do not leave the house anymore. There are a lot of thieves. They are stealing whatever they find. I emptied the kitchen yesterday. I left only the refrigerator and the stove, because they are taking things, pots, to sell them.Those who live in La Parada, on the Colombian side of the border, currently experience extreme insecurity due to COVID-19 restrictions affecting cross-border mobilities. This has caused rampant poverty among Colombian and Venezuelan residents, as a recent interview with a local community leader, Adriana Cardona, shows. A similar situation is probably affecting all returnees living in the neighbourhoods of Cúcuta.In sum, the empirical results show that the concept of successful reintegration does not apply to the majority of the interviewees since they are not able to achieve their fundamental, existential, and security needs sufficiently. In line with Riaño  and MensHere in Colombia, even though I’m Colombian, I don’t have any help. The government does not help at all ... neither as an internally displaced person, nor as a returnee, nor as a victim of sexual violence, nor as a single mother.To begin with, the geopolitical context in which the returnees live is highly unfavourable. The struggle for territory between illegal armed groups in Colombia, the inability of the Colombian state to control this conflict and the uncertainty created by the arbitrary closures of the international border by the Venezuelan government create a highly vulnerable environment for returnee entrepreneurs. Additionally, the trauma of deportation and the consequent loss of livelihood plus the costs of resettlement negatively impact the development of returnees’ businesses. Furthermore, the lack of effective economic support from the Colombian government is a major challenge, as one interviewee, Valeria Barrera, explains:Fondo Emprender SENA.However, the problem is not a lack of Colombian institutions or laws to protect the displaced, deportees, and returnees. The goal of the Unit for the Care and Reparation of the Victims of the Armed Conflict (UAV) is ‘to lead actions of the State and society to fully attend and repair the victims, to contribute to social inclusion and peace’. Unfortunately, the interviewees were unable to obtain support from this institution due to extreme bureaucracy. In addition, the 2012 Return Law (Law 1565) is intended to qualify returnee entrepreneurs for financial and logistical support from the Many returnees also decried a lack of information and difficulties accessing the Internet. Most do not have an Internet connection at home and therefore must pay for it per usage outside the home, which is impossible for many. The only seemingly effective Colombian institution is the SENA , which trained several of the interviewees in business management and basic manufacturing techniques. However, many interviewees lack secondary-level training, a SENA requirement for many of the apprenticeship programmes. The interviewees do not have the time or financial resources to complete a secondary-level education since they must work to subsist.Finally, multiple burdens are placed on female entrepreneurs, who must reconcile childcare and paid work alongside the traumas caused by internal displacement, deportation, daily uncertainty, rape and domestic abuse. Lastly, COVID-19 makes the survival of the research participants’ businesses particularly challenging both because they were not allowed to go out to sell during the pandemic lockdown and because their informal businesses often take place on the streets, which was prohibited in 2020 and part of 2021.trocha to sell goods such as food and handicrafts or to provide transport, cleaning, hairdressing, and manicure services. In this case, using transmobilities as a strategy for entrepreneurship is not an advantage for expansion but, rather, a strategy to survive.To what extent do returnees use the strategy of transmobilities in their entrepreneurship? Nearly half of the studied group cross national borders every day. This means, firstly, that they use their geographical proximity to the border, their spatial knowledge, circulatory expertise, and transnational trade contacts to mobilise themselves or others across the trocha everyday as they rely on the support of international organisations for their entrepreneurial activities. For example, some obtain economic capital and training from agencies such as the Scalabrini International Network  and the German Cooperation for International Development (GIZ). Returnees who benefit from this international support generally have better prospects for their economic and social entrepreneurship ventures but rely on foreign aid.Although transmobility offers potential advantages for the former entrepreneurs, others are less dependent on subjecting themselves — or others — to the dangers of crossing the In short, transnational mobilities and transnational networks, whether in the form of international agencies or informal contacts, are essential for the entrepreneurial success of all returnees. This raises the question of dependency on foreign aid and on informal networks that might become vulnerable over time. Any sustainable development policy seeks to avoid dependence on foreign support in the long term.I now present two brief biographies of Enrique Villarín and Sandy Barroso, which illustrate how Colombian returnees from Venezuela use the strategy of transmobility of goods, capital, and people to develop their businesses. They also illustrate that the kinds of opportunity and constraint that returnees face are underpinned by the geopolitical situation that characterises the border area between Colombia and Venezuela.Enrique Villarín is a 38-year-old Colombian. He grew up in an area controlled by the FARC guerrillas. In 1992, his family was forcibly displaced after armed right-wing paramilitaries accused them of cooperating with the FARC. They changed residence several times over the years, fleeing a massacre at one point. The family escaped to Cúcuta (Colombia). There, they learned to sew jeans and t-shirts and commuted daily to San Antonio del Táchira (Venezuela) to work.In 2007, they migrated to Venezuela, set up a business in San Antonio del Táchira to produce clothing to sell in Colombia and Venezuela and came by a property in Venezuela near the border. When Venezuelan President Maduro closed the border in 2015, Enrique and his family escaped to Cúcuta but returned to San Antonio six months later. In 2020, despite still having equipment, Enrique’s family was unable to restart their manufacturing business because they lacked the capital to buy raw materials. Enrique was denied credit in Colombia because he had no financial guarantor.maletero or freelance porter who risks his life illegally carrying goods across the trocha. Enrique says:My dream is to have a clothing factory to be able to support my family and also help those most in need and provide my knowledge to those who need it, so that they can get ahead and not depend on anyone.In the absence of support from the Colombian government and with the border closed, Enrique put his business on hold. He temporarily used his body, his transnational circulatory experience, and his entrepreneurial and family networks to become a Enrique’s economic activities are part of a complex transnational informal economy at the Colombia–Venezuela border.Enrique’s account illustrates his skills, resources, and challenges: circulatory and professional knowledge, manufacturing equipment, property in Venezuela, local and transnational business networks but no investment capital or government support. Transnational networks and transnational mobilities are key to his survival. Enrique’s case exemplifies a potential entrepreneur who cannot progress due to a lack of development capital. Thus, he sells his personal mobility, which allows him to transform spatial mobility into economic resources but at great risk to his life. His transmobilities are both enabled and hampered by the geopolitics of border and conflict management.Sandy Barroso is a 46-year-old from Colombia’s coffee growing region. She left home at 15, married, and had three sons. In 1993, she and her children emigrated to Venezuela to escape her violent husband and the threat of illegal armed groups. There, they first worked as travelling traders selling hand-made earrings at fairs in various cities, settling in Guanare (430 km from Cúcuta) near her mother and sister.Sandy obtained a food-stall licence to sell coffee and baked goods. She also sold Colombian products at weekend fairs. She returned monthly to Cúcuta to visit her new husband and buy new merchandise. Initially, she managed to save money and invest in her business. However, as the Venezuelan Bolivar plummeted in value and the cost of living rose, Sandy struggled to survive. In 2015, she witnessed the Venezuelan government deporting Colombians. In fear, she and her mother left everything behind — including a house — and returned to Colombia.trocha, where Venezuelan guards threatened to take them prisoner. They paid maleteros guides to transport their few goods to Colombia along the trocha. Arriving in Cúcuta, Sandy stayed at her husband’s home and set up a bazaar. The Jesuit Refugee Service, an international organisation assisting victims of forced displacement, helped her with food and business training. She now sells her products to her neighbours and to clients in Venezuela, which she delivers to San Antonio for transportation to Guanare.They travelled to San Antonio and reached the On other occasions, one of Sandy’s Guanare customers comes to Cúcuta to collect her handicrafts, which he later sells at his street stall in Venezuela. Her sales are intermittent but private and public celebrations offer good opportunities to sell party decorations. Her dream is ‘to have a large bazaar with a good array of products’. Unfortunately, Sandy lacks the capital to expand her business — her loan requests to Colombian institutions have been unsuccessful. Sandy’s case illustrates how informal street-trading networks develop internationally and the difficulties which traders face.Her story also illustrates the kind of resources that returnees possess: circulatory and professional knowledge, her husband’s house in Cucuta, and useful support from NGOs for learning handicrafts. She demonstrates the use of resources to survive without risking her life but on a very small scale and with uncertain prospects. Sandy’s case also illustrates how transnational mobilities and transnational networks are an asset for her business but not indispensable. However, if relations between Venezuela and Colombia were to improve, this could be a great business asset.transmobilities framed by the strategies that individuals activate within a transnational space.What do these two biographies tell us? They illustrate how many returnees from Venezuela, as well as inhabitants of Cúcuta and San Antonio, use their everyday agency to recreate international borders. Despite Maduro’s imposition of a hard border between Colombia and Venezuela, residents of the area use formal and informal transmobilities to maintain the permanent circulation of people, goods, and capital between Cúcuta and San Antonio, thus creating strong socio-economic and emotional connections between the two cities. These results illustrate my theoretical argument that ‘return’ needs to be understood as a continuum of Minga workshops  migrants mobilise goods, capital, and other people across national borders as a critical strategy to reintegrate. This conceptual approach contributes to advancing our understanding of return movements and reintegration through entrepreneurship.This paper addresses some open questions in the literature on migrant return — namely, the extent to which returnees can successfully reintegrate with their entrepreneurial ventures. To grasp this complex question, I use ethnographic field work, biographical interviews, mental maps, and participatory s Riaño,  with 30 moored return ; (b) periodic return ; and (c) daily returns (residing in Venezuela with daily transmobilities to Colombia).The return movements of the studied persons emerged as heterogeneous. Returnees practice three types of transmobility: (a) forced mobility exist, which I label ‘violent deportation’ and ‘fear of deportation’. In contrast, two forms of chosen mobility are identified: ‘voluntary but experiencing some constraints’ and ‘fully voluntary’. These differences arise because some returnees have agency over their spatial mobilities (or immobilities) while others have mobilities imposed upon them. Using Massey’s term  more of the following — internal displacement, deportation, daily uncertainty, and sexual and domestic abuse. Return migration is a gendered process (King & Lulle, The argument that the economic capital brought in by migrants from abroad can be an important entrepreneurial resource upon return needs to be reassessed, especially in the context of disruptive geopolitics and border regimes. Not all countries to which migrants return offer adequate conditions in which to use the economic capital gained during migration. Moreover, not all migrants return from rich and stable countries in the Global North; many return from unstable countries such as Venezuela. The returnees whom I studied may not be highly skilled but they have great potential to create small businesses that stimulate local development. It is thus important to move beyond the primarily optimistic nature of debates on return migration and development and, instead, make a differentiated analysis of who is able to mobilise international resources and who is not, where and why and to devise adequate policies for returnees to employ international resources. More research and targeted policies are necessary to make this happen.Transmobilities are key to the reintegration of returnee entrepreneurs. Moreover, informal transmobilities of people, goods, and capital across the Colombian–Venezuelan border are part of returnees’ struggles between territorial conflict and securing a livelihood. Dominant forms of territoriality are thus contested by the informal cross-border mobilities of Colombian returnees, which illustrates what Keith and Pile (and Pile  call ‘geinternational and local geopolitics shape the transmobilities of returnees as well as their reintegration processes. The results reveal that territorial conflicts are not just between nations. Returnees’ agency plays a key role in the recreation of international borders through the informal transmobility strategies they use to cope with immobilities imposed by state regulations and armed forces. By questioning security at the scale of the individual body, as opposed to that of the nation state, our understanding of security is fundamentally transformed (cf. Hyndman, Finally, using a feminist geopolitical perspective proved useful in understanding that